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Studies in Zoroastrian Exegesis: 
Zand 



Thesis submitted for the degree "Doctor of Philosophy' 



by Dan Shapira 



submitted to the Senate of the Hebrew University of 



Jerusalem in 1998 / U"JW*i 



('/.' 7 S i 777 



This work was carried out under the supevision 
of Prof. Shaul Snaked 






CONTENTS 



INTRODUCTION 
An Additional Note 



Hi 
lii-lv 



CHAPTER INasks Summarized: Dtfnfcard 6 



1-40 



CHAPTER II The Way of Zand 



41-83 



CHAPTER III Strange Zand Traditions 
I Sleep and Sweat 
I I Arts' and Mahmr 

I I I MSm and Zand 

IV Fire 



84-144 
B4-93 

94-104 
105-134 
135-144 



CHAPTER IV Mythologiiation of History and Political Use of Zand 



145-197 



SUMMARY 



198 



ABBREVIATIONS 



199-200 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 



201-241 



t-H 



i»sjmi 



_§__ iwtboductioh 

j This wort is a collection of studies dealing with some aspects of the Zand literature, the 

■' traditional Middle Persian, or Pahlavi, exegesis/translation of the sacred Avesta of the 

■i Zoroastrians. Here are edited considerable parts of the Zoroastrian Middle Persian Dfnkard 

(Dk) S-9 and other Middle Persian texts that are translations or paraphrases of Avestan 
I originals, mostly from the Pahlavi G5S3. Some of these texts were edited previously, as 

.j separate passages, by modern scholars, but the bulk of the material found in this work appears in 

l | transliteration for the first time, while some of it is translated here for the first time. 

| These texts are crucial for understanding Late Sasantan Zoroastrianism, as it was the Middle 

| Persian version of the Avestan Canon that this religion was based on. "All founded religions base 

themselves on large bodies of canonized texts" (Assmann 1992, 144) and Zoroastrianrsm is no 
4 exception. 

Some remarks should be made about the problematics involved in the present work. The 
scholar of Zand encounters tremendous problems. He is supposed to study the exegesis, but 
-j -exegesis of what? Even now, after more than a centuiy of successful research, the Avestan texts 

remain still rather obscure to Avestan scholars themselves; one of the schools tends to read 
Avestan texts through the extant Pahlavi Zand, giving thus more credit to the Tradition, while 
another school tends to stress the Indo-European, and, especially, the Indie context Different 
scholars disagree on numerous crucial points of the Avestan, especially, Gathic, texts, and one 
who studies the wort of the Pahlavi translators of Avestan needs first to establish his/Tier 
personal view of the Avestan texts in question' . Thus the work becomes a study in Avestan, not 
onfy in Pahravr. Taking a stand regarding the Avestan texts is thus projected directly on one's 
evaluation of Pahlavi Zancfe of these Avestan texts. After much hesitation, I decided to provide not 
my own English renderings of Gathic texts, with few exceptions, but rather to adopt a particular 
already existing translation. I chose as my basis the translation of Humbach & Ichaporia 1994, 

which is a slightly revised version of Humbach 1991 , there are several reasons for this 
decision: my work is focused on Pahlavi translations from Avestan, not on Avestan studies; this 
translation, by and large, is just adequate; it is close to the autochthonous tradition, i.e., the 
Pahlavi tradition, and the translators themselves relied to some degree on the Pahlavi version. 
There is a catch, of course, as there Is a danger of a circular argument, but, after all, some 



1 I feel urged to provide here some possible Jewish parallels: it is like one feels while studying the 
commentary fay RaShl to Job, using for the "Hebrew" af Job, e.g., Tdr-Sinai 1 967, or a worir of the 
school of Dahoud; or like trying to reconstruct the, say, lost original of Job, while having at his disposal 
only the Aramaic Tarjum of the type of [Pseudo-jjonathan to the Pentateuch (not of the type of the 
actual Targum to Job that we possess). 

2 Which is very different from Humbach 1959. 



translation must be taken as the basis. 

Another problem is the character of the script in which the Pahlavi Zands appear. It is one of 
the most inadequate scripts ever existing, and the Pahlavi text, especially, when one deals with 
translations from Avestan, could be, theoretically, read in a variety of ways. The syntax of the 
Pahlavi translations from Avestan is another matter of horror: the translation follows Avestan 
word order, word by word, similarly to the way which was called in Biblical studies fioutatav tfl 
ifJpaiiKti Ae^el But while Avestan was an inflected language, Pahlavi lost cases at an early stage of 
its development and its word order should be very rigid. In addition, the Pahlavi versions of the 
GS6as (and of other Avestan texts) contain numerous glosses planted in different epochs by 
different Zandists. Though much work was done by modem Zoroastrian editors of the Zands in 
order to single out the glosses, still, the glosses, sometimes, became so integral in the Pahlavi 
text that they pose additional problems of their own^. 

Besides the Zands to the Ga6Ss proper, there are three different versions of the same texts 
surviving in excerpts in Dk 9. These quotations frequently provide readings which should be 
taken into consideration while editing the Zand of the G36a proper, not only while dealing with 
the exegesis (on this problem, cf. Chapter II). 

So, one has to deal with several levels at the same time: what the Gathic text was supposed to 
mean by its author (Zoroaster?), how it was understood in later times by Zoroastrians (and by 
modern scholars), what was grasped by the four just mentioned (different) Pahlavi versions. 



It was that ancient oral exegesis in Avestan, gradually replaced by other Iranian languages, that 
the Middle Persian version of the 6a~6a~s represents. Thus, although its language was exposed to 
continuous updating 4 , thus being sometimes rather late while compared to other Zoroastrian 
Middle Persian texts, the Pahlavi Ga"6J must keep some traces of exegesis going back wan epoch 
when some sort of Avestan was still spoken 5 . A sacred text is not complete without an additional 
interpretation", this is especially true for the historical Zoroastnanism, firstly, because the 
Revelation given to Zoroaster was in a highly archaic language^, implanted into a milieu that, 
though Iranian, still differs linguistically; secondly, because the Religion of the Lord Wisdom, 
Ahura ria^da-, emphasized conscious comprehension of religious duty. 



3 i will deal with the problem of such integrated glosses elsewhere. 

4 The Middle Persian versions of the Avesta were changed in time, cf . SkjaervB 1998, similarly to the 
way tha Jewish Aramaic Tarpums were constantly updated. 

5 The fact that the Avesta was transmitted mostly orally facilitated the preservation of understanding 
of these texts as it was current about Zoroaster's own times. 

6 Wansbrougti 1977, 100, 148-170. 

7 Zoroaster's 63635 belong to the most obscure religious texts. v 



There are two main purposes for which religious texts could be used, for study and for sacral 
usage, the idea behind it being that the mere pronuncement of a sacred text makes the work done. 
In case of sacral ancient languages, the believer makes use of a vernacular version, for the first 
purpose, but only the original language should be used for the second purpose. 

As the Pahlavi Yasna was rarely read, having not the power of a mantnra. differently from the 
original Avestan Yasna, its language, though sometimes brought up to date, is remarkably 
conservative, as was pointed out more than once; more conservative, I would add, than the 
parallel Dk 9 paraphrase, while the most popular texts were constantly modernized in order to 
make them understood by the users, as is the case of the Khorda Avesta, the Late Sasanian Prayer 
Book, whose Pahlavi sometimes looks entirety like New Persian. The upgrading of the Pahlavi 
Yasna was achieved by adding new glosses, not by changing the text. 



The Pahlavi literature consists of three large groups of writings. It contains, firstly, Middle 
Persian translations of Avestan texts intermingled with Middle Persian Zand, or commentary 
[including glosses]. As the Avestan texts, and the Ga"6Ss especially, are the core of 
Zoroastriantsm, there is no doubt that from the earliest epoch of this religion these texts, in 
their oral form, were studied and explained to younger generations of Zoroastrians, at least to 
some of them, like priests. 

The second group consists of original Middle Persian texts on religious subjects based directly 
or indirectly on the first group. The Bundahtsn (Bd) might be regarded as representative for 

this group". 

The third group consists of miscellaneous texts not necessarily connected with religion 9 , 
although the term secular does not fully apply to it. It was this third group that has supplied the 
greatest bulk of sources that were translated into Arabic. 



8 From the CihrdSd and OSmdad Masks, cf. Darmesteter 1893, 

9 West 1904b, 81. 



, xivff. 



The Sasanian Canon 1 is extant now in several different, and sometimes parallel "redactions", 
to use West's expression. Vendidad Sade, being the first type of presentation of the Avestan 
corpus, contains Vendidad proper, Vispered and Yasna, all three combined and interwoven. The 
purpose of this collection is to be used in liturgyl. It is worth noting the prominence attributed to 
Vendidad, the only surviving Nask composed by Zoroastrianized Median Magi, a text including 
mostly pre-Zoroastrian and perhaps pre-lranian material. As we possess both the Avestan 
original and the Middle Persian version, some estimate of the size of the lost parts of the Avesta, 
for which we still have their Middle Persian Zands might be made, projecting from Vendidad's 
volume. £g, Duchesne-Guillemin 1962, 31, suggested that we possess only about a quarter of 
the Sasanian Avesta, since only about one-fourth of the Avestan quotations traced in the Pahlavi 
are found in the extant Avesta. A comparison of the Middle Persian version of Vendidad with the 
summary of Vendidad in De"nkard 8 suggests that the De"nkard's redaction was made from a 
Middle Persian commentary on the Pahlavi Vendidad. which was shorter than the extant Middle 
Persian Vendidad. The Vendidad was used for both ritual and study, as it contains laws. These are 
the reasons why the Avestan text has survived, and why we still possess its Pahlavi rendering. 

The second presentation is Zand Avesta proper arranged for study purposes. This redaction 
contains a Middle Persian translation, and the Avestan texts are arranged in a different order, 
reminiscent of that described in Dfnkard 8. 

As we know from different Middle Persian texts, the study of Zand was a religious duty [cf. 
Denkard quotations in Junker 1912a 1 1 ]. Moreover, some knowledge of Avestan was required 
for manthric purposes, as the priest was required to pronounce the Word of God property. 

The Khorda Avesta (=XA) contains some Avestan and Middle Persian texts being, in all 
probability, a Sasanian redaction of the prayer book format, derived from abbreviated Avestan 
texts. The Yas"t collection is generally held to be a part of XA. It is interesting to note that the 
only Yas"ts we possess in Middle Persian are those used in the ritual (XA); at the same time, 
Yas t s were extremely frequently drawn upon in BundahiSn-like texts 1 ^. 



10 The Judasj-Christian notion of "Canon" is strange to Zoroastrianism, as all the wisdom oF the worid 
emanates from the revelation given to Zoroaster. That is why in the Late Sasanian Period the "Avestan 
Corpus" (in Pahlavi) was growing. 

1 1 Cf., e.g.. Junker 1912a, 15: "the duty of boys, created by God, is to go to school", x v e"s"kSrTh [T] 

rSdagSn en [1] paran dlDTrlstSn, X v 3d3y.d3d eslSd; for parsn cf. Junker 1912a, 11-2,15 
n.1 . Study of religious texts was, no doubt, the essence of the learning at that school. 
1Z On some quotations from the YaSts ef. further. 



As the bulk of the Sasanian Avesta in its original tongue was lost, it is almost by chance that 
Afreni Dahma"n, or Aogemadaeca, together with ErbedestSn and NSrangesta"n, provide us with 

some other unidentified Avestan quotations 1 3 in Middle Persian texts. It must be supposed that 
these texts are another type of an Avestan-Middle Persian corpus being a shorter redaction from 
the same source as Zand-A vesta and XA. As already said, the texts that survived in Avestan are 
mostly those used on a dairy basis by priests. The G363s, Vendidad, and, with some reservations, 
Erbedest an and NeTange St Snare among such texts. 

Late Sasanian and PostSasanian Zoroastrianism, as we know it from the Middle Persian 3th 
century books, far from being monofythic in itself, represented only one variant of beliefs 
current in Iran in those epochs. 

As the status of Scriptures, "the Holy Scriptures" in our sense, was very different in Iran 1 4 , 
and those were the priests who transmitted texts, it is only natural that they selected the texts 
that were to be transmitted 1 ■ 

Denkard, an enormous compendium of Late Sasanian Wisdom, is a composite collection of 
various materials of gnomic, legendary and Zand traditions. The Zand traditions in the strict 
sense, the main aim of this work, are the subject of the last two "books", while the origins and, 
especially, the status of the initial "books" inside the "Sasanian Canon" are still questionable. It 
was presupposed that the source of some parts of the Dk must be the N 1 g e"z, a bigger compilation. 
This Nigez, of whose the Dffnkard is an abbreviated revision, was perhaps a whole Middle 
Persian redaction of the Sasanian Avesta in the ancient tongue 1 6 . 



13 In Aogemadaeca, only 5 of the 29 quotations may be traced to the extant Avesta, West 1904b, 89. 

1 4 The Written Corpus as such, with clear boundaries, was arranged only in the Islamic era for the 
purpose of obtaining the status of '3/>l u l-kltfb-, true. It may be the reason, or, rather one of the 
reasons, for composing the so-called Sth Century Boota. But these books, like the DSnkard or 
Bundatii^n, were not "sacred": they did not pretend to have the status of Revelation. At best, they 
may be compared to some fiqhot'ir /"works in Islamic literature. 

15 In this context, it is worth noting that profound changes happened in trie post-Sasanian Zoroastrian 
attitudes to priests and "Holy Writings": Zoroastrian priests are important in the modem Parsi tradition 
of Kindu India, not in Islamic fran, while scripture is seen as central in a Muslim environment, less so in 
India, ef. Hinnellis 1994, 8S-6. It is perhaps the impact of this Muslim environment that encouraged 
literary traditions in Iran to be better preserved, as compared with India, until recent times. 

16 Cf. Tavadia 1956,52. 



Of the original nine Denkard books, the first two were lost Dk 3 is translated in de Menasce 
1973; Dk 5 is partly translated in West 1897 17 and edited in Hole 1967, Dk 6 is edited in 
Shaked 1 979, Dk 7 is partly translated in West 1 897 and edited and translated in Mole 1 967, Dk 
8 & 9 are translated in West 1 892 1 8 . Besides, many individual passages were edited and 
translated by different authors 1 9 . As to the original text, tiiere are three basic editions: Sanjana 

1874-1928 {vol. I-XIX) [=DkS 20 ], Madan 1911 (vol. I-II) [=DkM 2 '] and Dresden 1 966 [= 
DkD], 

Trie accounts of the Avestan Nasks 22 given in Dk 8 and 9 are derived from an interlinear Zand 
in a shortened form. It is worth noting that some Avestan texts were no longer available in their 
Middle Persian. Three groups of the 21 Avestan Nasks are summarized in Dk 8, and three of the 
seven Gathic Nasks are summarized at length in Dk 9. 



It is mostly the S[t]crdgarand Wars"tm3ns3r sections of Dk 9 that the present work deals 
with. The Bagan Nask, which has a legal character, and which interprets each verse by 
recourse to analogy 23 , is to some degree neglected in this work. This Bagan Nask was one of 
the seven DSdTg Nasks dealing mostly with legal material, but it had, together with Clhrdad 
Nask, a rather ambivalent status inside the DadTg group of the Nasks 24 . The Bagan Nask 
was also partly of GaeanTg, "Gaeic", character, while the CihrdSd Nask was of Had3- 
MSnerTg character 25 . Judging from the way in which this Bagan Nask was summarized in 
Dk 9, it was a real Zand for studying in which the disciple-teacher relations are stressed, and it 
seems that these three Nasks (since Book 9 of the De"nkard gives so much space to them) in their 
Middle Persian summary served as a basis for teaching in the Late Sasanian period and shortly 
afterwards, when Avestan was little known outside the clergy, but Pahlavi still functioned as a 
Irving literary language. 



17 Most of the Pahlavi texts were translated by West and published between 1880-5 as Pahlavi Texts, 
vol.1 -S, in the Sacred Books of the East, vol. V, VII, XVI, XVII, XXIV. 

1 8 i hope to publish Dk 8-9 later. 

19 E.g., Mole 1963. 

20 Quoted by volume and page (e.g., DkS XIX, 25). 

21 Quoted by page (e.o., DkM 71 S). 

22 The Avestan Nasks were estimated to have been containing originally as much as 345,000 words, 
and about 2,000000 words in their Middle Persian version. West 1892, xliv-xlv. 

23 Cf.de Menasce 1983, 1175. 

24 Cf. further, DkM 678; cmp. West 1892, 7. 

25 On these terms cf, further. 



In the end of Dk 9 one finds a chapter which contains many quotations from unknown texts, and 
a long succession of detached phrases from the Pahlavi Gaeas strung together 26 , as descriptive of 
the final triumph of religion. The Gathic passages found in this chapter are of great help for 
drawing comparisons with the Pahlavi Gathas proper 27 . 

According to the De"nkard, under the Sasanians there were already only 348 chapters = 21 
Nasks = 345.700 words [the estimation of West], of which only 83.000 words are now extant, 
1 /4 of the original Sasanian Avesta. According to the tradition, it was Alexander who burned the 
Avesta, but it is not clear whether a text already existed at that time. From the Achasmenian until 
the Late Sasanian period the text steadily grew; the "canon" took shape as Zoroastrianism spread, 
while the 6363s held a small, but central and honorary place in it 

In the Greco-Roman World, many pseudo-epigrapha were spread under the name of Zoroaster, 
or of his close associates, like Zostrianos 28 , in Coptic, or the Greek Ostanes and others 29 ; some 
of the material included might be genuine and old. According to the Iranian view, expressed in 
Sasanian texts, Avesta was "stolen" by the Greeks and translated into their language. That is why 
the Iranians lost large parts of their traditional wisdom and later they found themselves urged to 
restore it and translate it back into Iranian. 

Some scholars 3 ° believed that the theory of Avesta brought to Greece and there translated, was 
merely a pious legend, fabricated in the Parthian period to explain the lack of written literature; 
Nyberg 1938, 424-5, called this theory a phantasy; however, Geldner 1904, 32-6, Jackson 
1904, 691, Henning 1942, accepted it as generally trustworthy, as Altheim 1949, IB, 28, 
Haug 1B84, Dhalla 1922, 40, Brown 1951, i.97, did 31 . According to the same Iranian theory, 
the Greeks (i.e., Macedonians) not only took hold of the Avesta, they also burnt parts of it. 
Nevertheless, it was after the Arab invasion, not the Greek one, that books were burned down 
systematically, for XVSrazm, at least, we are aware of an elaborate Arab practice of destroying 



26 Cf. West 1892, SBE XXXVVi, Pp-HJV-XLV; West 1901b, 98. 

27 Cf. further. 

28 The title is, however, modem; 'Zostrianos/Zoroaster' appears in the colophon. 

29 Cf. Boyce 4 Grenet 1991, 491-565, "Thus spake not Zarathus'tra" . 

30 Olmstead 1948, 476; Hersfeld 1934, 53. 

31 Cf.Eddy 1962, 14 n.22. 



cultural and literary treasures of non-Arabs 32 . 

Arabic sources frequently mention Avesta as a took; these sources, together with New Persian 
Zoroastrian texts, and classical authors, were first used by Thomas Hyde in his book Historia 
religions vetemm persarum, partharum er mediarum, which appeared in 1 700. Jt was not until 
1 770 that authentic [other than New Persian] Zoroastrian sources became known in Europe 3 3 , 
when Anquetil-Duperron translated the BundahiSn into French; later, in 1771, he also 
published French versions of Avestan texts, in three volumes, under the title Ouvrage de 
Zoroastre. it seems like it was by him that the erroneous term ZendAvesta was introduced to 
Europe. 

Since then, Avestan studies came to prominence at the very early stages of Indo-European 
comparativistics, and names like F, Bopp, R. Rask, E. Burnout are associated with them, tt was 
Rask, who in 1826 first showed the close affinity between Avestan and Sanskrit, and later, the 
relation between Avestan and Old Persian was established. 

Two trends were current in Avestan studies: the traditional school, represented by F. Spiegel, 
J. Darmesteter, F. Justi, de Harlez, W. Geiger, which relied upon the autochthonous Zoroastrian 
interpretation of the Avesta, as represented by Zand, and the comparative-historical, or "Vedic", 
school, going back to R. Roth, which relied mostly on the evidence furnished by Indie texts. 
Although both schools became aware that their respective methods were legitimate and dangerous 
at the same time 34 , some echoes of these schools stii! may be heard in works of H. Humbach and 
in those of S. Insier and J. Ke liens, respectively. 



32 BTrfJnT (tr. Sachau 1879, S3) reported that "after Qutaiba ben Muslim Albihili had killed their 
{Klmarezmians't learned men and priests, and had burned their books and writinns. they became entirely 
illiterate (forgot writing and reading),. and relied in every knowledge or science which they required 
solely upon memory™. This tradition could be easily dismissed, of eource, as legendary (and based on the 
accounts Df older disasters), whose aim was to provide an Explanation why X v arazmian Zoroastrians 
possessed no Book, as required from a People of the Book by the new Muslim rulers. 

33 Although an Avestan Yasna MS seems to have been brought to Canterbury in 1S33, and in 1723 a 
copy of Vendidad Sade was deposited in the Bodleian Library in Oxford, cf. Jackson 1 B92 xiii 

34 Cf. Keilens 19B9, 41. 



Between 1886-1395 a critical text of the Avesta was published by K. Geldner, and in 1892- 
3 Darmesteter's second, French, translation of the Avesta appeared. Bartholomae's Altiranisches 
WOrterbuch (AiW; 1904) is still perhaps among the best dictionaries of any language 35 . The 
(5363s were translated, i.a., in Bartholomae 1905, Wilkins Smith 1929, Duchesne-GuiHemin 
1948 and 1952 (an English version by M. Henning), Humbach 19S9, Insier 1975, Keilens & 
Pirart 1988, 1990, 1991, and finally Humbach 1991. The non-Gag ic Avesta was translated, 
after Bartholomae's AiW, in Wolff 1 91 0, whose translation replaced, in some aspects, that of 
Darmesteter. 

Script and Book 
But did a written Avestan text exist prior to its fixation during the late Sasanian rule? The 
extant Avesta is written in a highly precise, beautiful alphabet, of undoubtedly Aramaic origin. 
Andreas 1902-3 36 believed in an archetype written in the Aramaic script proper 37 . Andreas's 
theory dealt mostly with the alphabet; according to this theory, the Arsacid Avesta, codified (as 
the Pahlavi tradition informs us) under one of the Parthian kings whose name was Vologeses, was 
written down in a plain, non-vocalized, Aramaic script All the linguistic problems of the extant 
Avestan texts can be explained once we rediscover the form in which a particular Avestan form 
was registered in this supposed archetypical "Arsacid Avesta". According to this theory, the 
transposition of Avestan texts from their "Arsacid" form into the extant "Sasanian" form was 
mechanical. An example: Yasna 28.1, ahyS yasa namanha was reconstructed as * J hy> y's> 
nwmwli 5 , interpreted as *ohyo ya x s3 x nomohS*. Following Andreas, many authors, ag., 

Pagliaro & Bausani 33 and others, believed that the Avesta was transmitted in written form. The 
theory was slightly modified in Junker 1925-S, Lommel 19Z7 and Altheim 1949; Altheim's idea 
on the rise of the vocalized Avestan script in the East 39 is not without interest 40 ; Djakonov & 
Livshits 41 supposed that a written version existed in Parthia as early as the first century BCE. 



35 Cf. Henning 1942, 145. 

36 Also in Andreas & Wackemagel 1909, 1911, 1913,1931. 

37 Geiger's supposition is less rigid and assumes also some impact of an oral tradition. 
3B Pagliaro Si Bausani 1960, 44. 

39 In the "Hellenized" Arsacid Parthia; after the Bactrian model. 

40 Aftheim 1 949 rightly argued that the vocalization of the consonant Arameo-Pahlavi was due to Greek 
influence. The case of the contemporary Armenian and, perhaps, Georgian, examples, must be added, 
where scripts deriving shapes of their letters from Aramaic/Pahlavi were built on the Greek principles, 
using even some Byzantine Greek orthographical conventions. However, while speaking of the Greek 
writing principles, one has to bear in mind that Byzantium was not the only country using the Greek 
script - another one was Bactria, at some periods a part of the Sasanian Empire. One has not to 
underestimate the possibility of the impact of the so-called "Manichaean" 3Cript. 

41 Cf. further. 



Although Andreas' theory contained some highly inspiring insights, it led scholarship in a 
wrong way for too king. For more than forty years the principle of graphic restoration was 
universally applied in Avestan studies. During World War II, almost at the same time and 
independently, counter-arguments were brought by Bailey, Henning, Morgenstieme; Bailey 
1 943, 1 S 1 -1 94, denied the existence of the hypothetical Arsacid text, while Henning 1 942 and 
Morgenstieme 194Z [1944] did not deny the existence of such a text, but rather emphasized its 
unimportance for the Avestan studies. It is now thought that most of the mistakes in the Avestan 
texts took places during the later history of the Sasanian Avesta, not during the presumed 
transposition from the *Arsadd Avesta to the Sasanian one 4 2 . It may be argued that the growth of 
mistakes was among the factors that gave rise to the invention of the "Avestan" alphabet The 
Avesta is a corpus for reciting, not for study. The Western sources dealing with Zoroastrianism 
speak of "psalmody " 43 , not of "toote". The different character of the Christian and the 
Zoroastrian terminology as applied to "books" was noted by Christensen 1944, SI 6. The 
Christian books are for study, denying the ritual dimensions of the Judaism, while the most 
sacred Zoroastrian "texts" are for reciting, serving for a cultic purpose. But, it is to be stressed 
that, in my opinion, the idea behind the invention of the Avestan alphabet was not preservation of 
the text as such, but conservation of its phonetics! form, setting the norm for reciting priests. 

We know that while Avestan words and even whole phrases are transcribed in "Book Pahlavi", 
as in Dk 8 & 9, some weird orthographic conventions peculiar to the Avestan words only were in 
use. This makes sense only if there was a tradition of writing down Avestan in the Pahlavi script 
prior to the Invention of the Avestan alphabet 

The quesTJon of dating the invention of the Avestan alphabet is interconnected, thus, with the 
date of the codification of the Avestan Corpus. There are divergent opinions as to the dates of the 
supposed codification of the Avesta: the 4th century, Reichelt 1913, S3. Morgenstieme 194Z, 
Henning 1 942, Hoffmann 1 970, Hoffmann & Narten 1 989; the middle of the 6th century, Bailey 
1943, 172; the middle of the 7th century, Pagliaro & Bausani I960, 49. Bailey 1943, 180, 
dates the archetype of our copies of the Avesta somewhere between the time of the early 
Manichaean texts and the time of Manus'c'ihr (circa 880 CE), on the grounds of the sound- 
change hr -til >sattested in the written Avesta, but stiif absent from the Manichajan and Arabic 
evidence. However, it seems safe to state that some written copies of same Avestan texts in some 
[more than one] scripts existed prior to the invention of the so-called "Avestan alphabet" in the 
Late Sasanian period, as we know from the Sogdian transliteration of an Avestan text 44 . 



42 Cf. Mackenzie 1987, 30b. 

43 Cf. Nau 1927; Christensen 1944. Sr5ff. 

44 Cf. Gershevitch 1976a. 



Sometimes, wrong etymologies were used to argue that a written Avestan text existed at an 
earlier period: an attempt was made 4 5 to derive the Parthian [from Nisa] name of the 1 4th day, 
gwyrh, from Avestan gfui uruno 46 . This etymology implies that yrh represened the Avestan 
voiceless r, being a grapheme prototype for the signs 3 , ,as i.e.. {**, of the Avestan Vulgate. 
Thus, the assumption that gwyrh is a pseudo-historical spelling used instead of *gur£ 
presupposes that a written text of at least some parts of the Avesta existed in Eastern Parthia as 
early as the 1st century BCE. However, the Avestan alphabet was invented towards the end of the 
Sasanian period, judging from the fact that the Avestan characters are derived from the 4«V6th 

■ 47\ 
century Book Pahlavi (the forms of the Turfan Psalter characters are more conservative ). 

The Avestan alphabet did not exist in Mani's time, otherwise Mani would probably have used it 4 . 
Instead, he used a Syriac alphabet close to that used at Palmyra. It was rather the Manichaean 
alphabet itself that left some impact on the Avestan script, although in an indirect form 
(borrowing of the principle of vocalization). All the Book Pahlavi characters of the 6th century 
were used with the same value in the Avestan alphabet - = a, with Avestan — 3 and r = I being 
modifications, - = i, --T being a modification, i used in Book Pahlavi for w and 0, u, 0, a, in 
Avestan f or u , , = Avestan being a modification, 5 * K . Avestan h T being a modification,.- = t, 
Avestan c and <k = 5 being modifications, t = p, Avestan i = f and u - 6 being modification, _j = 
b, t = m, Avestan* being a modification, i=n, i = r, 1 (r in Avestan, the Avestan for 1 being a 
modification of it, i), -= s,_5=z, -*,- s, with two Avestan modification of it, ru= 5, andni= $, 
, = x v , Avestan,; = x being a modification of it, etc.; especially important are the eases of 
Avestani= o and> = o". 



45 According to Djakonov & Livshits 1966, 149. 1S3-1S7 [esp.156-7] Si 172-3. 

46 However, according to Gershevitch 1969, 197 (quoted without references also by livshits ap«r 
Bickerman 1970, 327 n. IB), who compared it to the corresponding Khvaraimian jwft, this Parthian 
day-name means "cow-day" (*gav-ayar). 

47 Skjiervo 1 983a has shown that the Turfan Psalter was composed not long after the great 
inscriptions of the Early Sasanian period, but, while in the Inscriptions there is no system of phonetic 
complements, in the Psalter one finds a regular system with minor orthographic variants, and sometimes 
phonetic and Ideographic spellings interchange, to obtain variation. Skjservs 1983a, 179, stited that the 
Middle Persian of the translator was his mother tongue [pace Gignoux 1969], and the awkwardness in 
phrasing is due to the Syriac original. The situation is, in fact, very similar to that with the Judaio- 
Persian Bible translations. 

4B Mani blamed the Zoroastrians for distorting the words of their prophet in their books, because the 
Avestan Prophet himself was oral, as Mani knew well. This means, they did have some booKs, but these 
were not those by the Prophet. The situation with Islam is somewhat similar; their prophet was ignorant 
of letters, but he called his revelation a "Book". II is possible that Qur'an, a much discussed word, 
was influenced, both phonetically and semantical^, in the sense of "appeal", By the Manichaaan xorus, 
"Call", the term which was later rendered, in its turn, as da'wa. 



These lettere are derived directly from a modification of the Book PaWavi 5, k, used in Middle 
Persian transcription of Avestan words, like uruuif - 'wrw[w}k. The implication of this fact 
is that even prior to the invention of the Avestan alphabet (or, prior to the last stages of the 
development of a form of the Book Pahlavi script into Avestan as we know it) there existed some 
orthographic conventions of recording Avestan by means of the Pahlavi script. As mentioned 
above, many Avestan words in Dk 8-9 are still written not in Avestan characters, but in Pahlavi 
script in accordance with the orthography specific for "Avesticisms" only, thus continuing 
perhaps the scribal traditions Of an older written fixation. 

Whether some parts of the Avesta did exist in some written form[s] prior to the invention of 
the Avestan script 49 or not (I believe, they did), this is without importance for Avestan studies 
proper. And even if some mistakes in the transmission of the Avesta may go to an "Aramaic", i.e., 
Pahlavi 50 , transliteration (as the Andreas' theory in its "classical form" states), nevertheless, 
it would be of minor importance, too, as the transmission was basically oral 51 , even until 
recently, when written and printed texts already were available. 



In order to illustrate the oral character of transmission, one may quote AbdTh T Sagastan 
where it is stated that 

naskew bad. <abag> zanan bad aburnayagew naskew T *Baganaz 
*xv3nSnd warm kard estad padaz nan breti* den artdar Sagastan ab3z gaSt, 
ud arast ud wfrast nawag nawag, be" pad Sagastan anye, abarfg gyag ne" 
warm, 



49 Shafced 1979, xxxii. saw it as possible that some copies of the Avesia did exist in Sasanian times; as 
la a switch f r0 m one alphabet to another, for a revered corpus, compare the Hebrew Bible which was 
transcribed Qrice from the Paleo-Hebrew into the Jewish square script. 

50 That ths. Avesta was previously written down in an alphabet of the Aiamsso-Pahlavi type is treated 
as a generaly accepted fact, eg., in Schlerath 1 987, 30. 

51 Was a copy of the Avesta polluted if touched by a non-Zoroastrian? We do not know. It is quite 
possible that wa da not hear much Df the Avesta from, say, Syriac sources just because it was not 
shown to the "Gentiles" (Nau 1927 argued, basing himself Dn Syn'ac polemic works, that the tradition 
known to ths Sasanian Zoroastrians was purely oral and they had no books). On the other hand, the mere 
possibility that a huge corpus, written Dr oral, which was preserved memorized by heart by numerous 
denes, was so easily gone, may tell us something about the real acquaintance with the text, written or 
oral. It is worth also noting that, differently from the Mediterranean civilizations, no speculations about 
the sacred nature of the Avestan or Pahlavi letters are known from Iran. 



there was a Nask, kept with women, and a boy was trained to memorize this one Nask, called 52 
Bagan, and in this way the Religion returned to Slstan, and it (the Nask) was arranged and 
ordered anew, and there was no memory 5 3 of (this Nask) in any other place except S i s ta n. 

This implies that even in the post-Sasanian period texts were still transmitted orally by 
memory. It seems that SistSri especially was known for its prominence in the oral 
transmission of the Avesta; al-Brrffnl, quoted in Bailey 1943, 161-2, tells us that one 
particular Zoroastrian in 51stan had recited the whole Avesta by heart, but this phenomenon 
seems to be rare even in S1st3n. 

As to a written text, whether such a text existed or not, the authors of the Denkard do not 
clearly distinguish between Abistag in the sense of the Pahlavi version of the Avestan and the 
Avestan text in Avestan, cf. Bailey 1943, 1 67; Tavadia 1956, 48, does not tend to distinguish, 
having been based on Wikander, between the written Niwfg and the oral AbtstSg, cf. DkM 

412.1 If. 

On the other hand, a specimen of "fifteenth-century Pahlavi as written in Iran", an extract 
from the Middle Persian introduction to the Pahlavi Yasna, MS Pt4, printed in West 1 904b, 84- 
5, states that "NN had written a copy for himself - the Avesta from one copy, and the Zand from 
another copy ... ", Abistag az paccen e, ud Zand az paccen « ... x v es ray niblSt 
estad .... 

We know of manuscripts in which the Avestan text is interspersed with Pahlavi, but there are 
also manuscripts where only the plain Avestan (SJdeh) or only the plain Pahlavi MSs are given. ■ 

According to Bailey 1 943, 1 93-4, the known Avestan text is a result of a Post-Sasanian text 
going back to Late Sasanian [VI CE] codification; the boundaries of that "Late Sasanian Avesta" 
were ftexfWe, and 1 it is interesting that the incorporation of the Greek and Indian material into the 
late Sasanian Avesta was contemporary with the invention of the "Avestan" alphabet 



52 As tD the transition, compare Utas 1 976, 263. 

53 warm kardan means "to memorize, to leam by heart", New Persian ya"d girHtan. Perhaps, 
"this Nask was memorized In no other place except S I s 1 3 n" . 



Now a few words must be said about the history of the script used for Zoroastrian Middle 
Persian. This language used a system of writing designated as Pahlavi which is closely 
reminiscent of Akkadian, Korean or Japanese models. This is to say, Aramaic words were 
written, or, were supposed to be written, in Aramaic, but were actually read in Iranian. This 
way of substituting Iranian for Aramaic was called uzwsriSn 5 *. This system is by no means 
more weird than that of our digits, pronounced differently in different languages, but commonly 
understood in the same manner whatever their phonetic value. 

Djakonov 1 986 emphasized the mnemonic importance of writing which is indifferent to the 
reproduction of the flow of speech, and the prestige value of some types of writing; the latter 
point was, separately, emphasized by Skalmowski 5 s . In Mesopotamia, as in Iran, farfrangs were 
learned by heart, and texts written in Sumerian or in Aramaic were, nevertheless, read in 
Akkadian or in Old [Middle] Persian [Parthian, etc.] respectively, as the Japanese read their 
kanji symbols in their own language, not in Ancient Chinese. 

Ojakonov noted that some "isogrammatems" analogous to those in Old Persian could be found 
in Akkadian, Aramaic and, especially, Urartian writing systems, but nothing specific was found in 
Elamite 36 . 

While Syromedia, with its huge Semitic population of colonists, might be the homeland of both 
"Aryan", i.e., Iranian [not Persian! 57 ] cuneiform and the Irano-Aramaic writing known later as 
"Pahlavi" etc., Persis, with its mostly Elamite population, had no known early Aramaic scribal 
traditions'". 



54 There are traces of uzwaYISn system in Sogdian, especially in the Buddhist tens, but it is absent 
from the Manichaean Middle Persian and Parthian, cf . Bailey 1953, 186. 

55 in his lecture in Jerusalem in summer 1994. 

56 The use of cuneiform writing in Western Iran was widespread prior to Indo-European penetration; 
Lullubi, Gutian, Kassite and other populations, not to mention Elamites, used it, Schmitt 1993, 457, 

5? Gershevitch 1964; Gershevitch 1979. 

58 The unbroken Elamite cuneiform scribal tradition was continued in the Achsmenian trilingual rock 

inscriptions, Schmitt 1993, 45 8. 



The Aramaic chancelleries were a Median invention as well, while the Achaemenids continued 
to rety on Elamophone scribes 59 . Thus, the situation of parallel usage ol several languages in 
different scripts, in the earlier stage of the Achasmeman Commonwealth" , was a bit reminiscent 
of that of the early period of occupation of the old Near Eastern civiliied lands by primitive 
Islamic Arabs, where Greek, Coptic and Pahlavi, but not Arabic, were in use in the 
administration. Only gradually, the Achaamenian Persians gave preference to the Aramaic 
characters, using them for their Iranian speech, as perhaps in the case with the "Darius Tomb 
Aramaic inscription" (on which cf. Sims-Williams 1981), 

The language designated as literary "Old Persian" was not actually Persian, as it has different 
dialectal forms of Iranian words as compared to the Elamite versions of the Achaamenian 
inscriptions - in Elamite the Iranian loan words were borrowed From the spoken language, i.e., 
from genuine Old Persian, while the "Old Persian" as written continued Median traditions 61 . We 
know that the' Achaemenids used Aramaic^ 2 and Elamite for their business activities, while the 
Median cuneiform writing, called "Old Persian" served only for representative purposes 63 . 

It is unlikely to suppose, may it be remarked, that an Avestan text ever existed in cuneiform, 
while there are some short Avestan or quasi-Avestan Iranian texts in Aramaic script (cf., e.g., 
Bogoliubov 1971). Thus, the only logical writing device to represent the everyday Iranian 
speech was Aramaic, both the language and the script According to Djakonov, the transfer from 
purely Iranian to "Pahlavi" took four stages: 



59 According to Gershevitch 1985, the Old Persian texts are actually Elamite in Iranian words, 
similarly to some Aramaic tents from Egypt (which are, so to say. "Old Persian in Aramaic words", but 
not to the same degree). This observation of Gershevitch does not contradict with the fact the "Old 
Persian" used by the Elamophone scribes was actually "Literary Median", called "Aryan". 

60 It is worth notice that the Scroll of Esther reflecting Arsacid realities speaks about "royal orders 
sent to each nation in its own language and writing" ("characters). 

61 It seems that some graphic peculiarities of the Old Persian cuneiform signs were drawn upon from an 
Urarcian model (cf. Schmitt 1 993, 458 and Ghirshman 1 962), while the principle was that of Aramaic 
(as in later times, the graphic form of Aramaic [Pahlavi] and the principle of Greek [or Armenian, or 
ManichseanJ was used in inventing the Avestan script; another parallel is represented by the Indian 
scripts, also of Aramaic origin). 

62 According to von Voigtlander 1978, 7, Darius was a native Iranian speaker, not necessarily (because 
his father Hystaspes ruled in Parthia) of Old Persian, knowing some Aramaic, and while dictating his 
edict, Darius spoke in an acquired language, Aramaic, perhaps; the Elamite and the Babylonian scribes 
were listening to the same dictation. 

63 Monumental rack-inscriptions in cuneiform are peculiar to Urartian and Old Persian traditions. In 
Urartu, they used cuneiform script not only for rock-inscriptions, but also for deeds, annals and other 
records, while in the Achaemenian Empire, Elamite was used for economic documentation. However, 
Aramaic was later used, alongside with Elamite, for this purpose (Naveh & Shaked 1973). We have 
nothing in Iranian cuneiform comparable to Urartian annals, but some Avestan quotations translated into 
Old Persian, were found in the nock-inscriptions (Skjaerva 1998). One of the reasons might be that only 
few Iranian speakers were at hand In that penod. having no economical or administrative training, and all 
scribal functions were taken by speakers of Elamite or Aramaic. Even in the Parthian Period, there was 
an urge to call Vis'tSspa-'s scribe Abraham (AySdgar T ZareTSn), who was Jewish (on this 
Abraham as a Jew cf. Schaeder 1 930. 93-4; now c(. Russell 1 992 pace Monchi-Zadeh 1 981 ). 



1 the text written by a bilingual scribe in Aramaic and unan in Iranian 64 ; 

2 standard formulas of translation from Aramaic into Iranian and from Iranian into Aramaic 
developed; 

3 any standard text read by an Iranian scribe could be read either in Iranian or in Aramaic; 

4 purely heterographic. when the whole text, both the standard one in "Aramaic" or Aramaic 
with Iranian inclusions (like borrowed words, so frequent in Egyptian Aramaic), written in the 
same script, could be read only in Iranian: "the grid of easily identifiable Aramaic heterograms 
gave the reader at once a general notion of the contents of the text and helped to identify the 
contiguous non-vocalized Iranian words. Anyone who knows cuneiform, knows that heterograms, 
far from hampering easy reading, actually are of a great help to the reader" [ibid., 237], 



It is not easy to decide when the uzwSrisn Aramaic 65 became Pahlavi; Harmatta 1957, 
298, gave the date of circa 150 BCE, cf. Henning 1958, 34: under Mithridates I [171-139 
8CE]; Djakonov & Livshits 1 960, 54, argued for a date not earlier than the 2nd century BCE; cf, 
Harmatta 1 9B4, 224-5, who argued, again, for the first half of the 2nd century BCE under the 
reign of Phrahates I and completed under Mithridates I about the middle of the same century with 
the creation of the logographic Parthian system of writing, later inherited by the Persian 
Sasanians. As to Harmatta's theory of the impact of the occupation of Mesopotamia by Mithridates 
the First [he suggested that there are some similarities in the creation of a new writing system in 
a hurry at the king's order], Djakonov stated that this clear influence might have taken place even 
earlier 66 , sticking to the traditional view expressed by Kenning. 

The Middle Persian logography goes back to the same prototype as the Parthian and other 
Aramaic-based Middle Iranian logographies, while at Armazi we see a different repertory of 
ideograms, and, an alphabet connected to the North-Mesopotamian scripts rather than to those of 
Parthia or Persis. It implies that the process was rather a gradual one, without "big jumps". 

Thus, basically, the theory of Henning 1 958, modified by Djakonov, must be generally upheld, 
with the exception of his chronology: the transfer to the "Pahlavi" type of writing, as we know it 
from Book Pahlavi, took place a century or so earlier than Henning believed, in the middle of the 
third century BCE, and the Darius Tomb inscription was not "derekaige Versuch ... ohne 



64 Cf. below. 

65 The question of Irano-Aramaie mutual impact is not an easy one either: it is sometimes difficult to 
decide whether certain phenomena are Semitic or Iranian, cf., eg., Greenfield 1975, esp. p. 312. 

66 Tie first fixation of Iranian speech by Aramaic script: Arebsun N°1 and a gloss in a deed from tha 
5th century BCE, Kraeling 1953, N°9: DDYHYY-dad3yatn arVayd-YHBT (Bogoliubov 1971, 283-4). 
Darius' tomb Aramaic, according to Henning, is to be dated by the first haif of the 3rd century BCE, but 
Bogoliubov 1 97 1 , Z83, dated it earlier. 



Nschwirkung geblieberi", Hennmg 1958, 24 G7 . In Asoka's inscriptions we find early examples 
(q5tn) to render Middle Iranian speech by means of a Semitic alphabet, alongside Middle Indian 

passages in Taxila*"". The Arebsun inscriptions were considered by Schaeder 1930, 201, and 
Rosenthal 1939, 28-9, as Achaemenian. According to an important article by Bogoliubov 1971, 

they are of the same type as the Darius Tomb inscription 69 . 

It is interesting to note that some Iranian loan words in Aramaic were used as heterograms, cf. 
Djakonov & Livshits 1960, 3B-9: MSWSH, MGW^Y' 70 , 6NZ>, PTP, >TPH [compare 
Qandahar I, mzstyj, "the elders']; MR'Y, MRWH, v71 , thus indicating a long tradition going 
back to the period when the language of writing and reading was real Aramaic. 

It seems that under the Achsmenians, the Aramaic script began to be used for different 
languages: for Late Old Persian / Early Middle Persian (Darius Tomb inscription 72 ), for Middle 
Iranian of the inscriptions from Cappadocia, Pakistan and Afghanistan, perhaps, also from 

Georgia 73 , and for Hebrew 74 . 



57 As to the Aramaic inscriptions at Persepolis, an attempt was made to read the second Aramaic 
inscription on the stone window of the "Palace Df Darius" at Persepclts, Frye 1984, 264. 

68 Cf. Snaked in Kutscher, Naveh & Shaked 1970. 

69 Bogoliubov adds also examples of Aramaic renderings of Iranian phrases from Egypt, 

70 Cf. Humbach 1974, 238 n.4, about MewSTY* used as a heterogram for heTbad, Frahang 13,2; the 
Identification was explained by Hoffmann as the result of a fusion of two traditions, those of the Median 
Magi and those of Eastern ae"9rapat3l1<S; that looks plausible, and I would add that many Israelis 
speaking to Arabs, even in Hebrew, refer to Jewish rabbis as baxam; on tha other hand, many secular 
native Hebrew-speaking Israelis use rabi as their word for what must be designated in standard Hebrew 
as rav. And, this modem Hebrew usage is a borrowing from the English [American] "rabbi" (influenced 
by the Yiddish-originated usage of their parents). Another example may be the modem Israeli usage of 
ko's'er versus the standard kas"er, also influenced by American. 

7 1 Which might be an Indo-lranian ["Mitannic"] loan word in Aramaic, from *marta- [the word has no 
Semitic etymology; however, cf. Ugaritic and Hebrew MRR, "to be strong"]. 

72 Not to be confused with an Aramaic version of the Behistun texts, cf. Sms-Williams 1961. 

73 The "second" long inscription from Armazl-Mcxet= a, from the Arsacid period, was partly published 
and translated in Tsereteli (G.v.) 1943 and Tsereteli (V.G,) 1962; is by no means in Aramaic. Tie 
translation of Altheim 4 Stiehl 1961 (who took it as being in Aramaic) is absolutely fantastic; for the 
"first" (biBngual) inscription, cf. Conner 4 ROllig 1971-76, II, 328, No. Z76. 

74 Cf. the well known saying in Talmud Bavli, Sanherdrin 21b, 

yil vrra ,-Ti-m iiarii nti inai miu 'mi nub nin'ji mm amp i«fti 'iiu inai bma^ mm miri ni'nni 
'mHiibi^in'-nujnsmnp-mbin-'imia'npiiirtin-'-iiBiKjrrjlNni'rb, "first the Torah was given to Israel in the 
Hebrew writing and in the Holy Language (Hebrew); in the days of Ezra the Torah was given for the 
second lime, in the Aramaic ("Assyrian") senpt and in the Aramaic language, they chose for Israel the 
Aramaic ("Assyrian") script and the Holy Language (Hebrew), and they left for common folk (generally 
seen as the Samaritans) the Hebrew script and the Aramaic language*. This much-discussed passage is a 
problematic one, and not all of its enigmas were so far solved, but the awareness of the Sages to the 

problems might be seen, cf. Naveh 1982, 123. However, the change of script in "the days of Ezra", i.e., 
under the AchaEmenids, is a fact. From this quotation it may be seen that the traruFer to the Aramaic 
script was gradual. 



We have some indications that the transfer from the Paleo-Hebrew to the Aramaic "official" 
script began already in the Persian Period; thus, we have a seal where the Hebrew name of the 
female possessor and the word "daughter of is written in the Hebrew script, while the Akkadian 
name of her father, one of those participating in the Repatriation Movement in the epoch of 
Cyrus/Darius, was written in Aramaic script 7 5. 

Djakanov stressed that already in the Median period there were Aramaic speakers in Iran 76 . 
Indeed, we have some important Aramaic texts from Iran, studied by Naveh 1965. A silver bowl 
carrying an Aramaic inscription from the 5th century BCE was found some lime ago in Georgia, 
the so-called "Kazbegi treasure", Tsereteli 1 994, 9. In Iran, Aramaic continued to be used long 
after it ceased to be used in the administration, as may be indicated by the fact that Aramaic loan 
words found their way into Iranian. One has to assume that scribes were trained in Aramaic and 
even in grammar and morphology and the fairfy high level of standardization of Parthian and 
Middle Persian orthography attested by the inscriptions, as reflecting some continuous 
acquaintance with Aramaic, must be taken into account. Pertiaps it was that ever-felt presence of 
Aramaic that facilitated the absorption of similar-sounding Arabic lexiea into Persian after the 
Islamic conquest It is worth noting that the Avestan alphabet used the Pahlavi, i.e., Aramaic, 
forms of letters and the direction of writing, thus indicating how deeply the Aramaeo-Pahlavi 77 
script became associated with the Iranian national legacy. 

Nevertheless, the early Sasanian kings still used Greek in their inscriptions, and the 
extraordinary feat of recording the Avesta was performed in a meticulously elaborate phoneocal 
alphabet 7 " based not only on Aramaic forms of letters, but also on a Greco-Bactrian (or, 
Byzantine? 7 ^) principle of vowel letters. However, the histories and natures of the Avestan and 
Pahlavi scripts demonstrate that there were no parallel developments of Avestan and Pahlavi 
literary (;.e. r written) traditions until a very late date. 



75 For examples of that sort cf. Naveh 1 982, 117-123, 

76 As was said, even Darius was perhaps a speaker of some Aramaic; the first "Aramaic scribes" were 
invariably Aramaeans indeed, and they were those who introduced the cult of NabQ, the Mesopotamian 
Mercury, who became venerated as T T r I, the god of scribes, an entirely non-Iranian craft; this item 
demonstrates what exactly could be the religion of those Aramaic scribes, cf . Boyce 1 988. 

77 As to the letters combinations of which composed the "Great Name" of the divinity of Mazdak, 
according to 5hahrastani, they were rather Pahlavi, pace Shaki 1985, 541. 

78 Avestan script "est le resuitat d'une etude savante de la phonetique de la langue sacre", Christensen 
1944, 516. 

79 "Iranian traditions" dispersed in Greece, india etc. were assembled under Sffhpuhr I, 241-272 CE, 
cf. Bailey 1943, 81ff, cf. also Zaehner 1955, 32-33; Crone 1991, 30, wrote on Byzantinizing 
tendencies under Kawad and AnCsurwan, while written treatises were presented Co the King by 
various religious communities, and some of these treatises were, perhaps, incorporated into teirts from 
which Denkard's and Skand GutnanTg Wlzar's accounts on foreign religions were derived, it was the 
period when the Avestan alphabet was created, and it is not impossible that there was some connection 
between these two facts, the Byzantine impact and the creation of an alphabet so similar to Greek by its 
innermost nature. 



We know that the Iranian kings held their treasures, including books and registers, in their 
palaces® as is clear from Esther 6.1. Thus, if an authoritative copy of the Avesta existed in 
Early Sasanian times, it should be most probably stored in a Sasanian palace, e.g„ in the new 
capital of Ctesiphon° ' . However, it is true that we do not hear anything about any copy of Avesta 
kept in a royal palace, but in G an j T *SabTg3n, orinDiz T Nibist, or in KOh iNifiit. 

The text that identifies the place where a copy of the Avesta was kept as at Persepolis is a New 
Persian text of Ibn Balx r's Pars- Namah 59-50, ed. Le Strange & Nicholson 1 921 , 49ff.; its 
tradition seems to be authentic, as it speaks of Zand and Kflh I NlMst, and a possible 
identification with Diz T N1b1s"t. known from Pahlavi texts, was suggested: 

cOn Zardust bTyamad, vtstasf OTa ba Mbtida 5 qabul na kard va ba'd az an 
Ora qabai kard, va kitab i Zand Svurda bOd, hama htkmat, va bar duzdah 
hazar past 1 gSv T dab3?at karda nab1s~ta bad az zarr. Va Vistasf a"nra" qabOl 
kard va ba Isjtahr i ParsT kahe" ast, KOh 1 NinSt gayand. Hama saratha va 
kandagariha az sang 1 xaT3 karda and va >aesr 1 'aJTb andarCn namada va Tn 
kitab 1 Zand-u pazand ba anja ninada bad. 



80 Cf. Shaked 1 994b, 1 00 n. 3. It is merely by accident that in Armenia, whose culture owes so much 
to its Iranian legacy, the famous Matenadarap, "the Storage of Texts", is one of the most important 
landmarks of Yerevan. 

Bl Whose Iranian name is rendered as Tlzbunin Armenian, Taysafan in Arabo-Perslan. "Tezbtfn/ 
Oizbon in the Sasanian Dart The city's Greek name is a result of a popular etymology, drawing on the 
Iranian sound of the name close to Greek words beginning with kte-, especially, Kti£a. "to build", cf. 
Russell 1990, 39 n. 29. As to the capital's Iranian name and its popular etymology, cf. Sahrestanfha 
T Eran 21-22 (cf. Markwart 4 Messina 1931, 61-2): pat kast T Xarbaran Sahrestan T TesTfOn 
az framan T T5s T W/Gur3zag T W/Gebagan kard, "the city of TesTfOn in the direction of the 
West was built by command of Tos son of W/GurSzag son of W/GSb3g3n" (note the interchange w/g 
and w/tz Barazag / Garazag / VarJza-). TesTf Jn here Is explained as a popular etymology of 
TSs (still Hamza al-lsJahanT was of this opinion, quoted in Markwart & Messina 1931, 61). 
Otherwise, SahrestanTha T Eran names Ctesiphon AsJr (Jud»o-Persian teirts identify Babylon as 
Baghdad, and AS"0r is rendered by them as n* s. 1). Thus, it is tempting to suggest that the name of the 
Sasanian capital was actually *Diz-i Bun, *"court-fort" (or, "the main fortress"?), or *"camp 
(*bunag)-fort", and it was identical with *D1z T SabTgan, known from the Dfnkard. 



When Zoroaster appeared, Vishtaspa at first did rat accept him, but after a while he did accept 
him. He (Zoroaster) brought a book of Zand, full of wisdom [or the whole wisdom 82 ], written in 
gold on 12,000 bull skins. And Vishtaspa accepted it, and there is a mountain in Staxr of Persis, 
called tne Mountain of Writings. All the images and carvings are made (there) of granite and 
marvelous monuments are shown (there), and he (Vishtaspa) placed there this book of Zand and 
PSzand 83 . 

It appears from the text that the locality owes its name of the Mountain of Writings (KCh I 
NiNSt) to the images and carvings (suratha va kandagariha; inscriptions?), not to any 
written records kept there. The Achaemenid stone tower opposite the royal tombs at Naq5 i 
Rus tarn 84 , with its carvings referred to as ffi7Tat/ia" va kandagarthg ... va *a~6a~r t 
'ajrb, near Persepolis was called Bun-xa"nag 85 by Klrde"r in his inscription [KKZ 4 & 
KNRm 7], If there was in existence a written text of the Avesta in Sasanian times, there were 
merely few copies, may be only one 8 °, and the latter Middle Persian texts refer to the Avestan 
text as to bun, "original, basis, foundation". It seems that this usage is older than our extant 
Middle Persian renderings from Avestan, and it goes back to the one real copy. Scholars, 
combining these data 87 , took the name of Bun- xanag as meaning "House of the original text of 
the Avesta". Henning considered 6un-xa"nag as a designation of Ka c ba-ye ZarduSt arid 
inclined to identify it with D1z 1 Ni bis t, but it seems, with Kumbach 1 974, Z04, that he was 
misled by Ibn BatxT'sFa"rs-Na"mah, identifying KQf 1 NI f 1st, i.e., Naq5 i Rustam, with 
the so-called Ka'ba-ye ZarduSt, i.e., bun- xa"nag, and both of them with Dlz 1 N1b1s"tof 
DkM 4ll.17ff. According to Shaki 1974, 334, Kirdffr's bun-xa"nag cannot be identical with 
Ka'ba-ye Zardust. 



82 Compare Pahlavi harwlsp.a~ga~hrh. 

83 A similar text in Arabic, but without mentioning carvings etc., is by Miskawayhi, translated and 
transcribed In Shaked 1994b, 76. 

34 Ka'ba-ye Zardust in Persepolis, near Naqs"-r Rustam, is an Anahita shrine; Sahputir I inscription 
of 262 CE and Ki rde"r*s inscription were found there. 

85 It is impossible to go here into all the problems connected with this term and with different 
interpretations. 

86 The opinion of AWN I, projected anachronistical^ to the Achxmenian period, is that there was one 
single copy. 

87 Henning 1957, Introduction [i]; Hinz 1961,16; cf. Gignoux 1984a, 145 n. 5. 



Inla'Sllbf, ed. Zotenberg, Z5Z, whose information corresponds the data of the ArdSIy] 
W1ra"l 88 -N3mag (AWN) 1.7, Dlz T Nibist was situated in the Qal'gh, "fortress", of 
ISta&r, Staxr T PSbagan. The tradition 89 took Dlz 1 Ntblst as "fort of written 
documents". The word diz in the same spelling as in the Denkard passages quoted below (* 
klyt 1 , WQRYT') is found in also in KSrnamag T Ardasir T Pabagan (KNAP), applied to 
the serpent Kirnts fortress. Belardi 1979, 25 90 , read the word in AWN 1.15 in Aramaic, 
kellaitS I kallita; and one may suppose that the diz of the Writings was spelled by this 
Aramaeogram because there was a well-established tradition going back to the times when the 
Aramaic scribes were keeping the books, associating Aramaic and writing in general. Shahbazi 
1986, 165-6, strengthened Henning's view by quoting the Persian (Bal c amr's) version of the 
chronicle of T aDarT (Ta^rTh, 657, ed. de Goeje 1 879): 

Then Gustasp placed this book (the Avesta) in his own treasure house, a house of stone 
(xa"na- e az sang), and appointed custodians for it; and he did not give copies of it to the 
common people, but only to the most privileged, and nowadays [i.e., 1 Oth century] it is not 
accessible to all magi, and those who possess it, possess it in an incomplete form. 

Shahbazi supposes that the original text of B al s a m T should be emended to read *bun- x a" n a- 
e az sang 91 . However, B a 1 c a m T's text, though frequently providing valuable information not 
found elsewhere, is not supported here by the TabarT's Arabic original. The Zoroastrian Middle 
Persian versions of the same story do not mention the surroundings of Persepolis; the only 
exception is the AWN 1.1-1 5 9 z , which placed the location where the Avesta was kept in Staxr 

ud e~n den clyan hamSg Abistag ud Zand [1] abar gaw- pdstTtia T wlrastag 
ud pad ab T zarr Mb1s"tag andar Staxr T PabagSn pad diz [T] n1bls"t Mhad 
estad awe - pidyarag T wad-baxt t ahlamog l druwand T anagkardar [T] 
Alaksandar 1 hrOmSylg 1 musrayTg manlSn abar awurd ud be soxt. 



88 de Menasce 1949, 3ff., still maintained the reading VTraf. 

89 Cf. WestS Haug 1874, XI. 

90 For discussion, cf. Vahman 1986, 2Z5ff. 

91 Shahbazi also notes Wat the name Ka'ba-ye-ZarduSt is relatively new, and was accepted under 
the influence of European Travellers. 

92 Bailey 1943, 151-2; Gignoux 1984a, 37ff-, translated on p.!45ff.; Vahman 1986, 76-79, translated 
onp.191, notes pp.223ff. Cf. alsoTansar-NSme, ed. Minovi, 140-1; Bianchi 1977, 3-30. 



And these "Religious Writings", namely all of the Avesta and the Zand which had been written 
with gold water on prepared oxen hide and deposited in Staxr T PSbagSn in the Fortress of 
Writings, that wicked, wretched, heretic, sinful, maleficent Alexander the Roman, resident of 
Egypt, took away and bumt 9 ^. 

The veision of Dk 5.3 9 ^ is different: 

4. ud ristag-kunisn nis3n7h3 andar Swam awam o paydagTh madan rasTd Sd 
ce" JSmSsp az hSn T Zardu[x]st hammfjg be gurt ud hast T niblSt Jomay 
Abistag ud Zand T pad gaw-p6st *dSnagTha <pad> zarr nlbiSt estad <ud>pad 
Ganj T xwadayan daSt, 

5. dehbedan ud dastwaran azas" bud T wss paccSn Hard pasaz G-z aganan ud 
winah- jSdarSnsz azas hast f mad bad T Jud-dadistanm Jud- wSntSnTh abar 
burd. 

4. The signs of the making of heretical movements came to manifestation, in different periods. The 
reason for this is that Jamasp preached some of the teachings of Zoroaster, and some of them he 
wrote down, viz., the Avesta and the Zand jointly, on oxen-hides. He wrote them down in wisdom 
in gold [letters] and kept in the Royal Treasury. 

5. There were among the rulers and the authorities some who made several copies, and of those 
there were some that reached the savants and 

the wrong-doers as well, and [the latter] turned them over to false opinions and false views. 

The text is a bit corrupt here. St is impossible that the "savants" brought "false opinions", so, 
it must be supposed that the original text read something like: " both the savants 'brought Tight 
'opinions and 'right 'views and the wrong-doers brought false opinions and false views". 
However, what is stated is that wrong opinions derive from the Zand, widely disseminated 95 from 
the copy held in the Royal Treasury. What is interesting about this text is that it states that 



93 Translation of Vahman used, with some slight changes. 

94 DltO 431, cf. West 1892, xxxi, West 1397, 126-7, Bailey 1943, 217 (& 154), Mole 1967, lu- 
ll 3. The reading and translation presented here are by Sh. Shaked, with some slight changes. 

95 The wide dissemination of copies of the Avesta noted by Bailey 1943, 164, in DkM 406.9, was 
ascribed to Ardaslw. 



Zoroaster's teachings were oral, that jamasp put some of them, but not all, in writing; the 
composition of the Zand is attributed to Zoroaster himself quite frequently. Later, copies were 
made, and some people made inappropriate use of these copies; clearly the ZandTgs are meant. 

In some way, it was, then, Jamasp who was responsible for the misuse made of the prophet 
teachings. And indeed, we have another, Manichaean, tradition that attributes the corruption of 
Zoroaster's teachings to Jamasp. In this Manichasan Zand 9 °, the greater pious men of the 
religions of Revelation are described as vicious sinners: the murderous Devadatta joined by King 
As'oka, the name of Jamasp is coupled with that Alexander as destroyers of Zoroaster's faith. It 
is plausible to suggest that this Manichasan Zand was based on the same tradition about Jamasp 
as, perhaps the first codificator of the Avesta. 

Another version is found in Dk 7,7:3 97 : 

pasaz az wiSObisn T az Alaksandar mad was nan T xvadayan T az nan pas 
az pargandagTh abaz 5 hamTh awurd, hast T pad ganj 1 *SasabTgan das"tan 
framild. 

Even after the havoc which happened because of Alexander, those who were rulers 9 " after him 
collected some of it (the Avesta) from the scattered state and ordered to keep it in the 
SasabTgan 99 Treasury. 

Here we have a reference to the assembling the dispersed Avesta anew; this topos was studied 
in Pines 1 990. The version of DkM 41 Iff. (cf. Nyberg 1 964, 1 08:8ff J, cf. West & Haug 1 874, 
3-5), West 1892, 413, 8ailey 1943, 218, Shaki 1981, Shaked 1994b. 99-101, is as follows: 
...DSray T Darayan hamag Abistag ud Zand ciyfin ZardutxlJt az Ohrmazd 
padgrift nlbistag 2 pacceTi e"wag pad Ganj T SaWgSn Swag pad dlz T nibist 
d3s"tan framed. ... [Sahpuhr] ab3z ham awurd ud abag Abistag abaz 



96 Cf. Henning 1944, 133-144 - Henning 1977. 139-150. 

97 Cf. West 1B97, 82, Mole 1967, 71-2. 

98 These "rulers" were rather the Arsacids; compare West 1897, 82 n.1. 

99 "SasabTgan, Bailey 1942, 230-1; SapTkan, STcTkan. Markwart 1931, 108; SHTkan, Nyberg 
1974, 186. Cf. below. 



handaxt ud harw han T drust paccer* fl nan Ganj T SabTgan i— w 1 00 dad. 



100 This wort (cf. also DkM 405.19; 406.1. 9; 412.4, 22; 437.20; 649.19; AWN 1.18) was read and 
translated in a variety of ways. Markwart 1901, 108-9, identified ganj'm ganl T X v adayan{cf. now 
DkB 341, ZOf.; it seems that the form sa~hTg3n was influenced by that of the name of Se"z, and 
corrupted because this name was unknown, being a mask for another place. Tliat is the reason why in was 
substituted by the synonymous Ganj T x v adayan) with Ganjak ,i.e., with Ce"s [Arabic al-STz] > 

sTzTaSnjon Ganj T X v adSySn, "the treasure of the rulers",cf. Markwart & Messina 1931, 108-10; 
it is worth notice that in Sffz near Ganzek, where the Adur Gu£n3sp Fire was situated, there was "a 
Magi school, the antecedent and nurisher of the whole of the Magism, called Sinks' of the Magi", Vita 
Mar Abae, Bedjan 1895, Pigulevskaja, 'Mar Aba I", 79. STz (the form S*TZ will be used for 
convenience), modem Tart i Suleiman, on location and reading, cf . Marquart 1 901 , 1 08-9; Bailey 1 943, 
230; Bailey 1971, XUI-XUII; STz Ces<*«st ST; may be from CeSast {Ces<«CffSt), cf, Minorsky 
1943/6, 256; 264, However, Shalo" 1961, 115 n.l, rightly showed that the Middie Persian form of the 
name of the lake Caecasta is CecasL, GrBd 10.1, which may have been contracted to*Ce£ or C5s, 
as in the Arabic name of the place, JTs, not SeCar STz, which is the Arabized form. Bailey 1943, 1 55 
n. 3, has sasapTkan The term occurs also in the opening of Ayadgar T Wuzurg-Mlhr [PT 85], 
where West 1887, 263-4, rendered it as "Moi, "Wuzurg-Mlhr, fils de BOkhtek, president du conseil 
prive et ministre de I'interieur du pays du fidele KhOsro, preparai et deposai dans la tresarie royate 
iganj-l shahffcin) ce memDire..."; Bailey 1971, xlii-xlih: abyadgaV f Wuzurg-mihr T BSxtaga"n 
zanTnbed s'abistan-s'ahr [T] ostTgan xusraw-darlgberj, "the memorial of WMB, keeper Df the 
women, trusted of the state 717, chief of Xusrau's court, was held in the ganj T SahTgan"; Cunakova 
1 991 , 49, rendered it as Fallows: man Wuzurgmihr T Boxtagan winaTbed [T] Sabestan Sahr 
7 ostTgan Husraw darlgbed Sn ayadgar ... pad ganj T SahTgan nlhad. The word Jabestan 
was dealt with in Henning 1956, 45, and in Shaked 1 969, 134 ("eunuch"); the whole title translated and 
dealt with in Brunner 1978, 46, Shaked 1992a, 299-303 [w«nan.pad.tan.Sa"bestanl, Lukonin 1987, 
245 n. 81. As to Ganj T sfhTgfn, 'sahlgaV alone was translated by Cunakova 1991, in her 
Glossary, as "Aaopeu.", pafece. It is now be noted that the word s*ab1stan occurs as Ai-dahag's title; 
in Sahrestanlha T Eran §§18 & 49 we find: Af-Dahag psd T iaHistSrx calling Azdanag a ped 
I sablstan may imply that his harem activities are meant, known from Yas"t 5.34. Kasumova 1978, 
Kasumova 1994. 57\ 63, 76-9, rendered pid 1 £abistan as "BiiacTejmH TbMu", "the Prince of 
Darkness". In both Middle and New Persian slblst/Sibist means "monster" etc.; the myth of Klrm as 
told in KNAP and in the Sah-N3man was strengthened by the affinity in sound of s'ltjISt/SlblSt. 
"monster", and Sablstan, "harem", "eunuch". As to the word zanrnbed, used in the WMB passage, 
sGmer hannSsTm, "the keeper of women" in the Hebrew of Esther may be a wrong analysis of 
*zanTnpat as if *zanTnpat. The reading adopted here is that by Shaked 1994b, 100 n. 3: *zne 
treasury of the (royal) quarters". Shaked rightly alludes to Esther 6.1 . 



' " Oarius, son of Darius, commanded that the whole Avesta and Zand as received by Zoroaster 
from Ahum Mazda - two copies of (that) writing to be preserved, one in the SabTgSn Treasury 
and one in the Fortress of Writings. ... (SShpuhr) collected them 1 02 and caused them to fit the 
Avesta and every correct copy he ordered to be deposited the in the "SabTgan Treasury. 

This is the only version that mentions both "SabTgan Treasury (the Royal Quarters, the 
Palace?) and the Fortress of Writings as the places where two copies of the whole Avesta and Zand 
were kept. Previously, the DeTikard account (DkM 406, cf. West 1892, xxxi, Bailey 1943, 
Zl 7) stated: 

fl sflzlsn T nan T pad Ganj T "SabTgan o dast T HrOmayan mad u.s awlz 
YOnanTg uzwa"n wizard, 

*After it that is in the *SabTgan Treasury (j'.e„ the Avesta) was burnt down and fell into the 
hands of the Romseans, it was translated into the Greek language 1 ° 3 . 

The act of burning the Avesta is here anachronistically ascribed to the Byzantines, confused 
with the Greco-Macedonian armies. One can hardly imagine how a text, having been burnt, could 
be after that translated into any language. Two traditions are combined here: that of burning the 
Avesta by Alexander, as represented in AWN 1 , and that of the Avesta dispersed amongst the 
nations 1 "*. But it is possible to speculate here that this first tradition refers to a well-known 
historical fact, the pillage of STz, with its treasures, by the armies of Heracleus in 617 CE 1 ^ 5 . 
It appears from these passages that at least one written copy of the Avesta existed in Sasanian 
times; however, there is a big discrepancy as to the site where the Avesta actually was kept 



101 The translation used here is that of Shaked 1994b, 99-100, with slight changes. 

102 All kinds of knowledge collected, inter alls, from Byzantium and India. 

103 According to Tabari. 700, cf. Perelman 1987, 93, the Persian learnings on the sciences, etc., were 
translated, after Alexander, Into Aramaic, and then into Greek. 

104 Again, cf. Pines 1990. 

105 It is possible that the spelling foirns similar so much to the name of STz are actually a late 
combination of *6anJ T SabTgan with the name of STz. It seems that a copy of Avesta was indeed 

kept and studied in this ancient city of priests; Arabic sources mention "Ayarjgaral-Furs" (which must 
be Avesta [with its Zand?], as the term ayidgar was used for "Avesta", cf. OkH 412,11) studied at the 
"Gypsum Castle", Qal'at al-Juss <*Oiz i STZ. 



There is another text, SahrestSnTha T Eran, §2ff. (cf. Bailey 1943, 153), which states: 



pas Zardu[x]5t d£n 3wurd az framan <Y> Wlstasp sa"h 1,200 fragard pad 
deTi-dtblrTh pad taxtagTha" 106 <P zarrfn kand ud nlolst ud pad ganj co han 
3ta[x]£ n1h£d. ud pas gizastag Skandar sOxt ud andar 6 dray3b abgand. 



Then ZonWSter brought the Religion / the Avesta and by the order of the king Vishtaspa 1 ,200 
fragard* were engraved and written on golden tablets in the religious script 1 " ' and placed in the 
treasury of that (the Bahrain Fire of Samarkand) fire. Afterwards, the accursed Alexander burnt 
it and threw into the sea. 

This account is different golden tablets instead of 1,200 / 1 2,000 oxen hides inscribed in 
gold; Samarkand instead of STz, no mention of Zand, only the "Religion", i.e., the Avestan original 
text, written in "religious script". This tradition seems to be unconnected to those of AWN and the 
De"nkard 10e . 

All this may be summed up as follows: according to the Zoroastrian Middle Persian evidence, 
there were copies of the Avesta in existence; the traditions about the Avesta and Zand deposited at 
Staxr, Persepolis or STz are unreliable; a copy of the Avesta was kept rather at the royal 
palace 1 "', in all the probability, in Ctesiphon. 



106 Bailey 1943, 151, rightfy made here a reference to the 'alwaTj of Baha'ullah as a parallel. 

1 07 In the Avestan alphabet, cf . Tafazzoli 1 993. 

103 However, it is worth noting that, as far as I know, only this particular composition, 
SahrestanTha' T Eran, knows Ctesiphon, named there simply Asur, "Assur". In passing, it is worth 
notice that in Jutfaeo-Persian sources Asur means 'Mosul". 
1 09 Cf. note 100, in the end. 



xxvii 

Avesta 
For a better understanding of the Sasanian literary situation, some comments should be made 
concerning the meaning of the word "Avesta". The word Avesta was explained in a variety of ways: 
from "praise", *upa-stavaka- (Bartholomae); from "basis", *upa-sta- (Geldner and 
Andreas);, from "knowledge", *vid- (i.e., close in meaning to Vfeoa, according to Dhalla 
1 963 1 ' 0). Bailey 1 1 ' has explained the term as *Apastaka, "Book of Commandments", or the 
"Book of Praise" (*upa-stau; the term Is still retained in OrmurT word for "reading", 
*abista); Bailey 1985a, 11-2, takes the first element as from apa, "separated, 
distinguished", an adjectival form, not as a preverb. According to this view, the Middle Persian 
'pst'k was transmitted in the "Southern dialect", and st'k represents *sta~-avlka-, the 
same root as in Hittite istuwa-, "to declare solemnly", or in Greek eternal, "to speak 
boastingly" [Middle Voice]. 

Middle Persian forms are 'est 1 !;, >pst=kyx and'pyst'k, 3 pyst>k 112 ; pazand has 
avasta or atasta", 11 ^ F Parsi Sanskrit has avlsta", and Abu Nuv*as 1,J *u5edB1stSq for 
"Avesta". Sometimes the word for "Avesta" was compared to a Middle Persian word found in 
expressions well-attested on seals 1 1 a , J pst 5 n C L yzd'n, aoastSn/m yaidSn, "reliance 
on the gods" 116 . The original Avestan text of Pahlavi Zand texts is frequently referred to as 
bun 1 ' ', "basis, origin", this analogy enabling to strengthen the etymology suggested by Geldner 
and Andreas; DkM 786.1 1-12 defines the prayer Ahunvar as "the seed of the sources of the 
Religion", tdhrnagSn tohmag T Den, which is close to bun. Another Pahlavi term for the 
Avestan text is den, "religion". As is well known, den, "religion", is frequently used in the 
sense of "Avestan text" or even "texts based on the Avesta proper and as reliable as the Avesta 
itself". 



110 Cf. also Betardi 1979. Fora flood review of opinions, cf. GlkyO ItO 1974. 

1 1 1 Bailey, H.W., The Orbit of Afghan studies, A Lecture Given at the Society's [the Society for Afghan 
Studies] Inaugural Meeting , p.l [no date], 

1 1 Z The final *k may represent the original adjective ending; another possibility is that this -k was an 
orthographic device to render the long final -&. 

1 1 3 Syriac, Armenian, Arabic and New Pereian forms are given in Bailey 1 9SSa, 9. 

114 Cf. Capezzone 1 989, 91 . 

115 E.g., Provasi 197S, 429, 433; Kirste 1BB8, passim. 

116 Cf- also Benfey 1 B58, 676. 

1 1 7 There Is some semantic analogy between the name of the Avesta and its language, Avestan, and the 
name of the Pali language [absent from the Canon, appearing in the commentary literature ), originally 
"text", hence "sacred text", hence "the language Df the sacred text", unlike "the language of the 
commentary" ; cf. Jelizarenfcava & Toporcw 1S6S, 7. 



This could be seen from the formula "pad den paydag kti", etc., introducing Avestan 
quotations' 1 °, "Avesta" and den being thus synonyms. On this basis, it is plausible to suggest 
the possibility that "Avesta" means actually not only "the Avestan text", but also "religion", 
exactlythe way de"nmeans"Avesta" 1 19 . The meanings "religion", "Avesta" of the word denmay 
have perhaps developed from slightly different sources than being merely a continuation of the 
Avestan daena- ^O We know that the Iranian word den, "religion", was borrowed in the 
Achaemenian period into Aramaic where it underwent the process of contamination with the 
genuine word for "judgment, justice", Aramaic dTn. 

But previously to that the Iranian den / daena- was, as I suggest, influenced by Akkadian 
dinn um / drn unr1 , "document, contract; strength, basis", dannlt urn , "document", Aramaic 121 
dinnat-, "written text, document" 1 zz , from The root DNN, "to be strong, to strengthen". The 
word occurs also in the Akkadian-Aramaic formula dnt 2y [Whwbrz], used on a newly 

discovered coin 1 z3 . This highly tentative suggestion of a contaminated etymology presupposes 
the existence of a text recorded in writing. 

On the other hand, the Iranian de n / dafna*- poses several etymological and semantical 
problems on the Iranian part, too. The Avestan word daena- is difficult to translate. 
Bartholomae (AiW 66Zb), ag., simply rendered It "Religion", after the face value of the Pahlavi 
usage of den. 



11B Among formulas that are characteristic for quoting Avesta, thus introducing the Zand, are also kii, 

ay, had , as well as az De"n paydag, bun, gySg e~ paydag, etc. 

119 For this reason, I frequently translated Pahlavi de"n as "Avesta". 

1Z0 In the 9th century, AfsTn (Tavadia quoted in Sundemiann 1992, 170 n. 46) named Zoroastrianism 

"al-dTn al-abya<J", "the white religion" (no doubt, *dffn T spedag). Though the context there is 

different, as was noted by Sundermann, this designation clearly reflected the old identification of the 

"beautiful (or, "shining", *spe"dag) girt", daena, with the goal of pious life, "religion". 

121 CIS 17;DIS0 59. 

1 22 The word was widely used by Achaemenian and Arsacid scribes. The root is perhaps attested once 
in Hebrew: Genesis 6.3 [oTHi 1 nn liTj frt]; the Hebrew for "Religion" (actually, "Faith"), mim, derived 
from a root semantically identical with the Akkadian DNN (compare Exodus 17.12, hjidh pt 1 n n 0]. 

123 "Contract of Oboraos", cf. Bivar 1994, 66;; Bivar 1996, 37-38, prefers to see here Mithraic 
overtones. The later Semitic word for "Law" in the sense of "Religion" is due to a contamination of 

Akkadian dinn "*. drrf^, "strength, basis", Aramaic dfn, "court, judgement, justice" and Iranian 

daena-. 



In some sense, his interpretation was thus not different from that of the Sasanian Zandists, 
who had a clear tendency to identify their own concepts with those of the Avestan language, using 
Pahlavi etymons of Avestan words (it seems that they were not always aware of the semantical 
gap). Etymologically, however, daena- could very well belong to the root of Persian dTdan"to 
see", so that one might regard a man's daena- as a kind of Platonic idea of one in the other world, 
his soul-prototype 1 ' 4 . The word daena- itself may signify "vision, conception" and thus it 
continues the value of its underlying stative root d I- "view, consider", with which it is employed 
etymologically at Y 44.1 Obd; tarn daenam...da1 dyaL 1 Z ^ "have they seen that vision?" 1 z ^. 



Every man (and woman?) has his daena-, a representation of his own virtues (klrbag, in 
Pahlavi) - or misdeeds. If the man was kirbag.kar, "a pious one" in Pahlavi, his daena- 
meets him on the Bridge of Separation, after his death, in the image of a beautiful young woman, 
and if he was not - in the image of an ugly old woman, or a whore 1 27 ; compare, e.g,, MX 1 z8 (and 
elsewhere) han 1 x v es nSwag kunfSn pad IcanTg klrb, "his own good deeds in form of a 
girl"... hsm ne kanTg be kunisn T newag T to, "I am not a giri, but your good deeds", etc. 
Most religions, among them Zoroastrianism, are based on the idea of a good reward for good 
deeds and punishment for sins; the Zoroastrian tradition is especially preoccupied with personal 
eschatology, the reward received in the afterlife. As the impetus of Zoroastrianism is to perform 
good deeds for the sake of one's own soul 12 ^, the word daena- / d$n, frequently glossed 
kunisn, "[good] deed, merit, opera/idum"^" referring to reward and obligation, developed in 



124 With the word "idea" also belonging to a base meaning "to see", "vid-", cf. Gershevitch 1980b, 
285. 

125 Translated "standardly", en den ... dahffd, where the Zsndist mistook the verb of seeing for thB 
verb of giving. 

126 Cf. Insler 1975, 192 (rJyberg quoted). 

127 Cf., e.g., Vahman 1983, Calmeyer & Gaube 198S, Widengren 1983c, Sundemiann 1992. 

128 Quoted in Sundermann 1992, 163. 

1 29 On the term. cf. Shaked 1 990c. 

130 There was perhaps a stage when daena- was identical with ktrbag, understood, on the level of 
popular etymology, as "what is done by a person", but also "what should be done". However, k 1 rba 9 is 
a continuation ot the same lemma as the Avestan kahrp-, "form", and that makes tlrbag semantlcally 
identical to daena-, which also means "(visible) form", cf. Gershevitch 1980a and 1980b. It seems that 
not only the Arabic dTn, "religion, law", but the Arabic (Iain, "debt, obligation; financial claim" as well, 
are loans from Iranian (In quite a number of languages, including English, "debt" and "duty", both of which 
are from debere. are synonymous). If It is so, then this second word, dam, was used as synonymous 
with k Irbag, "meritorious deed, merit", and indeed, attention was called to somewhat reversible use of 

de~n/kirbagin Iranian popular religioh (Vahman 1983), 



Middle Iranian the new sense of "religion", "religious community" and even "the sacred texts of 
this religion" 131 . 

A particular revelation given to a particular person, Zoroaster, became the Holy Word, 
Sparjta- MaSra-, for the humanity. Zoroaster held, of course, in very high esteem the Hymns 
revealed to him by Lord Wisdom, but it is plausible to suggest that it was only a long time after 
the prophet that the connotation of "sacred text" was developed. In Pahlavi, Ge"n means 
"religion", "Avesta", and it is the word used by the fomialistic-minded Zandists to translate the 
Avestan for "revelation, vision". This type of translation I call the "standard", or "formal" 
translation, when a fixed [Pahlavi] word should cover all the meanings of a given [Avestan] word 
in the original text 132 . Derived from the root with meaning "to see", de"n may have been 
translated even "vision" or "revelation", referring not only to Zoroaster's own dae"n5-, but also 
to the whole of information revealed to him. On this basis of uninterrupted, until the latest stages 
of the Pahlavi literature, usage of the word de" n for things seen as revealed to Zoroaster, I suggest 
that the term "A b i stag (not attested in the Avesta itself) was coined teterthan de"n, as a gloss 
to den 133 . In my opinion, "Ablstag translating de"n derives from "vid-. "to see" 
(synonymous with d I- and suppletive to it, cf. Persian dTdan / br[n)), and meant '"tilings 
shown, revelation", being later partly contaminated with ' ps t >n found on seals. Regarding the 
phonetic form of Avestan dae"n3-, it was itself influenced by the Sasanian pronunciation, 
•dayana > daSna- < den (cf. Insier 1975, 192), being a reworking of Middle Iranian de"n 

into the redaction of the text 1 **, That is, the Middle Iranian word was read-in into the Avestan 
texts during the period of oral transmission, and the Sasanian Zand tradition, which identifies 
de" n with *dayana > daen a-, follows thus the older custom. Concerning Bailey's etymology, it 
may be a good example of how the word was understood by Iranians later. 



131 Cf. Sundemiann 1992, 165. 

132 AiW and the vocabulary in Dhabhar 1 927 generally provide such "standard" renderings; cf . also the 
illuminating remark in Xreyenbroek 1985, 76 n.1 .8, who noted that tarsagah, "devout, reverent", was 
"regularly used to render" Avestan as1-, "recompense". 

133 Which about that time, under the Akkadian/Aramaic Impact, has developed an additional sense of 
"basis, document". It is probably more than a coincidence that both d n t and 3 p s t *n are found on seals. 

1 34 This observation seems to me important as It eliminates phonetic problems involved in the tentative 
contamination with Aramaic dTn. 



As to the Ormur/T word for "reading", h seems to be derived secondarily from the name of the 
Zoroastrian Holy Book, as it must be impossible that this meaning goes back to the epoch of pre- 
Zoroastrian, completely oral, paganism. This example demonstrates, I believe, the differences 
between the Avestan, especially the G36ic, and the Sasanian theological perceptions, as 
etymologically related words, in many cases, have different range of meanings in Avestan and 
Pahlavi. 

Zand 

Now, some observations should be made concerning the meaning of the terms Zand and 
ZandTk[gX Basically, the term Zand applies to the Zoroastrian Middle Persian, or Book Pahlavi, 
version of the Avestan texts. Nevertheless, this varied genre of writings is by no means a unitary 
corpus. The vast dispersed material which could be put under the category of Zand was never 
organized as a body of texts. It contains material dating from different epochs and originating, 
perhaps, from different schools of exegesis. 

A sacral text is not complete without an additional interpretation 1 3 ->. The need to interpret 
the "scriptures" which may have been transmitted orally, brought to life during the Sasanian 
period this package of text-cum-exegesis known as "Avesta-and-Zand", or "Zand-Avesta". In 
Western scholarship, the term Zend-Avesta was coined, following Oriental, but not specifically 
Zoroastrian models, as learning the Avesta meant basically studying the Zand of the Avesta. 

Zand is a Parthian term, originally applied, according to Widengren 136 , to the gnomic Andan 
genre. The word seems to denote, originally, merely "knowledge", thus implying the purpose for 
which these explanatory comments were made, namely, to better the comprehension of the divine 
word, in its ancient and dead tongue, that was no longer understood. 

The terms "translation" and "exegesis" do not fully render what the Zand really is. It was 
Schaeder 1 930, 76, who identified the Zand as the Middle Persian Targum to the Avestan "text", 
and Gignoux 1986a, 56, defined Zand as exegesis like that of the Judaeo-Christian world 13 '; 
indeed, the Jewish Targum is the best parallel to the Zoroastrian Zand The most important 
common notion about both Jewish Targumim and Zoroastrian 7ands is that both were originally 
supposed to be, on the one hand, strictly oral and literal, and, on the other, they were fluid, non- 
fixed, open to re-working. 



1 35 Cf. Wansbraugh 1977, 100, 148-170, on the Koranic material. 

136 Cf.. e.g., Widengren 1960, 40 n.136. 

1 37 With references [ib., n.14] to definitions made by Mary Boyce. 



As with the Targumim, there are different types of Zands as well. There are word-by-word 
Targumim, like the Targum Onqalffs (*Aquilas), and there are midrashic Targumim, like 
that attributed to Jonathan ben c Uzfl=9 (Targum YCnfefn, or "Pseudo- Jonathan") and 
others (the "Fragmenta!" Targum, Targum Neophiti, etc.). All of them have their parallels in the 
extant Zands. 

The basic difference is that while our extant Targumim are now strictly standardized and 
fixed 138 , with little new material being added at the later stages of fixation, the Zoroastrian 
Zanos represent an earlier stage in development: they have a more fluid character, and contain 
two features not found entirely in the Jewish Targumim first, they use quotations in names of 
different sages, like "NN said that ..., but NN said that ...", or "but some say", found in Jewish 
writings in other genres of commentatory literature, namely in the Mishnah and Gemara, but not 
in the Taigum; second, the lands frequently possess, in addition to the word-by-word translation 

and midrashic material, also more than one set of glosses 1 3 9 . 

These two feature are often inter-connected, and one of the tasks of the modem editors of the 
Zands was to discriminate between the "translation" proper and the sets of glosses (in 
transliteration and translation, the glosses are put in the square brackets: []). 

Though a /f the Zoroastrian Zands we possess now are in Zoroastrian Middle Persian, there is 
no reason why there should not be translations of Avestan texts into Parthian, or "Arsacid" Middle 
Persian, or any other language; after all, we possess traces of such translations into different 
Iranian tongues. Zands were known in several Iranian languages, including Old Sogdian 
(Gershevitch 1976a), Middle Sogdian, Bactrian, Parthian, Median, Old Persian (Skjaerve 
1998), Armenian (Russell 1985-6, 7), as local versions of Avestan texts. The Avestan 
elements are most prominent in the Sogdian Manichaean texts, amongst all other remnants of 
Manichaean literature, since these come from the general area where the Avesta itself originally 
came from (Skjaerva 1 998). 



136 They were written down and finally fixed as early as the Byzantine epoch, i.e., much earlier than 
the Zoroastrian Zands we possess now. The first Jewish prints, from the 16th century, included 
Targurm, and since then only minor changes, if any, have been introduced into their texts. In contrast, it 
was only in the New Time that the Zands were printed. 

1 39 However, it was observed that the way of glossization in Pahlavi texts is by no means different 
from that of the much later oldest Judaeo-Pereian Pentateuch of London, edited in Paper 1972. 



Sundermann made known a Manichaean Middle Parthian fragment where Ahunwaft GSh Nask, 
i.e., the Ahunuuaiti G363, the first of the 50 Old Avestan Gathas, which begins with the Ahuna 
Vairiia prayer, is mentioned, while a Sogdian transcription of an Avestan text, the A$am Vohu 
prayer, a real Avestan text in Sogdian characters and in Sogdian pronunciation, was made known 
by Gershevitch 1 976a 1 *". Another Sogdian Zand might be seen in »xw >sptk Tt>w zrwSc 
(axu aspate" artaw Zrusx), "the perfect righteous Zaraeus'tra". standing for Avestan 
asauua ZaraQustrfj SpitamfJ, (Skjasrvo 1998), where Spitama- is rendered as 
asp at S, "perfect". As to the Old Sogdian Zands, it was stated that the pieces we possess are sort 
of a linguistical upgrading or adaptation, of the same kind which we meet later in the Zoroastrian 
Pahlavi Zands. 

Henning 1 41 published a Manichaean "Zand" 1 4Z in which the greater pious men of the religions 
of Revelation are described as vicious sinners. The murderous Devadatta is joined there by King 
As" oka, the great promulgator of Buddhism, and the name of the venerable in the FravardTn 
Ya§t ZamSsp is coupled with that of the accursed Alexander. 

In light of such a great spread of the teachings of Zoroaster, one may ask whether some of the 
Greek (and other Western) books circulating under the name of Zoroaster, were not indeed some 
sort of Zand? 

Moreover, some Middle Iranian pieces of exegesis to Avestan texts (which could be well defined 

as "Zands") were "translated" 1 * 3 back into Late Avestan, as the Late Avestan' 4 term zanda 
indicates. Thus, Y 61.3 and Vd 18.55 imply, according to Schaeder 1 930, 88-9, that sometimes 
Avestan texts go back to a Middle Persian Voriage, thus giving us some chronological data for 
establishing the epoch in which Zandemerged. Avestan zanda yatomanta, with variants, in 



1 40 The Sogdianized Avestan in the Sogdian fragment republished by Gershevitch is older than even the 
"Ancient Letters", dating from an epoch prior to Mani, meaning that this small but important part of the 
Zoroastrian canon was known in Sogdiana before the Sasanian period. 

1 4 1 Henning 1944,133-144- Henning 1 977. 1 39-1 50. 

142 The term is used here in the negative Zoroastrian sense of the word, i.e., as a deformation of the 
original meaning of the sacred text. No doubt, such Zands were among the texts that enrages Zoroastrian 
priests and caused them to call Mani a zandTk, using the ward as a term of abuse. 

1 43 The word "translated" used here does not necessarily implies that a certain text, written down or 
oral, was really translated, but rather that a Middle Iranian-thinking author believed that he is composing 
in Avestan. This sort of writing Is somewhat similar to the "translation complex" known in connection 
with the Latin of medieval European sources, or Hebrew written in Europe and elsewhere. 

144 Cf. AIW 1662. 



Vd 18.55, is clearly from Middle Iranian 145 , and so iszandamca yatumatamca, in Y 61.3, 
too (where zanda is glossed over in Pahlavi as "the prophet of wizards" 146 , paygambar T 
]a"dug3n). 

Nevertheless, very few extant pieces of Zand could be traced, unfortunately, to the Arsacid 
period. The Middle Persian Zoroastrian tradition preserves mention of a codification of the 
Avesta, apparently, with its Zand, under a certain Arsacid king Vologeses, and I think we should 
take this evidence on its face value: a Middle Iranian version, whether Parthian or Middle 
Persian 1 * 7 , of some Avestan texts was in existence prior to the rise of the Sasanians. i see no 
reason to doubt that "Sasanian" Zandst traditions continued, in many aspects, "AisackT Zandist 
traditions 1 * 8 . 

Although sometimes it was stated that the Middle Persian versions were made only in the 
Sasanian period, which would account for the lack of comprehension of many words and passages 
on the part of the translator, but "the fact of matter is that the Pahlavi translations are 
astonishingly faithful to the Avestan ... and we must conclude that the Pahlavi version was based 
upon a long tradition of contemporary versions of the holy texts" (Skjaerva 1 998). 

According to this scholar, the Kirdffr"s quotations were taken from a complete Middle Persian 
version of the Avesta extant at that time, even in a written form. This view should be 
strengthened by Mani's statement on the existence of books written by Zoroastrians, which books 
were, though, different from Zoroaster's own teachings; thus, one should see in these books Zands 
rather than the Avesta proper. It seems to me highly unlikely to expect Mani to state that the 
venerated - and incomprehensible - Avesta should not be Zoroaster's own words. When Mani said 
Zoroaster's pupils fabricated books, he clearly meant books in vernaculars (i.e., the Zands), not 
the Avesta. 



145 As*a"zanil-, with t, is expected In Avesta. Cmpr. as well yatGmand < yatrjk > jadQg, cf. 
Schaeder 1930, 88. Avestan zanda occurs with yatumant, "sorcerer", Y 61.3; Vd 18.55 (pad zand 
jaduglh). Frahanfl TOTm ZO: zlnda. yatumanta, zand ystat Cf. MX 35.16-7: ud 13am ke" 
zandTgTh kun£d ud Horn te jadugTh kuned. 

146 According to Bailey 1963, 81, the meaning "sectary" of zandTgmay have been developed from 
"sorcerer". 

1 47 Skjaerve believes thac all the extant Middle Persian versions go back to the 3rd century versions, 
because it seems that it was only then that the Middle Persian dialect was put in writing. 

MB Cf. Chapter III. Ill "Mani and Zand*, n. 1. 



How could the Avesta in its original language be brought as an argument in a religious dispute, 
if neither Mani, nor the arbiters] (say, the King), and, probably, nor even KirdJ r (or other 
high-ranking Magian politician) could understand the contents of it without a vernacular 
version? 149 Mani could easify pretend to understand Avestan better than, say, Klrdffr. After 
all, Mani claimed he grasped what Zoroaster actually taught better than the Magi do. 

There are some reasons to believe that some of those Zands which Mani disapproved, were 
composed onfy in his own lifetime, as parts of anti-ManJchsan propaganda, while others had a 
longer history and were reworked by Man! himself for his own needs [cf. Chapter III], That a 
Middle Persian version of some Avestan texts existed in Mani/Klrdfr's times , could be 
seen, eg,, from the fact that K 1 rd e" r quoted Avesta in Middle Persian, ie., as a Zand , in §6-7 of 
his inscription, cf. Skjaerve 1983b: 

W ZK-['wg]wr> cygwn [PWN n]sky nm'dty AYK A[NlSWT[A AMT OBLWNORlE 

Z[Y dyny] p[yt>k?] [w MN]W 3 1t=y ZK NPSt; [dyny? 1 <jKy pt<y>rky 

YATWNt W MNW >it»y OLE ZK NPSE dyny OL whlysty YBLW'N W MNW dlwndy 
OLEC ZK NPSE dyny OL dlwShJwy DBLW[N]t, 

>fwgwnc]m KON [PWn zylw.ndky pyt*k >yw YHWWN AYK OLE ODNA 
AMTIOlBjLwMm APm ZK N1PSE [dyny ZK- J wgwn ptyrky? YA]TWN( W HT 
s lt'y [HWEn ADYNm ZK NJPSE dyny ZK->wgwn pyt>k »yw YHWWN cygwn MNW 
OL whlysty IwtiV OZLWHt W HT <Si-«r,dy HWEn ADYN m ZK-'-wgwn pytHx 'yw] 
YHWWN cygw[nj M[NW] OL [dwShwyl DBLWNt, 

And in the same way as it is revealed [in the Na]sk that when people [pass on... And he who] is 
just, his own [den] comes to meet him ... And he who is just, him his own de"n [leads] to 
Paradise. And he who is wicked, him his own de"n leads to Hell. 

[thus also] may it appear to me now in life, so that at the time when [I pass on, then myl own 
[den] comes [to meet me in that way]. And if [I am] just, [then] may [my] own d£fi appear as 
the one who goes to Paradise! And if I am wicked, then [may] it appear to me just as the one who 
leads to [Hell]!, 



149 Cf. Chapter 111.111 "Mani and Zand". 

1 50 The lifetime of the two men partly overlapped. 



restored by Skjaarva 1983b, 290-1, as follows: 

a~a£ mraot A/iuriT riazda~, "thus spoke Ahura Mazda", 

u.s guft 0hrma2d kd, "He, Ohrmazd, said, that,.", versus Klrder's h3n Swon ClgSn 

[pad naisk paydag ku; 

pasi'a para.trtstahe mafflehe ... , rendered in the extant Zandas 

pas az be wid1rl5n T mardomSn, "after the passing on of men", versus Kirdfr's 

mardom [ka (be) widirffd]; 

Vd 19.30: 
hS srfra <hu>krta ... Jasalti ... , "the beautiful, the well-shaped is coming", rendered in 
the extant Zand as tv3n newag (pad dTdan) huglrd ... rased ... "here arrives the brave 
Ito look upon], the well-shaped", versos Kirder's "aw{ T [<jen] paydag, where the gloss 
den enables us to identify the passage; then, 

ha" assunatn uruufns tare haram BarazaitTm a~sanaolti tare Cinuoatparatdm 
vjdsraitete hafts mafnllauuanaam yazatanam, 
rendered in the extant Zand as 
ban T ahlawSn ruwan tarist hariburz w1zThene"d tarist az en cyw widarg 

widirend (ke *yazdan) x v eS 1 menogan yazdan, 

she will draw the souls of the righteous ones beyond the Hariburz, the cross over beyond the 

Bridge of Separation which belongs to gods, 

versus Klrder's 

[ud kfl arday ti3n xve"S [den ...]$ky *pad<T>rag ayffd ud ke arday awe han 

xves dfn wahist (...]; 



Then, Vd 19.30: 
ha~ oTuuatam ayam uruugnam tamo.huua nfzarasaite , 

rendered in the extant Zand as 1 5 1 

nan T druwandan wadag ruwan andar tam [ku gyag T tSrTg ciyOn duSax ] be 

nayend (DBLWNyynd), 

they will lead these wicked souls of these evil persons to darkness [which is a dark place, like 

Hell], 



151 Given in JamaspAsa 1982, 631, who does not specify where it is from; quoted in Skjaerva 1983b, 
291 n.lZ. 1 did not find it in Anklesaria 1949. 



versus Klrde"r's 

ud ke druwand awez nan x v es de~n o duSax v nayed 15 ^. 

According to Skjiervo 1983b, 276, 290, Klrder's quotations are taken from the Zand to 
Vendidad [Vd 19.26-30] 153 , "probably not [from] the Hadffxt Nask". However, in my 
opinion, there is a Gaeic passage which is a better candidate to be quoted by Kirde~r than a 
Vendidad or H36flx t Nask passage; I suggest one has ratherto see the Nask quoted by K i rd e r as 
actually derived from the Pafilavi Yasna 31 .20. 

These texts are interesting as they provide us with a Middle Persian Zoroastrian Zand basically 
not very different from that of our extant versions. What is worth notice now is the fact that 
[PWN n]$ky nm'tity, "[as] it is demontrated in a Nask", is a formula introducing a Scriptural 
quotation also in Manichasan Middle Persian, but it differs from the Zoroastrian Middle Persian, 
where we find "pad Den paydag etc.; perhaps this difference implies that the Middle Persian 

versions of the Avesta were not yet arranged 1 " as a complete corpus, but rather were organized 
as separate Nasks. Another possible explanation is that the term "Nask" was then identical with a 
unit of the Middle Persian Zand, but not with a unit of the Avestan texts. 

Of course, other explanations are also possible. It is possible that in Mani/Kirtie r's times, 
the term Zand, previously used for "Avestan texts in vernacular", became associated too much 
closely with heretical teachings, like those of Mani himself. It took time, and an almost complete 
destruction of Manichaeans in Sasanian Iran, until the term reappeared in its original sense. 

As the Zand was transmitted by priests who performed the communal cultic duties, they had to 
pronounce the Avestan text properly, resorting to the manthnc 1 " power inherent in the text 



152 Cf. Skjaerva 1983b, 289-91. The translation of the Zand passages is mine. 

1 53 Kellens 1975, 464, noting some contradictions between the known form of the HS3oxt Nask and 
some doctrines in the KirdeVs Inscriptions, wrote: "Pensonne miex que Kartrr, leader du cterg4 
ortbodoxe et, on ie suppose, theotogien Eminent, ne pouvait connaitre la tradition qui mene du Hadoxt 
Nask aux textes pehtevis. D'autnz part, op ne pent imaginer qui'il ye soit livr^ id a une innovation 
douteuse et injusUfiable. II fsut consr'deVer qu'il fait &tait d*une variants ortodoxe, celte qui apparalt en 
ftiigrane des quetques //ones du V. [Vd] 1ST. 

1 54 The Arabic root NSQ, "to arrange", derives most probably from Iranian *nask. 

155 The Avestan iriaera spsnla was sometimes glossed as Ablstag, Ablstag ud Zand, cf. Phi 
ArdavahiSt YaSt 5, ZXA 82.6, Ohabhar 1963, 190. 



xxxviii 

InDadistan T DfinTg 44-45 1 '" it is stated that "it is incumbent on believers in the Good 
Religion to leam the script of the A vesta so that they may not make errors in the recitation of the 
MySyi 3n and the VaSt" 1 57 . It is clear from this passage that the impetus to invent the 
Avestan script was the desire to avoid errors in the pronunciation of the sacred texts. 

But as the Zoroastrian God is the Lord Wisdom, His Word revealed to Zoroaster had to be 
understood, so that every human being could choose the Good. The use of Zand implied that some 
basic understanding of the sacred text was desirable, if not required, from the laymen, that is, 
mere recitation of some formula; in Avestan was seen as insufficient to fight the evil. 

This duality of the text's purpose, both its manthric power, and its need to be properly 
comprehended, were the factors which led to the emergence of a bilingual text, the Word of God in 
the "religious* tongue ^ ^8 coupled with its explanation in the common language. 

At the same time, the emergence of the Zand as an exegetic translation in the common language 
implied the inclusion of Zoroastrianism into the Middle Eastern cultural milieu, where such a 
tradition of translation existed for thousands of years. The Islamic requirement to possess a 

Scripture in order to become considered as a People of Scripture, ahl" f- kftfb, seems to be 
an expression of a long held notion which was current not only among the Abrahamic 
denominations. The Written Corpus of Zand as we know ft now was arranged only in the Islamic 
era with the purpose of obtaining the status of People of Scripture' "; this may be one of the 
reasons for composing the Important literature that was dubbed as the 9th Century Books, but 
these works were not "sacred", they did not pretend to have the status of Revelation, at best, they 
were comparable with Hqh o\ c irf works. 

it is worth noting that there are some loose chronological parallels between the attitude to 
written translation of sacred texts in Iran and Israel: while in the first Muslims centuries we 
already find the fully-developed translations, into Aramaic or Pahlavi, in Israel and Iran, in 
earlier epochs, like the Second Commonwealth Period, there was some reluctance in Israel to 



156 Shaked 1969a, 191 n. 44. 

157 Tnki DihdTnSn ra ml bayad kl xatt i Avista biyamozand psS I herbaflSn va 

Gstadan ta dar x v afidan 1 NiySyiJ va YaSt xata na ravad. 

158 EwSz T Abistag nam, "the tongue called Avestaf.it]", DkM 455.11, or e"waz T flfmg, "the 
religious/scriptural tongue', DD 36.41, are the Pahlavi names of the Avestan language; cf. Bailey 1 943, 
167. 

159 Emergence Df Mandaean "Sacred Scriptures" in the Eariy Islamic Period may serve as a good 
parallel, cf. D. Shapira. "The Making of the Mandiean Canon" (forthcoming). 



xxxsx 
translate the Holy Scriptures in writing; in the Parthian Period in Iran (chronologically partly 
overlapping the Second Commonwealth Period), there were, perhaps, no systematically written 
Zantf-translations. 

Iranians before Islamization were not, basically, "men of letters". Even in Firdausr's epoch, 
they saw writing as demonic, partly perhaps because the Plural form of "demon", dTwSn, 
sounded to them as rhyming with the word for "office". Traditional religions feel no need to 
translate their tenets to the vernaculars on a large scale. A communal society that starts 
explaining to itself its own beliefs is a society in crisis: in Late Sasanian Iran, the 
"orthodoxy" I*" was seriously challenged by Christianity, Manichaeism and Judaism, especially 
by the first two. Seeing Byzantium as the model in many respects, Sasanian Iranians spared no 
efforts to keep up, and it may be supposed that AdurbSO compiled his Zand r Khorde Avesta as a 
replica of the Christian Psalter. Some Avestan texts were seen as referring to or even quoting 
Christian texts. Eg,, a Zoroastrian prayer (cf. Hampel 1974, 2), moulded perhaps on Christian 
and Jewish models, reads: 

pad nSm T Yazdan. nam T stayiSn T awe T Ohrmazd name bQd ud hame" hast 
ud hame" hawed, nam 1 Yazad spennag imfnSg andar ce menffgan me"no"g 0.5 
x v ad3yTt> e"wag, 

In the name of God. His, who Is Ohimazd, name of praise, ever was and ever is and ever will 
be, the name of God, the Holy Spirit, who is the Spirit of Spirits, whose lordship is one. 

Some Christian pieces were even incorporated into Zoroastrian texts, like DkM 493.17-18. 
which was seen by Asmussen 1 96 S, 39, as a borrowing from 1 Cor.13.13: 

ilSan Snaz G'Bn daSt kCf me"no"gan yazdan 3 cis aber ne"wag, enaz edsn: 
dCSaram, tars<3>gjh ud fmedag, 

They also believe that three things are desirable to the spiritual gods, viz., love, piety, hope. 



160 It seems that the ZorDastrian emphasis Dn Dualism is due to the conflict with Western Monotheism, 
especially in its strictly Muslim form. The "orthodox" Zoroastrianism, that sees In Ohrmazd and 
Ahriman two almost equal powers, still was nDt imposed in the Sasanian period, cf. Shaked 1992-93, 
146. 



xl 
In other words, the Middle Persian Zands were open to influences, it stands clear from the 
above-quoted DkM 437.ZO-ZZ that authors of the Zoroastrian Middle Persian texts were aware 
of the fact that both right and f alse teachings were derived from the Zand. That is the reason why 

the orthodox are frequently required to Veep secret the .Zand 1 6 ' . 

In Pahlavi, zandl~k[g) means "one who interprets the Avesta and one who mates Za/irJs 
without authority", and it was regarded to be a serious abuse. It was suggested that the Jewish 
term Pharisees, parusTm, Sng. paras, psrTSa, interpreted by Boyce as "Iranizers" 1 62 , is 
semantically connected to zandTk: "ones who make [oral] interpretation (pfiras 163 ) in a 
vernacular", referring to a practice well known the First Century CE Land of Israel - ag, Jesus 
preaching in Aramaic in synagogues was one of such interpretations. 

Every translation is, at the same time, interpretation and explanation. This is especially true 
when an attempt is made to explain the hidden meanings of a sacred text composed in a sacred - 
and, mostly, dead - language by means of a vernacular. When the situation is like that, it is only 
natural that the terms "translation" and "commentary, explanation" etc. became synonymous. 

Even in our days, "to translate" is sometimes "to explain"; "to explain", on the other hand, 
shifts in some cases to "to translate". This is the case with languages with a long literary 
tradition where reading of classical texts requires some background in the ancient stage of the 
vernacular or in the genealogically related language. Thus, in Modem Chinese, yi means "to 
translate", but in ancient Chinese it has also the meaning "to explain" 1 * 4 . In the Hebrew of the 
Biblical Book of Ezra, the term maeo"ra"§ (Aramaic "ma&aras) was used, as it seems, for 
public reading of the Torah with a simultaneous exegetic translation into Aramaic. Schaeder 
1 930, 1 1 , was not right when he stated that the real meaning of this much-discussed term, 
msnoras, was not known in the Mishna period, for we have in Megillah 3a maeoTas" ze 

TEC 

Targum, "map_oTas means Targum ■". 



161 Cf. Shaked 1969a, passim. 

1 6Z Cf. Boyce & Grenet 1 991 , 41 0, quoting Manson in n. 221 . 

163 This word perus is derived from the same root as msECras", maaaras", cf. further. There is a 
strange phrase zndky Ti yhwd'n in a grafitto at the wall of the synagogue of Dura-Europos. Geiger 
1 956, 285 & 304-5, took it as identical with Kantak the zandsk of the same inscription. However, the 
title makes no sense in this regard, and Sukenik 1 947, 1 62 (mp), stated that when the visitors wrote 
their graffiti, there were no Jews in the city. 

164 Cf. Lin Wushu 1991, 231. Cf. also Latin mferprefan, "translate" > "explain", cmp. Rabin 1976, 44. 

1 65 Compare Schaeder 1930. 7, 12: maQ.arasVmao.ffras', glossed rnaiurgam. 



xli 

This means also that a Targam was supposed to be not merely a translation 166 , but also an 
exegesis, which applies fully to the Zoroastrian Zand. 

In Arabic tafsTT 16 ' is "translation" andsarh means "commentary" 1 6 ^. while in Jewish 
vernaculars, as in Judaeo-Persian (especially in Bukhara), e.g., Sari] is sometimes used in both 
senses of land, i.e., "translation" as well as "commentary". However, it is worth noting that in 
Hebrew and Palestinian Aramaic, both Samaritan and Jewish of the period of Arsacid and Sasanian 
rule over Iran, be"'e"r meant not only "to explain, interpret", but also simply "to write" 1 ^9 

In Iran proper, we do not often find the term zandTk. We hear about zandTks as "heretics" 
mostly from non-Iranian sources. On the other hand, we do not hear much about Avesta from 
non-Iranian sources, and the impression one may get from these sources is that there was no 
written Avesta 1 70 at all, only heretics composing their books, supposedly Zands. 

The near absence of discussions about the Avesta in external sources, e.g., in Syriac 1 7 1 , could 
nevertheless be quite telling, if we combine this silence about the existence of Zoroastrian 
"books" with complaints, found in the same Syriac sources, about the secretive character of 
certain Magian teachings. This silence does not necessarily prove that the priests' teaching were 
not extant in writing, but that these texts circulated in other circles than those from which the 
Christian converts came. 

Both ritual and teaching were performed by priests, who made efforts to restrict access to 

their monopoly 17 '; in the Sasanian period, the Sa"83s were viewed as containing esoteric 

wisdom, thus barriers to their study were erected 1 ' *. 



166 TRGM means "rendered onto a language", not necessarily by translation from another language", 
cf. Levine 1962, 34. In Yiddish, e.g.. fartaycl means not only "translated into "Deutsch", but also, 
stmply, "explained"; similar examples could be easily provided from Dther languages, too. According to 
my own observations, Israeli children clearly tend to confuse latargCmand lap_are"s\ 

167 TaTsfr derives from Aramaic PSR, a douplet of PRS. Compare Qumranic peser. 

168 Pines 1990, 45 n.16. 

169 Cf. Ben-Hayyfm 1968, 165ff„ esp. 168. This might serve as a good semantic parallel to the 
Pahlavi wizaTlsn. 

170 The Western sources speak of 'psalmotfy', not of books; cf. Nau 1927. Compare Christensen 1944, 
516. 

171 Those are of enormous importance, as marry of Syriac martyrs and even many of the authors of 
these martyrologtes were bom as Zoroastrians, belonging, sometimes, to the priestly class. 

172 ■AIT b.Hazm's K1tat)U 't-Fas! fl M-milal wa"l-ahw3', of. Pines 1990, 43, stated that 
Anus I rw an forbade the study [of the books] in any place in their country other than Ardas*ir.xorra 
and Es"a M.n-da Gird. Before him (the religion) was only studied in Estaxr, and this was permitted to 
special elite. Their book which remained after it had been burnt by Alexander, contained 23 sifr. 

173 Cf. Shaked 1969a. 



Ixii 
Sometimes, in the later times, the Zand is referred to as a "secret", cf. the New Persian 
passage transcribed and translated in West 1 904b, 11 2- 1 1 7 *: 

Sn ki slrr S, ba navan nTSt, ba xat,t 1 Avista, ys sratt i savad, avayad 
nibist XI G2v3ris bed, 

That which is a secret, written to a scholar, one must write in Avestan writing, or the writing 
of blackness ' '-> which is tfzvSrls*. 

As the priests were those who transmitted the texts, especially after the fall of the Sasanian 
Empire, they were those who chose what is to be transmitted. The result is that the bulk of 
Pahlavi literature that survived is the literature of priests. 

That is why amongst the texts that have reached us one finds a whole Vendidad Nask, 
considerable fragments of Ne"rangesta"n and Erbedestan in the Denkard and their Avestan 
originals and Pahlavi versions, etc, while other Nasks are summarized briefly, sometimes in a 
few words and some Nasks, like the astronomical (?) Naxtar [Na~dar] Nask, whose name was 
seen as derived from Indie naksatra, "Gestirne" 17 *', was not handed down to us at all. In 
addition, Pahlavi translation and commentary, generally, develop the original contents concerning 
duties attached to sacentotal office 1 77 . 

The House of Learning was called "the place of Priests", and, though we know from some 
sources that laymen went to study, orally, Avesta with Zand (Y 57.8, Visp 14.1 , 1 6.0, mat 
.Szant!, "with Zand*, abag SnasagTh T 2and, "with knowledge of Zand" 178 ), the greater 
bulk of the Avestan corpus was restricted to priests only. It is not a coincidence that when a 
layman boasts [FT 27-38, §§ 8-9] that he has memorized Avestan texts with their Zand, he 
mentions texts we still possess. 

Thus, zandTk meant "one who makes exegesis without authority", with the emphasis on 
"without authority"; the word perhaps existed even before Mani, the 23ndTk par excellence, was 

born 1 7 9, Manichseans were those who provoked the formation of orthodoxy and the appellative of 
"heretic" on themselves for the Zoroastrian Church of Sasanian Iran, cf. Frye 1992. 



174 PrsRiv, quoted in West & Haug 1874,169, note, asserts that the compilers of the Dfnfcard 
"collected {only] some of the mere essential (fari da-tar) mysteries of the religion {asraT T dTn) as 
instruction, and these formed the book". 

175 Actually, 'scholarly writing", a good term for uzwaTis*n. 

176 Cf. Chapter I. 

177 deMenasce 1983. 1176. 

178 Cf. Schaeder 1930, 79 n. S. Compare further. 

1 79 Siddiqi, quoted in Schaeder 1 930, 78. 



xliii 
It is worth noting, however, that the first appearance of the term zndyky in Middle Persian is 
found about Mani's times, in the inscriptions of his arch-fiend, Kirder [Naqs-i Rustam, KKZ 
1 = Sar Mas had 14, circa Z90 CE], where there is little doubt that the Manichasans are those 
meant 1 80 ;W yrjwdy W smny W blmny W n'CPy W klstyd'n W mktky W zndyky 
BYN fitly MtHYTN YHWWNd, "and the Jews, the Buddhists, the Brahmins, the Nazoreans, the 
Christians, the Baptists 1 81 and the Manich&ans in the kingdom were struck down". 

The Zand which gave the zandTks their name was not the Zandwehave now, of course 1 . In 
KirdeTs times, as was mentioned above, the "official" Zand was perhaps called Nask. The term 
Zand in DkM 412, referring to Vologeses' [Walavs's] redaction of the Avesta, has the older 
meaning of some Avestan texts, and does not designate Middle Persian Zand (Tavadia 1 9S6b, 55). 
We have sometimes examples, in Arabic or Armenian sources, of fragments of Sasanian Zands that 
are at odds with the extant Middle Persian Zand 

Thus, in Y 33.1 2, us mffi uzaraSuua Ahura, "rise up to me, Ahura", recited on adding 
fragrant wood to fire, the Pahlavi has u I man az han T re"STdar [ahlamOg] Ohrmazd, 
based on *aras"uua. That is while one of the fire-temples founded by Mihr-Narse"h in the fith 
century was called, according to Tabarr 18 ^ FrSz mara awar xvadayan, thus being a 
perfect rendering of the Avestan verse in question. Of course, this Avestan verse, used in a fire 
ceremony, is well appropriate to be used as a name of a fire-temple, and there can be no doubt 
thatrr-Sz mara awar xvadayan used to be translated us mdi uzarasuua Ahura in the 
traditional (oral?) translation-interpretation in the fifth century CE. 

The Zand we possess now is the Zand developed near the end of the Sasanian period, 
representing the orthodoxy which had by then taken root; the Zand we possess is the Zand of 
FSrs 1 84 , based on the oral word-by-word translation of the Avestan texts, to which glosses 
were later added or from which new compositions based on such translations were made. 



180 Frye 1992, 96-7. 

181 Probably Mandajans, cf. Bailey 1980 and ib.. 1985b. Back 1978: "Jains". 

182 Cf. Schaeder 1 930, 82, quoting Darmesteter. 

183 Schwartz 1896, II, 69. 

184 However, there are traces of other Middle Iranian dialects, especially Parthian, studied in many 
works of Widengren. On the other hand, Middle Persian ahlamCK is not a continuation of the Avestan 
asamacya < "rjtamaoya- > NP as"moY. but is a genuine Persian form, like *Amahrspand or "fraward. 
According to the opinion of the "Scandinavian school", the 5asanian Avesta was codified under 
coalescence of traditions of Staxr and S*Tz, cf., eg., Wikander 1946, passim, and Widengren 196B. 



xliv 
It is important to recall 1 8S that the Manichaean writings frequently use typical Pahlavi- 
Avestan technical terms, such as ahtawsn, instead of the standard Middle Persian ardSwSn; 
haft Sdur yaStag, having parallels as in KlrdeT's inscriptions; adur waxsan yOfdahr, 
"the pure blazing fire"; 3b zflhr, "libation of the waters", and others. This interesting fact can 
be explained in different ways, including the suggestion that Mani's Iranian writings were indeed 
created as Zands to Zoroaster's words 1 86 . This may imply that the Zands were kept in high 
esteem. 

There surely were different schools of Zandsts: cf. the gloss to Y 30.4 & Dk 9.30.4 and MX 
36.16 (Schaeder 1930, 8?ff. [esp. 87-8 & 93]), in Sanskrit and New Persian versions, where 
Ke" zandTgTh kune"d is explained in terms of *d£myasna- 1 Mazdak, seen, of course, not as a 
social revolutionary, but as a d&nyasnian heretic, is known for "[he] made public a book which 
is called the Zand..." (Bosworth 1 990, 12). The genealogy of the abusive meaning of the word 
zandTk is not clear-cut, as many factors joined together in developing this semantic shift. The 
secretive character of the official Zand as such, on the one hand, and subversive nature of 
unauthorized compositions, pretending to be based on Avesta, on the other, were among these 
factors. It might be also supposed that the term zandTk as meaning "heretic" was coined, i.a., 
under the impact of the fact that Mani, who pretended to a better understanding of Zoroaster's 
words than the Magi did 1 . 87 , interpreted the term zandTk in the sense of "he who knows" 168 , 
thus 'gnostic Indeed, in PY 32, e.g., Zand is rendered as snasagTh, "knowledge". Another 
plausible explanation is that Mani used the term for his Elect! [Aramaic "barjTrf, PI.], as if 
from Aramaic 1 89 zaddTqle"! 190 <Arabic slddTq) meaning simply *ardfWLffi, "the 
righteous one[s]". I suggest that it was this meaning "the righteous one[s]" attributed by Mani to 
the word zandTk that provoked the use of the term "heretic[s]" by orthodox Magi. 

Struggling against the Manichaean heresy, the Magi probably had to examine anew their own 
sources of authority. It is, however, certain that most (or all) of the Iranian versions were 
actually oral. The 5th century Armenian Eznik Kottac'i tells us that the Persian beliefs are not 
set down in writing, so that the Mazdaaans are apt to say one thing, then another, cf. Russell 
1985-6, 3-4. 



185 Cf. SkjaervB 1998. 

186 Cf. Chapter lll.lll "Man and Zand". 

187 Cf. above. 

186 Indeed, the word zand is formed from the base with the meaning "to know", cf. above. 

1 89 Actually, Syriac, as the z consonant suggests. 

190 Cf. Schaeder 1930, 84-S. 



xlv 
Still, some written anti-Manichaean propaganda, at least, formally based on Zands, was in 
circulation. We know this from several references to Mani and his teaching in the Denkard, 
Skand GumanTg V/izar and other ninth century texts; these references were clearly based on 
some written records, as Manlchslsm was generally on the defensive in Iran. Other pieces of 
written propaganda and anti-propaganda also based on Zanos were in use during the Wahra m 
Coben mutiny (cf. Czegledy 1957 and 1958) 191 . The struggle against the spreading 
Christianity arso led the Magi to produce some written works, as we know from Armenian 
sources. 

While on the defensive, the "orthodoxy" had to compose and even forge "Avestan" pieces. 'The 
old texts are used in a flexible and quasi-prophetic manner which permits interweaving them 
with facts of a much later date. This is common practice in apocalyptical literature and is found 
again at Qumran, for example, where the text of Habakkuk is applied to the life of "the Master of 
Justice" (de Menasce 1 9B3, 1 1 74), In Zoroastrianism this system of interpretation is certainly 
earlier than the Muslim epoch, even though the end of the legend of Zoroaster includes the episode 
of the Arab conquest (/br'd., 1 1 74), 

Glossing work begins as early as in Young Avestan texts where sometimes the Old Avestan 
passages were explained. There are two passages in the Vispered, 1 4,1 -Z, and one in the Hymn to 
Sraosa, Yn 57, where maL.3zalntT refers to the running exegetical remarks, while mat 
.paiti.frasa"- refers to a kind of responsorium or catechisms, cf. Skjaave 1998. Yasna 
57.7-8 is as follows: 



Sraosam ... yazamalde ye paoiriifj gaeafrasrauuaiiaL ... 
afsmaniuuan vacastagtluuat mal.a-zafntr? mat.paiti.rrasa, 
"We worship Sraos a ... who was the first to recite the G363s ...with 



phrases and strophes, with commentaries, with counter-questions' 
and the Pahlavi there has: 



.192 



191 a. Chapter IV. 

192 Translation by Skjasrva, with a slight alternation; cf. also Kreyenbroek 1984, 38-41. 



...keVs" fradom Gaean fraz srud ke"*s" ahlaw Zardu[x]5t abag gaWr abag 
vrcast'" ud abag SnasTh ud Zand 1 " ud abag pursisniha [\ rierang] pad hJn 
T Amahrspndan yazisn ud nlyayisn ud snayeTiYdarTh fraz afarlgSnTh, 

Him who was the first to sing the Gaeas, who *is the righteous Zoroaster, with gaiOr 
(metric 6a" 63s), with vicast (swnzas), with knowledge and the Zand and with questioning 
[about the ne~rang-formulas] as regards this worship of the immortal Bountiful Ones, and the 
ritual, propitiation and Afrinagan prayers. 

Here the Avestan gaier, translated by me as "metric G36as", refers to the original mat 
.afsmana; in the Vispered (14.1) version af smaMuugn is rendered by abag gSh, "with 
measured lines", thus reflecting the stage when "Gaeas" was still understood as "a unit of song", 
not as "the 6a"9ic corpus"; "with vTcast (stanzas)" renders vacastastiuuaL "strophes", 
while "with commentaries", mal.azaintTs, glossed Zand, was unmistakably taken as 
containing the word for "knowledge", thus translated abag SnasTti. "With counter-questions", 
mat. paitl.f rasa, was rendered by a long gloss abag pursl5nTh3 [T nSrang] pad han 1 
Amatirspnda"n yazisn ud niySyiSn ud s"n3yenTd3rTh fraz afariganTh, referring to 
the way the Avestan text was learned, while the emphasis was put on the ritaul implementations. 

As Skjservrj has noted while dealing with Avestan Zanrfs, the decorative arts of the Middle 
Iranians contain motifs the interpretation of which is very difficult, because the relevant 
literature was lost. However, some indications of how Avestan texts were interpreted one could 
find also in some non-textual sources, including representations in arts and coinage: thus, the 
crown of Hormizd II (r. 30Z-9) on his Marv dinar appears to depict the head of a bird, perhaps a 
cock rather than the eagle (Carter 1 990, 1 5); according to Carter, the choice was a result of a 
Zand tradition, demonstrated in a Pahlavi gloss in Vd 1 (cf. Christensen 1943, 15), where the 
third best country created by Ahura Mazda was said to be not Marv, but "the vigilant cock". 



193 Kreyenbroek: wacast, "verses", 

194 Kreyenbroek: g/tfszgTJi r sand, "and with knowledge of the commentary". 



xlvii 
This implies that this particular Zandlc tradition resulting in the confusion between marw / * 
tmsrw / murf, has existed « the early 4th century' 95 . 

Another example of deviation from the 9th century Zoroastrianism is reflected in Manichaean 
teachings 196 : Sundermann 1979a, 785 argued for an imaginative Middle Persian rendering of 
the Avestan of the Yt 10.115: *Mihr, Oh rrr3nTg rad, wisVg, zandTg, dehTg, 
Zardustrstum, glossed as Mihr, o"h rnanbed wished, zandbed, dehybed, 
ZarduStrfltum. 

Asking why Adamas was called by Mani w i sbed and not 'zandbed, the title he deserved, 
Sundermann 1979a, 78G suggests that this was because of a very old - and wrong - variant 
reading in Yt 10.112, where Mithra is described as vTspaitTm (Ace) > wished, while the 
more correct reading is vTsaptfm, "broad-shouldered" 19 '. Thus. Sundermann wrote, "we 
may assume that also in the Sasanian times religious authorities of the Mazdayasnian church 
understood and explained the hapsx lego/nenon vTsHptTm as a strange variant of the familiar 
vTspaitlm ..." 19B . 

It is well known how problematic is the grasping of the original meaning of Avestan, especially 
ofGSSic texts; in Dffnkard (DkM 459.8-Z2) the question is asked why God revealed his word in 
this incomprehensible language; the Manear, "manthric power", and the DSn.ADistag 
harw (sp.Sganrh, "the complete wisdom of the Avesta", are sow I dima"srg, "miraculous", 
that have passed from all the comprehension of men 1 ". 



195 It seems that there were in existence some practices of "illustrative Zands", of the type of Mani's 
famous Arfang (or the later illustrated MSs), and Sasanian bas-reliefs were perhaps influenced by 
illustrated books mentioned by Arabic authors, cf. GMrshman 1965. 5. On the interaction of written 
sources with arts, on an Armenian bas-relief, STmury / Senmurw is depicted in the manner the 
creature was described in the Bundahisn, namely, sS angurag, "three-fingered", cf. Russell 1990-91, 
143. 

196 That ^nds existed in Mani's times one could see, e.g., from the fact that the Zoroastrian idea of 
£ bgad was known to Mani: "in the lowest Firmament they (the Demons transformed by Mani into Angels) 
bored a hole and suspended the Zodiac from it. Two Sons of God were placed by them (there) as 
watchers, so as to... the Supenor Wheel continually", Henning 1948, 313 [cf. also Chapter lil. APPENDIX 
FragJn). 

197 Gershevitch 1959, ZS1, n.llZ.Z, quoted in Sundermann 1979a, 787. 

198 Cf. Sundermann 1979a, 784, but cf. also Bivar 1988, 13. 

199 On this basis, GikylJ I to" 1974, with good bibliography, connected Avesta to words meaning "what 
keeps away from, what stands apart, what rejects (our human knowledge]". 



xlviii 
This Manthric *vi I d1ma"sTgTh of the Avesta means that all the knowledge is compressed in 

the holy sounds of the language'" . thus Zand is not but a rendering, as opposed to translation in 
the Western sense. Zand cannot "translate", it can render one - or more - layer[s] of the 
profound meanings of the Avestan utterances, but it is unable, written or oral, to imitate the 
might of the Avestan recital. It seems that in the Late Antiquity there was no notion of a Hdy 
Language, study of which would promote better understanding of the Lord's Will 2 "1 _ still, there 
is a difFerence: the Western cultures, Jewish or Christian, have no manthric overtones [or, very 
marginal ones], while in the Zoroastrian Iran, Avestan was not a Sacred Language in our sense: u d 
Zand pad ewfnag e guft ested pad mlyan r gShSn rawag.tar andar gehan 
asnag.tar xvad Ablstag, "and the Zand is expressed in the manner as the Avesta itself 
becomes more current amidst the world and more familiar in the world". The difference between 
the Avesta and its Zand is self-evident you cannot perform the ritual in the vernacular, exactly 
as you cannot spread, in the Avestan language, the message of Ahura Mazda revealed in Avestan: the 
tool of revelation and the tool of propagation are not identical^?. 



200 This wtdlmasTg could perhaps seen as one of the sources of the Arabic I'g 3z idee; with Arabs, 
It noeans that the language of the Koran cannot be surpassed; with Zoroastrians, the supreme wisdom of 
the Lord Wisdom as expressed in Avestan has some demons-destroying power. In passing, it should be 
noted that the Avestan alphabet, perhaps the next thing to our modem transcriptions arid, no doubt, the 
most precise alphabet of the Late Antiquity, was invented to meet the need of correct pronunciation of 
Avestan, not to read texts in this language (cf. Hoffmann 1979, 90). This contrast between two 
alphabets, the extraordinarily phonetic Avestan script, and the Pahlavj, perhaps the most awful alphabet 
ever existing in this part of the world, is striking. The very precision of the Avestan alphabet reveals 
its later provenance. 

201 !n the West, Veritas Hebraica was a function of a highly developed Hellenistic philological tradition; 
the later 8acAr-£a-t/ie-Soun:es movements represented, above all, tendencies of exegesis, and should be 
seen in the Judajc-Christian context. There remains this intriguing question of the status Df Hebrew 
among Jews during the first Christian millennium. 

202 The Avestan was probably seen as belonging to the mSnOg world of ideal possibilities, while Zand 
was its getTg realization. In an anachronistic late Sasanian reference to the existence of the Avestan 
script in Zoroaster's times (wiztrkard T Dffnlg 17, cf. Mole 1967,132-3) we read: pas han awe 
ata[x]3 abar han dadTha g3h nfianed, ud kiSt T han draxt T sarwan. uS andar zamlg 
xiSt, clyffn kadis ul rasid, ud har warg 1 kad az "Sax hamag waxsTtf, apar han T awe 
warg pad framan T Ohrmazd menSgTha nlrjISt bOd pad mahrTrj 1 abezac. Ku: "e" kay 
WlStasp, Dffn T WEh be padTr"\ "then he (Zoroaster) placed this Fire on its appointed place, 
according to the statute, and planted the cypres-tree; he planted it into the earth; when it grew forth, 
and every leaf has grown from its branch, one every leaf, by Ohrmazd's order, there wes written, in a 
spiritual manner, in the holy lanauarje / in the pure script, saying: "0 Kay Wis tasp, accept the Good 
Religion!". Though the expression used is ambiguous (Molfe 1967, p. 133: "en lettres pures"), it is, 
however, clear that this text presupposes that someone at Wis*LJsp's court was able to read, and the 
message was written in Avestan (either the script, or the language, or bath), seen as belcngig to the 
me~no~g dimension. I would add, in passing, that the tBxt (which is a version of the the story of the 
conversion of the King WIS tSsp) demonstrates, otherwise, many Buddhist and Christian-looking 
embellishments. 



xlix 

The expression used, "more current", rawag.tar, does not mean the same as "as current as", 

the Zand cannot reveal all the levels of the Avesta 2 ^, because these are embodied in the very 
sounds of the manthric formulas, not in the 'message" as such, or in the letters, as in some other 
traditions. 

It seems that the historically fortuitous situation - the gradual withering of Avestan and its 
transplantation on a linguistically different ground in the Iranian West - has gotten a theological 
explanation which resulted not only in emphasizing of the hidden power of Avestan, but also in the 
actual substitution of the Zand for the Avesta. This led to a situation in which we at times are 
unable to decide whether the sources speak of the Avesta or of the Zand, as the terms are 
interchangeable. In fact, the Zand did became the ultimate source of the Avestan (in the sense of 
"Scriptural") lore, having undergone a process of certain secularization. 

As the Avesta was supposed to contain everything, introduction to the Zand of foreign or non- 
religious material, when fitting, also became possible. However, Avestan texts were still studied 
not only for liturgic purposes, though on a low scale. They must have been read mostly against 
their Pahlavi translation, surely compiled, grossomodo, several centuries before the Canon was 
set during AnGs'urwan's rule. 

Thus, the interpretation of Avestan texts was based mostly on Tradition, not on independent 
study; as Snaked 1994b, 79-80, noted: "studying Avesta and Zand could have been one of the 
highest signs of piety, but it never became a major act of religious devotion, as Torah learning on 
Judaism and as Qur'Sn and allied study later became in Islam". In Gathic texts, the translation 
seems to be interlinear, while, as a rule, each Avestan word Is rendered by a fixed Middle Persian 
word 2 ^4 in many cases, the Pahlavi sentence could be only understood when read with the 
Avestan original. Such practice was common centuries later in Judso-Persian Bible translation, 
and in some other examples. To these, glosses are added, in many cases bearing exegetical 
attitudes. 



203 This is why at least three different veins, or attitudes, of the interpretations were developed, 
represented by the exegeses of the same text in the S[t]odnar, warStmansar, Bag Nasks, cf. 
Chapter II. 

204 However, it is not uncommon that an Avestan ward is rendered by more than one Midlle Persian 
word: xveSKar u a tuxSag explains xvarsnanhan-, DkM 312.21ff., Bailey 1943, 37. Besides, in 
Denkard, cases of glossed hendladys. are fairly common, cf. DkM 456.15, MRYA ud saxvam AWN 
16.7, AYNH caSm, Bailey 1943, 3. 



In the Denkard paraphrase of Masks, sometimes Pahlavi Zands are quoted at length, but in 
many cases they serve as a jumping-board to compose Uidrashic style texts [cf . Staked 1379, 
xviii]. The most normal glosses, especially in the Gatha, are the so-called "etymological" glosses, 
as, eg. [Bailey 1953, 115], Gathic hakurana-, "co-operation", Middle Persian 
hamkardSrTh, from kur -, "to be produced"; some "etymological" glosses of this kind are 
"wrong", in our view, and some of them are clearly what can be called "glosses by phonic 
similarity". Puns and plays on double meanings, that are common-place [Shaked 1979, xxiii- 
xxiv], also might be characterized as "glosses by phonic similarity". 

Such "glosses by phonic similarity" may be etymologicalfy "correct", and they may be not 
[cmp. Mole 19E7, 5-6]. Sometimes, a particular Middle Persian word is known to denote a 
specific concept only from the living Zoroastrian tradition, as is the case, eg., with Avestan 
haSaenae-pa'ta- "with seeds", Middle Persian hdnp'd, interpreted as "pomegranate" 20 ^, 
Avestan apam saokantavaitrm, "oath-water", was misinterpreted as "sulphurous water" 
(Middle Persian at> T gSgirdCmand), but the original chief ingredient is indicated by the next 
adjective, zar-anitauuaitTm "containing gold" (Middle Persian zarrdmand [New Persian 
zarr- a~bl in Saugaref-Namari) 20 ". In many cases, the Middle Persian glosses are helpful for 

establishing the correct Avestan text 207 . Sometimes it is not easy to tell whether a particular 
gloss is a "correct" rendering of a given Avestan word, or the Avestan word in question was 
interpreted by some similarly sounding Middle Persian counterpart, but rendered by another, 
synonymous, Middle Persian word. Thus, in the case of the widely discussed 2 °" Avestan (Y 
32. 12) gr.hma explained as x v 3Stak = "wealth" (laksmi) or parag 20 ^, "presents, 
bribe", it is possible that it was rendered in this way on the basis of the Middle Persian 
transliteration (*g 1 ' h m). The Middle Persian wort transliterated may have been understood as 
the real Middle Persian g1*mk - gra"mak (connected to Sogdian frame, Parthian gr'mg 
"possession")", the other possibility is that the Middle Persian word is not a transliteration, but 
continues the same Avestan word. This particular case is illustrative of the problems one faces 
while dealing with the still elusive Gsek: text. 



205 Cf. Bailey 1985b, 871. However, an this word, cf. Schwartz in Flattery 1979, VIII, 111-3. 

206 Cf. Schwartz, 1989b, 295. 

207 Vd 13.9, spSna pa£u.p3na, sag T puhlbar% has another reading which is: spanta 
paSupana, hast ke abzGnTg 1 puhlTg gOwed yaya* asti anyo RaSnus' razlSto, "there are 
some who say about the helping bridge, of which one is RaSnuS razLSto", cf. Klfma 1964. 

208 Cf. Henning 1948, 139, n. 5, differently Humbach 1991, II, 86. 

209 Cf. prg 1 < p*rg\ krg>, on which cf. now Sabato 1995; Arabic/Turkish para, "a coin". 



li 
Another example of how transliterations and exegetic commentary could be interrelated is 
GrBd 186 1.11-12, Bailey 1930-320, 279f.: but de"w H3n ke".S pad Hindu gan 
parlstena u.S waxs" pad han buttliS mehman <T> ciySn BsSasaf partsted, "the 
demon But is that which they worship in India and in his images a spirit is resident which is 
worshipped as BS3a"saf(*Bodhisattva, via Sogdian p wtystS)". The word in question is Sogdian 
pwty 'Buddha', pwt'n'k "of Buddha" > New Persian but, "idol", Uigur bvrxan 
(*Buddhasangha). 

The bwt of the passage is intended to represent the Avestan BJiti. Vd 19.1,2,43, a fact which 
may reflect an insufficient understanding of an inflected language 210 . Another example is, of 
course, the well-known case of the " Ar I S Demon" 2 ' 1 , who, according to scholars, emerged from 
a grammatically wrong interpretation of the feminine noun aras"ay- (Y 31.5, cf. Dk 9.31.6- 
1 1) [cf. Chapter III. I: Arls" and MahmT]. However, the Zand glossators were aware of the 
different grammatical structure of their own language as compared with Avestan: the Avestan- 
Middle Persian glossary Frahang T OTm e"wag includes some grammatical categories like 

cases 212 

In any case, "however critical one may be towards the Tradition, as contained in Pahlavi 
translations, there is no denying that ft has often preserved the true meaning of word-stems even 
where it failed ...in the grammatical analysis. Purely on the basis of experience I should claim 
that a Pahlavi translation sets up a presumption of verity that holds until it is displaced by 
argument'*-!' 



210 Cf. Bailey 1930-32b, 282. 

211 Cf. Mole 1963,204. 

212 Cf. Tavadia 1956b, 37. For more examples for the 2amtfsrs' awareness of Avestan grammatical 
categories, cf. now Josephson 1997, 120ff. 

213 Cf. Henning 1964,43, 



Mi 
AN ADDITIONAL NOTE 

What is amazing about this passage (Y 31.20) is the fact that the text as a whole was 
understood by the tradition pretty well. The basic discrepancy is, however, in 31.20a, where the 
key-word, dluuamnam, which is a hapax (AiW 7+7a: "sich fem haltend, fern bleibend"), was 
taken as if from the same root as dab- [f re" bi sn translates also dalbitana in Y 32.3, and 
f re" ft an is the standard translation for the derivatives of dao-]; in addition, the grammatical 
form was wrongly analyzed. I, however, take diuuamnam, with Humbach 1991, II, 74, as 
"splendor", as opposed to tamanho", similarly to the Indie apposition t Small... dyumnam, 
"darkness... splendor". 

The Zand Sew an is the standard rendering of xsila-, being its etymon. However, the 
meaning is that of lament and crying in Pahlavi, but that of weeping in Avestan. 

The Avestan aiia , "existence", is rendered as if a verbal form from the verb of coming and is 
translated aylSn; the gloss, digr zaman, modifies the proper meaning of the word. It also 
suggests that the wicked should stay in Hel! for a long period of time, but does not state that they 
are destined to be there forever. As to dusT.x v ar9ejm, it is normally translated by 
dus*.K v ari s*n, glossed by the PSzaniyFs&cs, "even poison". 

This gloss was perhaps provoked, i.a., by the phonetic resemblance to trie problematic vacd. 
The gloss specifies the sort of food given to the wicked in Hell, vaco" also is the source of the 
Zandisfs gflwffd in 31.20b, implying that (as often happens in ZandS) two independent 
traditions appear side by side. 

auuaetas vaco, "the word "woe"" (cf. AiW 168: "Wehe'tum"), is wrongly analyzed as *a- 
vahya- tat, where anag renders *a- vahya-, "not good > evil", and rawlfnTh indicates an 
abstract 214 , for rawfsnTh translating -tat has the same source as the pair Amarstat and 
HuruuataL, rendered amargrawisnTn andhamag rawifnTh (cf. West 1392, 338 n.1). 

The gloss [kd.s anag mad SstSd] modifies the notion of "movement/enter" and seems to be 
a recent addition. It is not implied here that the whole verse was translated as late as this period 
(Late Sasanian, cf. above): the equation diuuamnsm, T "with deceitful mind", rendered by the 
Pahlavi version as pad frebisn,"indeception",seemstometobe very old. 



214 Prof. Sh. Staked, an oral communication. Another explanations are possible: *evil (*avah) 
•movement (taz- / tas-) + *"speaking", anag rawtSnTh gGwea As *taj- is a LatG Middle Iranian 
form, *taJc- > tac- > taz-, this particular passage goes back to the late Sasanian period. 



liii 
I suggest that the original meaning restored by Humbach was stiii known at some ancient stage 
of the development of exegetical tradition. I also suggest that, on the one hand, it influenced what I 
see as the older, now lost, Zand of 31.20c (cf. further), while on the other hand, the popular 
etymology and the specific Zoroastrian exegesis associated the root of d i uuamnam, the same 
root as in the word dafva-, with deception. As the word in question, "splendor", has the same 
root as dae"va- has, so in the course of the "de-da e vafication" (cf. Gershevitch 1964a, 
Gershevitch 1986) the Tradition re-interpreted it as if from dab-, bearing in mind that 
"deception", Pahlavi f re"bi s"n, is the characteristic trait of the Zoroastrian dews. 1 suggest to 
see the impact of the older understanding of diuuamnsm, as connected with splendor and light, 
in the older version of anag rawlSnTh gdwed that had anag *r(J5nTh gOwed, "he should 
call evil the light". Note the gloss "i.e., evil comes to him" and the following "to the worid of 
darkness will lead you". 

In my view, this conjectural restoration of the text e connected with the original meaning of 
dluuamnam, "splendor, brilliant things". I further will try to show that in other cases it is 

possible to trace other "concentric ring" 2 ' * translations (cf. Chapter II). 

Another striking fact about diuuamnsm hOi aparam xSiiff/pad frSbisn awe az 
pas9s s"ewan, is that aparam is rendered az pasas, though the standard translation for 
aparam is abar. 

The Dfnkard (Dk 9.31 .24; DkM 835.5-6) version of this passage is: 

ud rasldan 1 pad stcs" pad passaxt T ata[xI5 T abzflnlg o" ayanh ud bOzagTh T 
afilawan ud Sewan rawlSnTh awe ke mard T ahlaw frebfid ud beSedud nTdan T 

druwandan x v £s abSylstan kardan 5 dus"ax v , 

"Also about arrival to the assistance and salvation of the righteous, in the fourth morning after 
death, through the ordeal of the propitious fire; and the lamenting behavior of him who deceives 
and vexes a righteous man, and leading the wicked by their own fitting deeds to Hell". 



215 To use, in a different meaning, the term coined by Schwartz 1 989a. 



liv 



It is of interest that in the text the word corresponding to '•den or *Kunisn, when speaking 

of the wicked ones' dae"na\ is x v eg abaylstan (cardan, "[one's] own fitting deed[s]". Asa 
whole, the passage is a commentary on the Yasna verse in question, strengthening my suggestion 
thatdiuuamnam was once understood it its original sense, as the commentary speaks of death 
(cf. stoi, "the fourth morning after death") and the salvation of the righteous, normally 
associated with the "bliss", "splendor" (diuuamnam must be close in meaning to wrffza-, on 
which cf. Kuiper 1 964). Here, it is referred to as pad passSxt T atafxjj 1 abzfjnTg. 

But the whole meaning of the Ok version is different from that of the Avestan verse and its 
Pahlavi Zancf. in the 6a~83, one who assists the righteous, Ae., a follower of Zoroaster, obtains 
the bliss; in the Zand one who comes with XXX to the righteous, i.e., to a pious Zoroastrian, 
obtains XXX "XXX" here stands for concepts understood differently by the Zandist, but the basic 
sense of the statement was not changed. For doing so and so to a living Zoroastrian, one gets in his 
after-life, such and such reward. 

Differently from this, the Dk version takes "the righteous" as signifying not a living person, 
but a Zoroastrian who passed away' 1 °. The Dk version speaks of the after-life of this deceased 
pious Zoroastrian. The salvation of this dead pious person seems to be obtained by some 
manipulations with the sacred fire by the living fellows. The meaning of Y 31 .ZObc in the three 
texts, including the Ok version, poses no problem and is basically the same. 

That is why I stated that the Pahlavi Version of this verse as a whole is remarkably truthful to 
the Avestan original. Again, the Ok version speaks of the misdeeds of a wicked and deceitful 
person towards the righteous one, and about the sorrowful fate of this wicked person, according to 
his own "fitting deed[s]". 

The wicked ones should be led to Hell, as it must be done with them. The last statement in the 
Ok versions goes back to a gloss in the Zand. The Ok passage is a reworking of the Pahlavi Yasna 
text, but it includes some additional material, going back to a lost commentary, not necessarily to 
a slightly different Zancf. 

A different understanding of the word d1 uuamnsm, as compared with our extant Zand, was 
contained perhaps in a gloss in the commentary: "*and some say, that diuuamnam means 
obtaining the bliss by performing some rites connected with fire". 

It was perhaps not stated in the supposed gloss, who obtains the bliss, one who is righteous or 
one who performs the rites for the soul of the righteous. Another important point is that the 
De"nkard version, in general, contains "mistakes" that result from its being an abbreviated 

216 On some aspects of tha "righteous dead" complex, cf. Shanira 1997, 226-229. I will elaborate the 
subject elsewhere. 



Iv 



Thus, a slightly clumsy nTdan T druwand3n x v £s abayistan Vardan 6 duSax , 
where the words den and kunisn were omitted, is an abbreviation of the perfectly intellegibie 

3. tan kunisn T x v £s den nayed [Vardan abayestan]. 

The case of Se"wan rawiSnTh is different: it may be a lost - and good - Zand to Avestan 
auuae"tas, but it may be also a result of an abbreviation and re-working of 5e"wan ... anag 
rawiSnTh. 



CHAPTER I 



In this chapter the contents of Dk 8 will be discussed, aiming to provide an outline of the 
Sasanian Avesta. In APPENDIX !, some of the chapters of Dk 8 summarizing the contents of the 
Sasanian Avesta are given, edited and translated' . 

Dk 6, the fifth- extant book of Drjnkard, is especially precious as it is our main source about 
the contents of the Sasanian Avesta, as known in the 9th century C£ in Iran. Some parts of the 
sacred Zoroastrian Canon were lost already when the text of Dk 8 was composed, and there can be 
little doubt that the compiler was sometimes urged to draw upon some secondary sources, of a 
character similar to the format of his own work. 

The division of Dk 8 to chapters seems to go back to the compiler himself, as it reflects his 
own interests, on the one hand, and the preservance of the original material, on the other. Every 
chapter in the extant composition, except the introductory one, is dedicated to a particular Nask 
or to a section of a Nask. 

The room given to different Nasks in Dk 8 is unequal 2 : thus, e.g., the three GaeTg Nasks, 
namely 5[t]Q"dgar, Wars'tm3ns a r, Bag, are summarized in a few sentences. Nevertheless, 
in this particular case, the reason for the brevity in which these three Nasks are summarized in 
Dk 8 is their more extended exposition that makes the entirety of Dk 9. in other words, this is an 
indication that inclusion of the detailed summary of these three Nasks into the format of the 
compiler's work was his initial intention. In other cases, a Nask is summarized at length in a fair 
way, as the VendTdad (or, Jud.dSw.d3d/Wide"wd3rJ) Nask, which is the only Nask we 
possess in its completeness of the whole of the Avesta'. This detailed summarization, on the other 
hand, indicates that no more room was supposed to be given to this Nasks in further books of Dk. 
But as a rule, the more place is given to a Nask in Dk 8, the less ft has survived. 



1 Many chapters edited here were already published, partly or in whole, in transliteration by different 
scholars, first of all, by Mole 1963; the only complete translation is that by West 1892, which is 
frequently inadequate, but still admirable; his notes and readings are of special importance. The chapters 
summarizing contents of several Nasks, namely of the Nikaiuni, Ouzd.sar.ni jad, Hasp3ran\ 
Sakaium, vendTdSd (Jud.rjew.dSd/Widewdad} Nasks will be not translated here, for a variety of 

reasons. 

2 Cf. Dk 8.1.4: "the categories [of the Avesta) are more summarized in the divisions, summarized in the 
parts of the divisions, and more detailed in the sections of the parts". 

3 This Nask, in the original Avestan (as the so-called VenoJdad Sadeh), must be recited every day by 
priests. The fact that the text was used on a daily basis forwarded not only its preservance in Avestan, 
but also in Pahlavi as well. 



In the cases of Nifcaidm, 0ui4.sar.iM jad, SakSWm, we have nothing identifiable left 
outside the summary in Dk 8; some few fragards survived from the HUsparam Nask; two 
Nasks, Na"dar and PSjag, were virtually lost about the time when Dk 8 was composed. 

The original division to chapters of Dk 8 - or, of its source, if one suggests that it was a 
secondary compilation on which Dk 8 was modelled, rather than the genuine Sasanian Avesta, in 
its entire or only partial form - was, probably, different from what we possess now. The extant 
text of Dk 8 is divided into 45 chapters, but 4 the original exposition probably consisted of three 
parts, each of seven chapters, according to the number of Nasks in each group (plus the 
introductory chapter), thus, a total of 2Z chapters. 

However, the introductory chapter (Dk 8.1 ), which was most probably derived from an 
unknown composition, arranges the Nask according to two differents systems: in Dk 8.1.9-11 the 
Nask are enumerated according to three groups, seven Nasks in each, what pertiaps was in 
accordance with the presupposed division into Z1-22 chapters, while in Dk 8.1.12 the sequence 
is given as it must appear in the Avesta along the lines of the liturgical-magical principles^ , 
closely reminiscent of the double system of enumeration of the Avestan 6563s and Yas" ts. The 
summary of the Nasks that follows the introductory chapter was arranged according to the second 
system, as the Nask should appear in an ideal edition of the whole complete Sasanian Avesta. 

The introductory chapter explains the principles on which the Nasks build up the Avesta. The 
eighth book of the Dffnkard states implicitly (Dk 8.1.2) that its concerns are "about the 
summary of what occurs in the Nasks of the Mazda-worshipping Religion, each one separately". 

It is clear, even from this short statement, that the most shallow knowledge of what the 
particulars of the Avesta were about and their order were far from being the common lot This 
situation was a function of Zoroastrian attitudes to the sacred texts rather than a result of 
negligence or a consequence of the Arab assault On the contrary, the idea to produce this precious 
"reference-book" which is Dk 8, was pertiaps a testimony of an emerging awareness to problems 
of religious education (cf. Dk 8.1 .3, "for the knowledge of many"). 

The problematic 6 word Sadffrwan, translated by me as "pond", refers, in my view, to the 
secondary source about the Pahlavi versions of the Avestan Nasks, not to the Zanos of the Nasks: 
"the memory of that which is in the pond of this book concerning the categories of the Good 
Religion was written down and announced" (Dk 8.1.3). The word ffSmurl Sn, rendered by me' 



4 According to Keilens 1989a, 37, and Gignoux 1996a, ZB8a. 

5 On some aspects of which, cf. Shahbazj 1994. 

6 Cf. n. 4 to the translation of Dk 8.1 . 

7 After Shaked, ibid. 



as "category", in the sense of "status", was used in Dk 8.1.5 as synonymous with bails' n, 
"division, one of the three divisions of the Avestan HasVs", implying that the supposed source was 
dealing with different characteristics of the three groups of the Nasks 8 . This source was derived 
"from the Zand", glossed by "[which is Avesta (De n)]", while it was stressed that this Zand 

existed in a written and authoritative form {"written as an authority") 9 . There seems to be an 
apposition between "written down and announced", which is the Zand, "written as an authority for 
the commonalty in teaching the wisdom", and its source, from which this " written down and 
announced" text derives, namely "the [uttered] word (e"waz) of the Avesta itself". 

The expression nan T De"n fin which 1 see a gloss to the word "Zand") may refer to the fact 
that andar De"n serves to introduce a quotation from Zand*®. Here I translate h3n 1 Den 

boldly as "Avesta", and not "Religion" 11 , or "revelation" 12 , bearing in mind the tentative 
character of such a translation. The term is not ambiguous by itself, but poses a problem of 
translating it into a foreign language. In the Zoroastrian tradition, it was Zoroaster's encounter 
with Vohu Manah that led to the revelation and Zoroaster's prophecy; the same encounter 
delivered to us his Avesta and its Zand, according to the Zoroastrian Sacred Tradition, no matter 
which parts of it go back to Zoroaster himself 1 3 . The Zoroastrian concept of the sacred language 
is different from the Western, i. e., the Hellenistic-Christian one, which is focused on teaching/ 
study, on a better understanding of the text. . The Zoroastrian atitude, on the contrary, stresses 
cultic purposes, so there is no gap in Zoroastrianism between the Avestan text and rts rendering 
into a common language, as far as study is concerned. For the Zoroastrian Tradition, the Zand is 
the Avesta, as the Zand is still believed to be revealed byOhrmazdto Zoroaster, compare 
"NaskTha T DSn T MazdSsn" 1 4 in Dk 8.12: in our view, the "religion" has no "Nasks", it rs 



8 Cf. also Dk 8.1.4: niblstan SwSn abar o's'muris'n T Den T Mazdesn bazls"n, "there is 
ordinance to write about the division of the categories of the Mazda-worshippira) Religion", 

9 A composition written is referred to also in Dk 8-1.15: ud paywastan T rrSz s abdom 1 
HaBsttO.nandrTg "wastag bahr az dseSn ciyfin nlbist T andar paywand T a abdom 
Ha3a[K].rianertg Wls"tasp.sa"st, "And the linkage of WaStag, a part of the 6393, to the end of 
Hada-Mar.erTg, is because it is written in connection with Wl£tasp.S3st, the end of 
Hafla.M JnerTg". Cf. also Dk 8.1.6 (ed T 3 nib ls"t, "these three are written"), and passim. 

10 As was noted by Snaked 1 969, 1 92, concerning the passage in question Dk 8.1 .1-3. 

1 1 As it was translated by Mole 1963, 63; Shake d 1969, 192; Cereti 1997, 99. Cf. Introduction. 

1 2 As was done by West 1 892, 1 . 

1 3 There can be litcle doubt about the fact that the work of exegesis has begun in the prophet's own days 
or immediately after him. Thus, the kernel of the Zand must be almost as old as the Avestan texts 
themselves. 

14 Translated, nevertheless, as "the Masks of the Maida--«OTurupplnB Religion". 



the Avesta that does, while the "Religion" is divided into three "levels" 15 , G38rg, 
KaSa.naneng, DSdTg 1 ^. Here, "the Zand, which is Avesta/Religion (0§n), for the 
knowledge of many" implies that the Avesta in its original tongue was not supposed to be 
understood, for that or other reasons, by "the many"; moreover, it was "written as an authority 
for the commonalty in teaching the wisdom", where the expression used, 

pad 3gah dahtSnlh, is reminiscent of Zand SgShTh. the other name of BunrJahisn 1 ', a 
composition based on Zands. Thus, 3g3h dahiSnTh means perhaps something like Zand. 
"Written by the [uttered] word of the Avesta itself", Ewaz 1 Den niblSt, refers to ttie written 
translation of the Avestan text, as e"w3z means "pronounced word", opposed to w 3 zag, "word" in 
the sense of Zand 1 e . One should quote here Dk 8.3.3: 

abar har cis wazag zand ud x v a5radagaz ciyfln hSn T gGw£d ku: 
"wargtm3ns a r ke pad harwisp fraz gdwlSnlh fraz dad Ssted" , 

"Zand on every thing and every word, with a good arrangement, such as one says: 
" warStmans a r is that that has given forth an exposition of everything"". 

In Dk B.1 .6 we are told that "the categories of the Religion is the exposition (Den Cgmuri sn 
nlge'z 19 ) of Complete Knowledge (wlsp.danisn). Action (kSr), and Ordinance (ewenag) of 
the knowledge and action of the whole Religion (ham De"n danisn ud kunlsn)". 

These three notions, "Complete Knowledge, Action, Ordinance", correspond perhaps to the weli- 
known "Zoroastrian Triad": "good thought, good speech, good deed", while the order is different, 
putting "Action" = "deed" in the second place, while e" we"nag, "custom, manner", translated 
here "Ordinance", stands for "speech". It is of interest that the word e"we"nag, standing for 
"speech", became also the word for "a written text" 20 . It is "speech" that links "thought" to 



15 Dk 8.1.5: "the categories of the Mazda-worshipping Religion contain three divisions". 

16 Compare Dk 8.1.4: "the division of the categories of the Mazda-worshipping Religion, to demonstrate 
its [the Religion's] divisions, parts, and the sections of the parts'. 

17 Though both names of this work are recent, it is not relevant for us here. 

18 On which, cf. Shaked 1969, 167. 

19 This word probably refers not to a literary source, but to a method of interpreting, cf. Gignoux 
1996a, 285b. 

20 Cf. New Persian 3Tn, 3yTn, especially in the compound ayTrvnSmah. 



"action", being here the third division of the categories of the Religion, Ha3a.Ma"ne a r, which 
was, basically, a "ritualistic", i.e., connected to words as pronounced in the ritual, division of 
the Avesta. 

The triple division of the Avesta was seen (Dk 8.1.6, 18-19; Dk 8.46.1 and passim) as a 
projection of the "ideal* (to use a Platonic expression) prayer Ahunvar (Avestan Ahuna 
Vairya, also called the Yaea aha vairllrj), consisting of three metrical lines (gah-s) 
[APPENDIX II]. 

This is the most sacred formula of the Zoroastrians 2 1 ; the name is derived from its second and 
third words. The formula is consisting of one stanza of three lines, containing twenty-one Avesta 
words. Each gah corresponds (cf. Dk 6.1 7) to one group of the Avestan categories (Ssmurisn). 
A parallel passage is given in the first fragard of the S[t]Odgar Nask, Dk 9. Z.I 9 (and 
elsewhere): abar bazlsn T nask3n T 21 azas fradom ud dldTgar ud sadigar gah T 
Ahunwar, "about the division of the 21 Masks: this is from the first, the second and the third 
gSh-s of the Ahunvar". Each Nask of the 21 Avestan Nask is belived to have been derived from 
a corresponding word of this prayer 22 . The sequence given in Dk 8.1.12 is as follows: 
S[t)<Jdgar, Wars"tm3ns a r, Bag, Damd3d, Nadar, P3jag, Rat.fi. dat.aetag. 
Ban's", KaSkTsraw, Wist3sp.S3st, WaStag, Clhrdad, Spand, Bag3n YaSt, 
Nikatam, Duzd.sar.nljad, Hflsparam, Sakaium, VendTdad, Haflffxt, Stod YaSt, 
and this is the order in which the Nasks were summarized in Ok 6. However, the first gah of the 
Ahunvar prayer, the model ared the source of the Avesta, contains 8 words, the second has only 6, 
and the third one consists of 7 words. 

Though it was the third gah only (corresponding to the DadTg group of the Avesta) that 
consists of 7 words, the only group given in the Avestan Canon as an unbroken sequence was the 
second one, the HaSa.M3n9rTg group, corresponding to the second ga"h of only 6 words: 
Damdad, Nadar, P3jag, Rat^o. dat.aetag, Bar-is, KaskTsraw, Wls"tasp.S3st. The 
posrtion of the last Nask, namely the Wis tasp.Sast, was problematic, as it did not have a 



21 Sundermann published a Maniehasan Middle Parthian fragment where Ahunwait GShNask, i.e., the 
Ahunuuaiti GaSa, the first of the 5 Old Avestan Gathas, which begins with the Ahuna Vaitiia prayer, is 
mentioned, while an Old Sogdlan version of the following Avestan text, the A$sm Vohu prayer, was 
published by Geisheviteh 1 975a. 

22 Mani's and Mazdak's works were said to corresponded to the letters of the alphabet, too, cf. Shaki 
19S5. 



corresponding word in the second gah of the Ahunvar prayer, and this is why we can deduct (Dk 
8.1.15) that one (of eight) word from the first ga"h of the Ahunvar "delegated" 23 itself to the 
second gah. We are told there that the linkage (pay was tan) of Was" tag, an entirely lost part 
oftheGaea, totheendofHafla-ManerTg, r.e., after the Ha 3a.M3n eric Wis tasp.Sast, "is 
because it is written in connection with Wls"t3sp.S3st, theend of Ha3a.fian©rTg". 

Traditionally (cf. West 1692, 25 n. 1), this Wastag Nask, whose position is precisely in 
the middle of the collection of 21 Nasks, was taken to be corresponding to the eleventh, the 
middle, word of the Ahunvar, namely manarj ho", which is found in the second gah, Le., in gah of 
the Ha8a.M3n9ric group, and for this reason it was the eleventh Nask. However, it makes sense 
only according to the liturgical organization of the Nasks, as given in Dk 8.1 .12. 

Along the gah-s, this Was tag Nask must correspond to the fourth word of the Ahunvar, 
a©3, as it was the fourth GSOic Nask, or to the "extra", the eighth, word of the first ga"h, 
namely haca, as it was certainly this word regarded to be "delegated" to the second gah. It is 
not without interest to note that the phonetic forms of these words, 363 andhaca', resemble the 
word Sast of the Wis'tasp.Sast 24 . Another interesting trait about the Ha3a.M3neric 
group is that (Dk 8.1.10) there were no Nasks "made unto the Ha9a.M3nerTg", though it was 
exactly this group that "borrowed" a Nask, while there was stated (Dk 8.1.9 & 11) that. Nasks 
existed "those made unto the Gae3s, and their names are those of the invocations of the G30ic 
worship" and "those made unto the D 3 d, and their names are those of the 3d". 

"Those made unto ...". or "assimilated", Nasks included the Spand Nask for the G39Tg 
group, the fifth G38Tg Nask, placed between the first and the second Ha3a.M3nerT g Nasks, 
while "those made unto ...", or "assimilated" to the D 3 d r g group were "those which are composed 
for the law with separate propitiations" (Dk 8.1.11), namely the Nasks ClhrdSd and BagSrt 
Yas t, ie., exactlythe Nasks surrounding the Gaeig Spand Nask. 



23 The word for this being, perhaps, pay wastan. 

24 Alliteration and allusion to phonetic similarity as a method of interpretation was quite normal in 
Zoroastrian texts. Compare, e.o., Dk 8.4.2, dealing with the Bag Nask, where the word k I r toaq, 
"merit", was provoked by the name of the Bag Nask: "8ag 1 dahman srud" kfj 3 dahmSn guft 
ested kd ke" en klrbag kune" a5 €n klrbag kard bawe"d, ""Bag or the community is renown", it 
is said about the community , meaning that whoever shall do a virtuous deed, a merit will be performed 
by him". In passing, it must be noted that this example demonstrates the pronunciation 8ag. not Bay , as 
Cereti put it. 



In other words, in the middle of the collection stood WiStasp.Sast (Had3.rla~nerTg), 
Was tag (Ga"9Tg), Cihrdad (DadTg). Spand (SaeTg), Bagan Yas"t (DadTg), i.e., the 
Nasks whose characteristics were seen as specific and containing elements of the group which is 
not their own 25 , by means of what was designated as* t me"hnna"nTri, "hosting" 2 ^_ 

The reason why the only sequence given in a row in the Canon Is that of the "ritualistic", the 
Ha63.Man9rTg group, is that it is the ritual that makes communication possible between the 
world of thought and that of action, "Ha3J.Ma"n9rTg being intermediary" (Dk 8.1 .16). The 
eaeic group is identified with the "ideal", menffgic, world, while the Law, the Da" die group, 
belongs to gfitTg, the world of action (lord). The menijo. principle is seen as motivating and 
causing, through the ritual, and this is "the reason of the HaSffxt and [StGd] Yast having been 
linked to VendTdad, the lastDadic Mask" (ibid.), i.e., at the very end of the Canon, returning 
to their "source". The ideal of Renovation was symbolized by placing the 'VendTdad Nask 
(**Hom 27 ) close to the one but last (the Qaeic) H39o~xt Nask, treating material similar to 
that of VendTdad 19: "the linkage of the end of the D3d, which is "Horn, again to the Ga~9a~, 
which is the source, is the symbol of the primal me"nogTh which was the pure SaeanTg 
functioning; at the end it will be even ge"tTg; and as it was obtained from me"n<jg, it descended 
againto the linkage of mSnffg" (Dk 8.1.17). 



ZS Cf. Dk 8.1.13: "in all three (divisions) all three are (found): in the 63810. are the HaBa.ManerTg 
and DadTg, in the HaSa.ManerTg are the GseTg andDadfg, rn the DSdlgare the GseanTg (Bagan 
Yast) and HaSa.Ma'nerTg.(Cihrdad)". 

26 Dk 8.1.M: jud jud han T ^ad madlyanTha" ud mSdaawarTtia mffhmanTg, ud nan r 
dld.bahrTg andar awurd mShmSnTg, "each separately hosts, especially [on textually?] and 
essentially, its own, and (also) hosts that which was brought into from other parts*. The notion of 
"hosting" is important also in Dk 8.46.3-4, cf. further. The precise meaning of the word mSdlyan (I 
believe this transcription is more accurate that MaeKenzie's madayan, judging from the form in Old 
Georgian and Armenian) in the headings of Dk 8 poses problems, as it can be translated as "text, book", 
or "essence, basis, particulars" etc., cf. MacKenzie, 1971, 53. This Middle Iranian wort produced (* 
matagdan > mStlyJn, cf. Bielmeier 1985, 35) Old Georgian matiane, matianf, "Annalen", 
Armenian matean, "book". In my Translation, | generaMy render mSdiyan as "particulars", but the 
translation "book, text" is possible as well, in almost all the contexts. 

27 Written HTm in Pazand, and so transliterated and translated by More and Cereti; however, West 
1892, 8 and n. 4), rightly emended to HrJm. The shift a (and 07) to *r was typical for Zoroastrian 
Peraian of Fars and is a commonplace in M5s, especially in PSzand, as here. Compare 3/fiT in Die 
8.46.Z, written af>r, notes West 1892, 170 n. 1, "as usual in Iran'. 



8 
Thus, the Nasks were grouped together into three, according to their "types": 



Gaeamg 

1. Stod YaSt 

2. SItladgar 

3. Wars'tamnsar 

4. Bag 

5. Was tag 

6. HaBflxt 

7. Spand 



HaSS(k].M3neng 
l.Damdad 

2. N3dar 

3. Pajag 

4. RaiO.dataetag 

5. Baris 

6. KaskTsraw 

7. wistasp.sast 



D3 dig 

1. Nikatum 

2. Duzd.sar.nijad 
3.Husp3r3m 

4. SakStum 

5. vendidad 

6. Cihrdad 

7. Bagan Yast. 



Another sequence is believed to correspond to the 21 words of the Ahunvar prayer and may 
have astrological connotations (cf. Gignoux 1996a, 288a); the List of the Nasks according to their 

order in Dk 8 is as follows: 

1. SUludgar 

2. Warstmansar 

3. Bag 

4. Damdad 
5.Na~dar 

6. P3 Jag 

7. RaLo.dataetag 

8. Baris 

9. KaskTsraw 

10. Wistssp.sast 

11. Wastag 

12. Cihrdad 

13. Spand 

14. Bagan YaSt 

15. Nlkatam 

16. Duzd.sar.nijad 

17. HOsparam 

18. sakatam 

19. VendTdad 

20. HaSflxt 

21. Stdd Yast. 



This sequence is identical with the correspondence between the 21 Masks and the Zl words of 
the Ahunvar prayer as given in the New Persian nwayat of Bahman Punjya (cf. Unvala 
19ZZ, I. 3-4; Cereti 1997, 100 n. 37): az rlwayat- ( Bahman Punjya nam- i Zl nask 
az ls_a ahu vairyo: ya63: 5t.udk.ar, ahu: varuSta mantra, vafrlio": Baq, a63: 
Damd3d, ratus: NSdur, a«f3t: Pa"zun, cTt RatoStSyid, hac3: Baris, vaijhSuS: 
KuSasrub, dazd3: GrJstSspad, manaijhff: Dad, s"i1aoeanan3m: Cldrasat, a'©hsu5: 
Spanta, mazdai: BaySn Yast, xsaeramca: NfyadSm, ahurai: Dwasarwajld, 3: 
Husparam, ylm: Safcadam, drlgublio - : Judd!wd3d, dadat HSdoxt, va"sta"rem: 
YaSt. 

However, the order given by other R i v 3 y a ts is different (cf . below). The tree first Gathic 
Nasks analyzed in Dk 9 are commentaries on the three great prayers, Ahunvar, ASam Vohu, 
Yeghe" ha tarn. The first two Nasks are mythical or historical, while the third is a kind of 
meditation, serving as a gloss on the whole teit za . 

The 5[t]fldgar Nask, whose name means "causing beneficence" [or, "praise"] and which is 
summarized in one-third of Dk 9 (Ch.Z-Z3), takes only a few lines in DkM 680 (Dk 8.Z; West 
189Z, 10-11). We possess a rather complete concept of its contents from Dk 9, but the 
summary in Dk 8 is so vague that it would be impossible to comprehend how Dk 8.Z is connected 
to the text summarized in Dk 9.Z-Z3 in case the summary in Dk 9 were lost. This situation is 
illustrative perhaps for the whole of the Avestan Nasks. 

However, Dk S.Z.Zb, "and about abstaining/defense from the law of the evil and the people 
most causing to adversary", may refer to Dk 9.5, 9, 10 etc.; according to West, Dk 8.2.3-4 refer 
to Dk 9.5,9,10 etc. and to Dk 9.Z3.7. Obviously, this is too foggy, as the ideas expressed in Dk 
8.Z.3-4 are a commonplace of Zoroastrian literature. Dk 8.Z.4 seems to be a distorted rendering 
of an unidentifiable Avestan passage. The translation remains purely tentative. 

The closing mantnra, ahlSyTh abadTh pahlom hast, "righteousness is perfect 
excellence", first met with here, closes, in different combinations, all of the chapters of Dk 8-9. 
This is the Pahlavi version of the A?am Vond prayer [APPENDIX III] 29 . As the purpose of this 
closing formula rs magic, it will be left untraslated. 



28 Cf. Gignoui 19963,286a. 

Z9 A similar formula, obviously, a caique hum our Zoroastrian one, exists also in Mandsan. 



10 
The Warstm3ns a r, whose name means 4 Hanthra-Effect^", contained 23 fragards and is 
summarized in Dk 9.Z4-46. In Dk 8, as in Dk 9 and Bahman Pan jya Rivayat, it is the second 
Nask, while mentioned as the third in other Rivayats. It corresponds to the second word, aba, of 
the Ahunvar prayer, whence the reference to ahuyTh in § Z. References to Dk 9.24-5, where 
some close parallels are found, will be dealt with somewhere else. If we remember that the only 
firm reference in Dk 8.2 is to Dk 9.23, one might think that the summarizing work of Dk 8.Z-3 
was made rather at random. 

The Zandof the War£trti3ns a r Nask is, so to speak, a philological one, while the 5[t]Jdgar 
N ask is of a rather associative and midtashic character. This is referred to in §§ 2-3. 

The Bag Nask is considered as either the third or the fourth Nask, corresponding to the word 
vairyo" of the Ahunvar prayer, its name meaning "divisions"; according to Skjservo 1989a, 
400b, the Bag of Bag Nask refers to the word baya ("part, piece"; "divine prayer", Pahlavi 
baxtarTh, "distributorship") found in the final verses of all three of the opening prayers, 
while the word Bagan rs, indeed, the plural of "god". Its ZZ fragards summarized in the third 
part of Dk 9, chapters 47-68; some contents of this Nask will be dealt with in Chapter III, though 
notat such a length as those of the SUlfldgar and Warstm3ns a r Nasks. From its Zl (PR) 
or ZZ (Dk) fragards, the first three are still extant as Y 19-Z1 ; these Yasnas are a commentary 
on the prayers Yaea ana vain 10" (Ahuna vairiia, Ahunvar), Asam vohQ, and Yeotie" 
hStam. These three Yasnas (called in the MSs Bagan Ya3t, not Bag Nask) are only ones in 
the entire extant Avesta which represent a kind of an Avestan commentary on an Avestan text, not 
yet fully interpreted; they were compared (Kellens 1989a, 38; Skjservu 1989 a, 400b) to 
Say ari a's Sanskrit commentary on the Veda. 

The rest of the Bag Nask, now lost, contained a commentary, in Avestan, as it seems, on the 
saeas and on the prayer AliMISmna is iio; thus, it is the opening part of the Nask which we 
still possess, and the central and the closing parts which are lost. Of the three prayers, the first 
two are said to be the words of Ahura M a z da", but the third one was uttered by Zoroaster, 



30 Note the similar idea expressed in the name of Sit]Udgar Nask, which probably means *Fraise- 
Work. 



addressing to the Ama| a Spsntas. The Ahumar was created by Ahura Mazda" before anything 
else in the world (Y 19.1-4), but after the Ams^a Spantas (Y 19.8). 

The Ahunvar commentary consists of 21 paragraphs, according to the number of its words and 
to the number of the Nasks as well, while the two other prayers are commented in only 5 
paragraphs each. Y 19.8 contains expressions like vacC yai ahumat yat ratumaL "the 
utterance containing the words anu and ratu", Y 21.4: ustatat, "being ustf, using nominal 
derivation (cf. Skjserva 1989a, 400b), so typical for later Pahlavi Zantfe. karaiia- means "* 
to point to, to *refer to" (Aiw 448), and cinasti, para. cinasti mean "*to assign" 3 ^, 
indicating the commentator/ character of the text. 

This Bag Mask 32 , which belongs to the 6;J6an'fg group, now alsmost totally tost, must be 
discriminated from the Bagan Yast 33 /Nask (which belonged to the DSdTg group), 
summarized in Dk B.15 34 (cf. below). It is important to stress that the texts used in the 
liturgy, except the GS6as proper, belonged to the non-saeanTg Nasks. 

The DSmdad Nask (Dk 8.5) is the first of the "ritualistic" HaSa.M3n9ric Nasks; it was set 
as the fourth Nask by the account in Dk 8.1 (where is immediately follows the three G36ic 
Nasks, summarized in Dk 3) and by the Bahman Ptfnjya RivSyat, and as the fifth Nask by the 
Kama Bohra Rivayat. The name is derived from the traditional "learned" rendering of Avestan 
"dsmi .dStl, "the creating of the creation", or, rather, from the Pahlavi phrase dam dad, "he 
(Ohrmazd) created" 35 . The name of this, the first of the "ritualistic" HaSa.r-13n6ric group, 
Nask, is, in any case, rather close in meaning to the name of the first of the D3dic group, namely 
theCltirdadNask 36 . 



3! Cf. Marten 1975, 86ff.; Humbach 1984, 54: "to refer"; in my translation of the Pahlavi version: "to 
teach" in the sense of "to ascribe", *to assign". 

32 Cf. Dk 8.1.9, Dk 8.4, Dk 9.47-68, Persian Rivayats (translated in West 1892, 418-47; not repeated 
in Dhabhar 1932, 4). 

33 Cereti 1997, 105: Bayan »Yasn. 

34 There are many quotations from the Pahlavi version of the Ya£ts in Dk and other texts, a.o., Yc 
13.107 in DkS 14.51-52. 55 11-12, P-48 55, Yt 13.97, Dk 7.3.42-46, 10.2, 7.50. Yt 19.78-81, 92-3, 
11. In many cases they are from the YaSts for which we have no extant Pahlavi version, thus they are 
the only remnants of such a version. It would be an important task to assemble these quotations. 

35 Cf. MacKenzie 1993b. 

36 Cf West 1892, 25 n.2. 



12 

The C i h r d 3 d Nask, whose name means "Creation of Seed" or "Creation of Classes", tended to 
enumerate and classify things; however, the first element of both names could easily be 
interpreted as "creature", or the like, as all the seeds and all the classes and sorts are created. 

The contents of both Nasks seem also to have been not without parallels. So, it is the D3md3d 
Nask (Dk B.5.3), not the C I hr dad Nask, that spoke of stT ud tQTimao ud sraxtag ud cihr 
ud kSr, "the classes and sorts (of the creation and their) being and seed and parts, nature and 
task". Both Nasks treated creation ("creatorship and the creation of the best creation", Dk 8.5.1 ; 
creation of n Gayo"mard, the First Man" etc., Dk 8.12.1), but it appears that it was rather the 
Damdad Nask, than the Cihrda d Nask. that stressed the me"nog / g£t.Tg speculation, which 
surely had taken considerable space in the Damdad Nask. It would be, of course, an exaggeration 
to state that most of the occurrences of the menflg / gStTg idea in Pahlavi texts go back to this 
Nask; what it interesting here is the mention of "visible form" (fl paydagTHast T kerbTh), 
which could be another term forgetTg, appearing also in the short account of the C ill rd 3d Nask 
(Dk 8.12.1). 

The Damdad Nask treated more the earlier stages of the eschatologicai drama of the 
Zoroastrian myth, exposing the Creation as a means "formed and made for the battle against the 
Assault (of the Evil)", while the Cihrdad Nask stressed more the apocalyptical, final, 
dimensions of the drama. As both are interwoven in Zoroastrianism, the Damdad Nask treated 
also "the reason for ... creation and ... final fate", "the manner and means of overcoming and 
destroying it (the Evil), and saving and freeing creation from it". Similarly, the CI hrd3d Nask 
treated some of the same contents, but on a lesser scale, as we can judge from the extracts found 
in Dk B. As a whole, the "ritualistic" character of the DSmd3d Nask can be seen in its tendency 
to re-tell the "classical" Zoroastrian version of the basic myth (probably, in the form similar to 
that found in the Bundahisn); but laws are subjected to changes, and the "legalistic" Cihrd3d 
Nask chose to update its contents with new, Sasanian, material. 



The name of the lost Nask summarized in Dk S.6 is uncertain; it was read *W a x t a r or 
* Wax t war (*"time, destiny, fate") in West 1892, IS n. 1, or as N3oar (i.e., N35ar), being 
the traditional name, in West 1892, 15; *Naxtar (from "Indie naksatra-, "Gestime") in 
Tavadia 1956, 59 (cf. Mote 1963, 65), adopted as N3xtar in Cereti 1997, 98, 102, 110; the 
reading generally accepted now is Natar or N3dar. 



13 

The Nask, being the second of the HaBa.MSnerie Nasks, corresponds to the fifth, ratus, 
word of the Ahunvar in the Bahman Punjya Riv"ayat, consequently the sixth Nask in other 
R rvjyats. According to the Riv ayats, it consisted of 35 compilations (gurats) on astronomy 
and astrology. 

If Tavadia is right, and the name of the Nask is the evidence of its ultimately Indian origin, it 
must have been composed/translated about the time when the Avesta was codified under Hjsraw li, 
at the end of the 6th century. This was, indeed, a period of massive import of Indian ideas and 
wisdom. KalTlanandDimnah. Tutl Namati, S1ndt>3d NSmah were translated from Indie 
into Pahlavi about 550. Some other short Pahlavi treaties are of Indian origin or reveal Indian 
themes, first of all, "Chess" 37 . 

Adaptations of Indian material included treatises on "Logic" (Tark, cf. de Menasce 1949, 1- 
3), "Time-counting" (gSwlgn T tiangam snasag; KOSSk is Sanskrit kos'a, kala 
ko"s3[k], ("Zeitrechnungsammlung"), "Grammar" (>by'krn, avySkaran is vyakarana), 
"Horoscopy" (*H5ra", Greek $pc, "hour" > Indie), while KSlakrSyS is a branch of planetary 

astronomy. Transmitted via Sasanian Iran, Indian motifs reached Greece and Syria^ '. 

Howeyer, one could hardly believe that at such a late date some scientific material would have 
been written in Avestan and, moreover, it is impossible that the Avestan text, on astronomy and 
astrology (!), could survive up to the ninth century, while its Pahlavi version was lost about the 
time when Dk 8 was composed. 

One tends rather to think that this text was not dealing with scientific matters; the original 
Avestan text was still in use, while the Zand was lost, thus testifying the loss of parts of the 
Pahlavi Avesta. The expressions caSISn ffSmurlsn, "teaching, study", do not nessecerily 
imply study of theoretical matters, but intend rather learning of how to recite the text, as it was 
used for e"zl$n, "worship". It is worth comparing the wording of the summary of this Nask now 
lost with what was stated about another Nask, which also is not extant anymore, namely the 
Was*tag Nask (Dk 8.12): 

WaStag Ablstag ud Zand pad dastwar o amab ne paywast. 
Compare: 

Na'darZand amah ray ne paywast Ablstag clyon pad dastwarTh. 



37 Wiz5ris"n r Catrang, Jamasp-Asana, 1897, 1, 1 15-1Z0. Cf. also Peny 1359; de Blois 1990 and 
de Blois 1993a; on Indian in Dk (summarized mostly in DkM 428, IV.99-100), cf. Bailey 1943, 86; de 
Menasce 1949, 1-3; Tavadia 1956, 70. 

38 Cf. 5hake<J 1 984, 49-50. 



14 
The formulas in use are paywastan, "to hand over, transmit" (0 amah [ra"y], "to us"), 
pad dastwar[m], "through authority (of a dastwar)". It seams that the reliance was rather 
on oral than on written tradition. If we refer briefly again to the question about the contents of . 
the lost Na~dar Nask, the next Nask, Pa"jag Nask, the third Nask of the HaJ)a~.M3neric group, 
gives us some insight how little we can, sometimes, rely on the contents of the Masks as 
summarized. 

Sometimes, the summary refers to the initial portion only, and omits the following portions. 
Thus, the summary of the Pajag Nask (Dk 8.7) begins with sheep-slaughter 39 , and only 
towards the end of the summary we learn that this Nask contained what we could classify as time- 
reckoning material. Should we possess only the first paragraphs, we would conclude it was 
mostly ritualistic , should we possess only the paragraphs of the middle portions, we would 
conclude it was mostly calendars^ ' , To some degree it apply also to the H3J)5xt Mask as 
summarized in Dk 8.45, while we possess parts of the Nask in both original Avestan and in 
Pahlavi outside the De"nkard 42 . West 1904, 88, commented on this problem: 

"... there is nothing in the [De"nkard 8] description of the H3tckht Nask that applies to "the 
fate of the soul after death" which is the subject of the two other sections; though it must be 
admitted that the last 121 sections of the Nask are hardfy described at all in the D e n kard" . 

Several passages of Dk 8.7 contain valuable information about religious life in Late Sasanian 
Iran. Thus, Dk 6.7.13 suggests that some religious teaching took place during the GShanbar 
festivals; Dk 8.7. 1 8-1 9 refers to public observances of Zoroastrian religious duties imposed on 
people suspected, as it seems, of apostasy or heresy. 

Though (Dk 8.7.19) pad rSs'nkarTri az Yazdan kadam dad, "what is the law of God as 
the elucidation (is concerned)", can be translated also otherwise (eg., "which one of the Gods was 
created for elucidation [to entreat him in case of doubt]", or the like), nevertheless, the context, 



39 On some aspects of this, cf. de Menasce 1947a, 231, 

40 It is indeed the third or the fourth HaSa.MSneric Nask, and many scholars, indeed, rendered 
HaBa.MSnfir- as *ritual[istio]". I use here "ritualistic" in a stneter sense. 

41 The same might be tme for the Nadar Nask, as well, though this is rather a speculation. 

42 Cf. Haug & West 1872, 267-31 6 [Haug's "Appendix H, The Three Fargards of the Hadokht Nask which 
are still extant, The Zand and Pahlavi Texts, with a transliteration of the Pahlavi, and various readings 
(Westergaard's rss« Fragments XXJ.1-XH.36}";). 



15 
especially that of Dk 8.7.1 8, may suggest that in Late Sasanian Iran there existed an office, called 
rCs*nkarTh, "elucidation", which was, actually, some kind of Zoroastrian, so to speak, 
Inquisition. This suggestion is not impossible, judging from what *e know about persecutions of 
Christians, Manichaeans, Mazdakites and others about the time when the Sasanian Canon was 
Finally established. 

What is especially interesting about this Nask survivals of which can be found in legalistic 
books, is the fact that it should have been containing sasanian additions 4 ^. This face is of 
historical importance, as it demonstrates, once again, that the Late Sasanian Avesta was a 
compilation made of, partly, recent materials. 

fiaio.dai.ae'tag 44 , the fourth Ha3s.M3neric ("legalistic") Nask, was the seventh (or, 
the eighth) Nask of the Sasanian Avesta. Its name means something like 'concerning the habits of 
a priestly master", according to West 1 902, 1 9 n. 4, and indeed, its contents have some close 
similarities with those of the Erbedestan Nask as summarized in Dk 6.26 4 5. 

In this Nask, some place [Dk B.B.Z] was dedicated to characteristics of the leader of the rad 
( retu)-priestly guilde [rad.pesag-sa"la"r], what is only natural in the Nask whose name 
includes the word ratu. It was stated (.ibid.) that it possessed "portion[s] [bahr] of other 
authority [patTh], even of the lordship [x v ad3yaz] n , thus implying the pretension of the 
priestly leader to get also some secular, even, perhaps, royal authority. This text could be dated 
by an epoch during which the Iranian power extended also beyond what was traditionally seen as 

Iran proper, namely X v anTrah (ibid.: "rad-office of x^anfrah [radTh T X v anTrahl and 
other continents [k 1 s"w a r]"). The rest of the Nask was dedicated » the ritual proper. 



43 Which was shown, from the calendar, in Nybenj 1 934 and Boyce 1 970. 

44 ttwSt'yty. Cereti 1997, 103: Radw is taiti. 

45 Eo., compare Ok 28.8.9 (Erbedestan; cf. Kotwal & Kreyenbroek 1992, 21-Z): abar frJzTn T 
aerfl'an, Swag az did, pad danijn.abzar, ud paymSnag T frjzrh kg j>af/V) sazaotarrh T 
Swag az did pad patTh bawfo, "About the superiority of one priest to another In knowledge and 
skills and the definition of the superiority which constitutes greater worthiness of one compared with 
another", and Dk 8.8.2 (fiaj.i5.J3L.afta.il: elm T sazaaTh ud sazaatarTn pad rad.pes'ag- 

saiSr, abaYTg patTh n v adayaz bahr x v esTh, ku ciyGn be wtzaTisn sazaaih az 
asazaaTh ud sazflotarTh az faisazaqTh padeS..., "The reason of the worthiness and superiority 
in leader of the rad-priestly guilde, and his possession of portionfs] of other authority, even of the 
Vordshtpi it is, how worthiness should be discriminated 1rom un worthiness in him, and superiority from 

uoworthiness ...". 



The now lost Barls 46 Nask, the SthHaSS.MSneric Nask, the Bth or the 9th one in the lists, 
"contained matters concerning almost everything between heaven and earth". It was also noted 
that "no extant Avestan texts or fragments have been identified"**. However, it was perhaps one 
of the sources of Me"nCg T Xrad, and some of the Tahmuras Fragments" (=PursisnTh3) and 
Avestan quotations in the Pahlavi VendfcBd [=Wtde"wd3d] could be taken from this Nask 4 " its 
Pahlavi version being periiaps the base of Dk 6 and other Andarz 5 texts. Dk 6, edited in Shaked 
1979, belongs mostly to thesame genre as the lostBaris Nask 51 ; the payman idea in Dk 8.9, 
being Iranian, reveals, nevertheless, some awareness of the Aristotelian ethics 5 2 - 

The 6th Ha6a.han6rTg Nask, called KaskTsraw, the 9th or the 1 Oth in the lists, is 
briefly summarized in Dk 8. 10; West 1692, 23 n.l, saw the name of this Nask as containing the 
word sraw, "statement", etc., and was probably right Though the Nask is summarized in only 6 
lines (DkM), it is possible to reconstruct its character the contents of this Nask seem to be 
similar to VaSts and to apocalyptic compositions based on them, especially to ZWY. This Nask 
was characterized by interest in the proper performance of the ritual and in the Last Days; ZWY, 
the typical apocalyptic text, also shares (ZWY 5-7) this interest in ritual, and this trait of the 
relevant passages of ZWY and our Nask could be regarded as having common sources. This Nask 
contained some astrological (daxSag ud nisan, cf. also ZWY 7.6) predictions 53 - The notion of 
abar re zi SnTh, "overflowing"-* 4 , derives perhaps from a lost Pahlavi version of Yt 8 (cf. Yt 
8.21 Iff.). 

The evil produced bv demons and others (de~w3n ... ud ab3rTg), at different times in the 
future, is predicted, but the faithful ones are promised complete annihilation of their enemies 
(T.53n hanja"bisn) and the final triumph of Yazda"n; the usage of this word, instead of * 
Ohrmazd ud Amahraspandan, eg., is due perhaps to the Ya 3 1 source, it is implied that the 
worship must be carried out with faith and special set of mind, pShrfz, lest it be turned into 



46 The meaning dt the name of the BariS Nask is unknown, it can also be read bre"h, "fate, destiny", as 
Mole 1963 did. 

47 Skjasrvu 19B9b, 

48 'bid. 

49 Darmesteter 1892-93, l!l, xv-xvti. 

50 Compare Cunakova 1991, 1 1. 

51 Cf. also Gignoui 1996a, 286b. 

52 Shaked 1979, XLtt. 

53 Cf. Panaino 1995, 102, et passim. 

54 1 follow West in reading and translating this word. 



dae"va-worship. The reference to "spiritual sSsts (doctrines)" m Ok 6.10.3 might be an 
allusion to the name of the next Nask, namely the Wistasp sast. 

The Wlstasp sast, the tenth (or, in other versions, the eleventh) Nask, was of mythical- 
historical character, though being the last "ritualistic", HaSa.Maneric, Nask, and the 
Wastag Nask was said to be connected to it; however, we know nothing about this particular 
Nask (cf. Ok 8.1 Z). 

Therewasa tendency to confuse the Nask WiStasp Sa"st with Yt 24. the WiStasp Yast 
(cf. Hole 19G3. 373), and Cereti 1997, 104, read the name of the Nask as "WlStSsp * 
Yast", stating (ibid., 110) that it had contained Afren T Paygambar 7 Zardu[x]st and 
Wistasp YaSt. 

In principle, there can be no such a thing as a Yast dedicated to a king 55 ; the Yasts are 
dedicated to Iranian gods of old, to Yazatas, introduced by Zoroaster, to Ahura Mazda, but, 
nevertheless, we do possess a WiStSsp Yast. This Ya s"t, called Yt 24, is generally linked to 
Yt 23, AfreTi T Paygambar T Zardu [x] $ t; the two texts are frequently taken as a single 
composition, "Yt 23-24" (cf. Darmesteter 1884, 328-347), with Pahlavi versions available 
for both. In fact, under the name of Wistasp Yast the second part of Yt 23 is known. 
Sometimes, this text (the WiStasp Yast) is called Yt 24, sometimes the Wl St a" sp Yast and 
the first part of Yt Z3, i.e., Yt 23 proper, the Afren T Paygambar T Zardulxjst, are seen 
as Yt 23-24 56 . 



The Avestan Wistasp Yast (Yt Z4) has nothing to do with the rest of the Yast collection 57 , 
as its contents are rather [pseudo-]historical than liturgical and it was not dedicated to a 
divinity; it is a recent compilation, grammatically corrupt and compiled from different 
sources 5 ", probably in the Parthian or Sasanian epoch. It is obvious, both from the corrupt and 
late Avestan of the Y 3 St in question, and from the mere fact of existence of such a strange YaSt, 



55 But compare Kavan Yas"t, another name of the Zamyad YaSt. 

5G Similarly, the second part (Yt 1.Z3-33, cf. Darmesteter 1B84, 31-34; Kanga 1941, 1-Z3, 105) of 
the Ohrmajd YaSt (Yt 1.1-Z3, cf. Darmesteter 1884, 21-31) got the name of Wahman YaSl, and 
sometimes this text was known also as Yt 2. 

57 For this reason the Avestan original was excluded by Geldner from his edition of the YaSts, cf. also 
Geldner 1904, 9. 

58 Cf. Geldner 1904, 9. 



18 
whose place inside the Yas t collection was always questioned (the uncertain place'. Yt 23 .h or Yt 
24), that this composition is of a secondary and a late character. 

The Pahlavi WIStasp Yast (SZOO words) is, however, in Old Pahlavi, and, taking into 
account the archaic character of the language of the Pahlavi version and the late character of the 
language of the Avestan version, ft could be suggested that both versions should go back to the same 
(or, to a close) period. The extant text is of Iranian origin 59 , preceded by an Avestan-Pahlavi 
introduction, consisting of four formulas 60 . 

The fact that its Pahlavi version was, nevertheless, preserved, indicates the importance 
ascribed to this text. One could probably call this Yas t a Zoroastrian apocryphon 6 1 , but it is 
the link between the Yas t and its Pahlavi version and the Nask WiStSsp S3st that suggests 
that Avestan texts were still composed at a relatively late date; in some cases, they were probably 
translated from Pahlavi. 

There is some correspondence between the order of the Yast sand the order of the days of a 

Zoroastrian month 62 . As Hartman has noted, in several cases the name of a Yas"t has nothing - 
or, very little - to do with its contents, and was given on the basis of the calendaric sequence. 

It seems that this is the reason why the second part of rjhrmazd YaSt (Yt 1 ) got the name 
Wahman Yast; the 1st day of the month is ah rmazd, the 2nd being Wahman; contrary to the 
view expressed formerly by Gignoux 63 , a II the Immortal Bountiful Ones were supposed to have a 
special YaSt 64 . In this respect, it is worth reminder that the Z3rd day is Day pad De"n, while 
the 24th day is Den (both containing the word for "Religion"), corresponding, respectively, to 
theAfren T Paygambar T Zardulxjst and Wis'ta'sp YaSt, whose contents tell the sacred 
story of the acceptance of the Religion by Zoroaster and, later, by his royal patron Wi s"tasp. 



59 On specific corruptions, cf. West 1904, 86. 

60 Published in Westergaard 1852-54, 48S; cf. Darmesteter 1884, 328-347; the Pahlavi version of the 
WIStasp YaSt in Hoi* 1963, 348ff., transliterated & translated; cf. also West 1904, 86; Kanga 
1941, 105-8. 

61 Another apocryphon is the Va«6a Nask, first edited in Kotwal 1966, F.H., Bombay (Don w'dfl, newly 
edited by Humbach & JamaspAsa 1 993, taken in Boyce 1 968, 66 n. Z, to be a 1 Bth-centwy forgery. 

62 Cf. Geldner 1904, 7; Hartman 195S; Hartman 1956; on the YaSt divinities and the STrdzag, cf. 
Wikander 1946, Z29ff. 

63 Cf- Gignoux 1 98S-8; Gignoux 1 986a; Gignoux 1 986b; but compare now Gignoux 1 996b. 

64 Cf. Geldner 1 904, 7 n. 1 , where Anquetil Duperron's remarks are quoted. 



19 

The WlStasp sast Nask consisted, according to the Rivayats, of 60 kardats, of which only 
ten, or eight, survived after Alexander. Already West 1892, 24 n. 4, realized that the eight 
fragartfs of the Wl st as p Y3s t were meant. This is how the confusion between both texts was 
caused. 

This was, of course, a mistake on the partof the redactors ofthe Rlvayat (cf. Mol4, ibid.), as 
the Nask WiStasp sast was hardly identical with the YaSt, which must be a part of another 
Nask, namely the Stod Yast Nask. 

As HokJ, ibid., noted, it is not impossible that the WlStSsp Yas" t was a liturgic adaptation of 
some contents of the Wistasp Sast. Mote 1963, 349, noted that WZs Z4.5-6 retelling of the 
conversion" was based on the version of the Spand Nask, while the Pahlavi Riva"yats 
(PRDD 47) used the version of the Wistasp Sast. The Zoroastrian New Persian Zaratus"t 
Namah goes back, according to his view, directly to the Sasanian Avesta, and not to either 
version. 

It is questionable whether AyadgaY T Za reran, a Pahlavi adaptation of a Parthian royal 
epic telling the story of what followed after W1 s ta sp's conversion, consists of some Zands of the 
FrawardTn Yas"t or was somehow connected to the WIStasp S a st. This conversion, on the 
contrary, was not mentioned in the WiStasp Yas"t, neither in its Avestan, nor in the Pahlavi 
versions 6 ", but is one of the major themes of Dk 7 6 ^ 

AstheresumSoftheWls'tasp sast giveninDk8.il has all the essentials characteristic of 
Dk 7, not corresponding to the contents of the WIStasp fast but vaguely, Mole 1963, 28Z, 
rightly concluded that WiStasp YaSt and WIStasp 53st are not identical, and it was the 
second (perhaps, together with some material added from the Spand Nask) that was retold in Dk 7. 
However, here the question arises why a particular Nask was summarized at such a length 
(perhaps, even was preserved in its entirety) in one of the Dff nkard books, without saying that 
implicitly? Or, why the version of Dk 8.11 does not tell us that this Nask was already 
summarized in the book (r'.e., Dk 7), whose end is separated only few folios from Dk 8.1 1? 



65 Among the texts dealing with the conversion of Wistasp are PRDD 47, WD, pp. 26-49, fragments in 
Dk 5 and Dk 7, edited and translated in Mole 1967. 

66 Williams 1990,11, 213. 

67 Edited in Mole 1967. 



ZO 
So, there are several possibilities: 1) the Nask was summarized in Dk 8.1 1 not in its entire 
form; Z) what we know now as Yt 24 (probably, together with Yt Z3) is merely remnants of the 
much longer Nask (it was the view of the authors of the Rfrfyats); 3) Dk 7 was heavily based on 
the Nask, while Yt Z4 was not part of it. As was probably felt from my treatment given above, I 
opt for the third possibility. 

Though of historical-mythical character, the Clnrd3d Nask was listed as a Darjic Nask, put 
between two G 3 eic Nasks, namely the WaStag and Spand Nasks. It was the first Dadic Nask, 
the nth or the 12th Nask in the lists; however, its position among the Da" die Nasks was of "those 
made [or, "assimilated"] unto the 03d" (cf. Dk 8.1.1 1). According to Skjaarva 1989b, it was 
possibly in error of the second element of its name (as dad could be interpreted as both "creat-", 
etc., and "law, legal"), but it was said (Dk 8.1.11), together with BagSn.Yast, to be "composed 
for the Law with separate propitiation" (pad jurj SnfJmamh). The original name was perhaps 
*ciero".d3ti, "the establishment of the origins" 68 , as stated in Dk 8.12.5: "the establishment 
of the Law and of customs: that of farming, for the oiling and fostering of the world .. and that of 
ruling, for the protection and organization of the creation...", or in Dk 8.12.Z0: "about the primal 
creation of crafts, arts, and the proper functions of the ages". 

This indicates that much space was dedicated to sanctify the existing social order, with its 
division of the society into strictly-defined and rigid hereditary classes. Some division of the 
historical drama of salvation was probably implied ("the proper functions of the ages", ibid). In 
should be noted here in passing that Iranian "ages" (s"ahr 69 , or, here, x v adayTt>) were 
actually periods of rule of a certain monarch, and thus eschatological notions could be easily 
introduced, though the material seems to be generally old 70 . 

Actually, this Nask contained a history of Mankind, being, to some degree, a priestly prototype 
of the Book of Kings. Materials taken from it could be traced to Bundahisn and other later 
compositions. It must be one of the most popular Nask and ft is strange indeed that it did not 
survive in its entirety. 



68 Skjaxve, ibid.; compare a similar statement in West 1 892, 25 n. 2. 

69 On the temporal aspect of the word, especially, in the Acteemenian period, cf . Gnoli 1 960, 62ff. 

70 As West 1692, 30 n. 3, has observed, §§ 1-16 draw upon Avestan, including now non-extant, 
sources, while 1 1 1 7-1 9 are undefiebly Sasanian. 



21 
Together with Dk 8.1 2.9 & 1 5, where Turanians and Arabs are implicitly mentioned (cf. also 
ib., § 17: "and many Families..."), § 3, which states that "each race being specifically accounted 
for... messengers (sent by the Creator) to each separate race", possibly indicates that the Nask 
included material relating to the history of non-Iranians (Greeks, Jews, Indians and others), as 
seen from a Sasanian perspective. 

It is interesting that the Creator sent messengers afso to them, thus provoking in one's mind an 
analogy with pre-lslamic prophets known only from the Koran, or Mani's famous statement about 
his forerunners Buddha, Zoroaster and Jesus, sent to their respective countries. The anti- 
Jewish polemics in the Denkard' ', and also parts of the polemics against non-Zoroastrians in 
the S 6 W, were, I suppose, derived from this Nask. It seems that the interaction with other 
religious systems of the Eastern Mediterranean, especially, after Christianity established itself 
as the state-religion of Byzantium (which corresponds to the Sasanian period in Iran) played a 
considerable role in the Zoroastrlan agenda. The problems posed by the "Western" religions 

were dealt with in an ingenious way, and it is of great interest, I think, that several genres 72 
known in Jewish literature of the Late Antiquity find their parallels in what we know about one of 
the G59ie Masks, namely in the Spand Nask, which follows immediately the CihrdSd Nask. It 
cannot be implied here, of course, that Jewish literature of the age, whether in its written or in 
its oral form, had made an impact of some weight on Middle Persian Zoroastrian writings, but 
these remarkable similarities of genres and motifs must be seen as representing both the 
Zeitgeist and some built-in structural closeness of both religious traditions. 

Dk 8.1 4. 5 refers to "the bestowal of other Nasks through these 7 questions, through speaking 
out (pad fraz.gOwlSnTh) of each place of the conference". This probably implies that the 
Nasks were produced by a few words pronounced at the conferences, but are not a literal 
reproduction of what was said, thus the Nasks being a product of emanation. The original words 
pronounced at the conferences were, thus, completely mfnffg. 



71 cf. Snaked 1990a, with earlier bibliography listed. 

72 The similarities m structures of Jewish and Zoroastrian hatakha were noted a long time ago. The 
topic of hatikhlc material as such is beyond the scope of this work, and thus will be not discussed here. 



22 

A discrepancy could be seen here: as the 21 words of the Ahunvar generated the whole of the 
Avesta, /-e., the 21 Nasks, the words pronounced at the 7 conferences generated "other Nasks* 
(seven? twenty one?). In any case, this view contradicts with particulars of the tradition about 
the Ahunvar, though being identical at the core. In Dk 8.14.7-9 the notion is that the Complete 
Wisdom enabled Zoroaster to possess a text that can generate and reproduce itself, revealing more 
and more new layers". 

It would be only natural that the Nask telling Zoroaster's, so to say, "pre-history" (stT^*) , 
his birth and his encounters with CJhrmazd was treated as "mythical assimilated to gaeic" (cf. 
Mole 1 963, 27G). By form, It was, actually, a composition similar to some types of Jewish mi <± 
rasTm and 'agg3d_o"t, re-telling, with embellishments and oddly additions, the scriptural 
story. 

This particular Nask, if I read into it correctly, contained perceptions picturing Zoroaster's 
encounter with Those Who Revealed him his Vision (daSna) in a way we find in the Jewish 
HSkalCL literature^; it was the Immortal Bountiful One s rather than CJhrmazd Himself who 
revealed and showed things to Zoroaster (Dk 8.1 4.6), as in the Jewish texts in question where the 
Revealer Is an angel, not God; the position {ibid.) of the Immortal Bountiful One s (seven in 
number) at the occasion of each question (seven in number) seems to have a special cultlc- 
mythic significance whose meaning, however, evaded me. This point could be important for 
Mole's reconstruction in his "Culte, Mythe et Cosmologie", but he had translated the words 

TraSn rraSn hangam T nifast ud x v ast 1 har jar ud ewe"nag T nlSastan T 
Amahrspandan ("the time of sitting down and rising up at the occasion of each question, and the 
manner of the sitting of the Immortal Bountiful One s") as "la date des difftfientes discussions, 
lent ouvertvre et ievr tevee; comment chsque fois ks Amahraspand s'y sont pfeces", taking 

nifast ud x v 3st as indicating the beginning and the end of each encounter; this translation 
ignores the importance of e"w€nag T mSastan T Amahrspandan, " the manner of the 



73 This seems to be a veiy '[posf-]modem" view, though similar notions are known from other mystic 
traditions, e.g., from some Jewish circles where Zohar was studied. This book, composed in Aramaic, 
was attributed traditionally to R. Shimon Bar-Ycchay (the 2nd century), having been divinely revealed to 
him. Modem scholarship (cf ., e.g., Scholem 1 965) sees Moshe de Leon, who lived 1 000 years later in 
Spain, as the author or redactor. The tradition, however, was not shaken by this discovery, and many 
Qabbalists, i.e., traditional scholars of the Zohar, of our own times see no basic contradiction between 
the revelation given to R. Bar-Yochay and the "authorship 1 of Moshe de Leon, which they do not deny. 

74 The word means "not just "existence", cf. Shaked 1971, 93. 

75 Greenfield 1973 and Alexander 1983 still remain, probably, the best introductions. On some parallels 
between the Zomastrian and Jewish visions, cf. Shaked 1 996a [Hebrew], 



23 
sitting of the Immortal Bountiful One s" / "comment cbaque fois les Amahraspand s'y sont 

p/aces" 76 . 

Moreover, fraz madan T Zardu[x]s"t 5 han hande'rna'nTh ud g3h Ts han gyag, 
"(the manner of) Zoroaster's coming forth into their presence, his position in every place", with 
its handSmanlh, implies something like a royal audience, while gah TS, "his position (in 
every place)", indicated perhaps that Zoroaster was sitting on a throne during his conferences 
(ga~h can be rendered also this way 77 ). The same concept of righteous ones sitting on thrones is 
probably expressed in Dk.8.14.8 ( gah T mizd 1 ahlawan, padag padag ciyOnaSan 
arj3nTgTh T pad fcirbag warzTdgrTh. " the reward-throne of the righteous ones, OTades of 
position according to their worthiness through performance of good deeds"; nevertheless, here 
"place of reward" is also possible). 

However, parallels could be found in AWN 78 7.2-3 [1-2]: 

ud dream han l ahlawan ruwan ke.San clyon star T rozag rrjgnTh azaS name 
waxsid u.San gah ud niSast abSr rOsn ud borz ud purr. x v amah bud, 

"and I saw the souls of the righteous ones, from whom a radiance like a shining star was ever 
kindled,- and their thrones and seats were above the light, lofty and full of glory"; 

ibid., 9.3 [2]: 

han T ahlawSn pad g3h ud wistarg T zarren.kard, 

"the righteous on thrones and carpets made of gold"; 



many other examples can be eas ily added. 

76 That Mold's translation is inadequate hi this point, can be shown fram the Ratff.daL.aetag Nask, Dk 
8.8-3: abar nimayiSn ud 3gahTnis*n T ni££st ud brahmag T Amatiraspandan..., "about the 
demonstration and acknowledgment of the sitting and the (ritual) manner of the Bountiful Immortals...". 

77 Old Persian ga"6u-, "throne, place"; Avestan g3tu-, Middle Persian & Parthian gah, "throne, place, 
rank*; Arabic J3h3, "rank, honour", Armenian gah, "throne, seat, rank"; New Persian gah, gSh, 
"throne, place"; Middle Persian gahug, "throne, bier", Pashto 73131, idlal, "place", Sogdian 7J8 ilk, 
Tfw ^fik, "throne", Yaghnobi 70"tk I "nest", of. de Blois 1993b. Sasanian kings were sitting before God[s] 
in their fire tempies on a *de"n-gahOg (for Arabic dybt'hw), cf. Tafazzoli 1988. This practice must 

be relevant for the Denkard passage in question. For the usage of gah, "throne", in contexts of death/ 
seeing the presence of God, cf. Schme^ 1 982. 

78 For editions, cf. Haug & West 1872; Gignoux 1984a; Vahman 1986. The translation here is mine. 



24 

Other elements of the Spand Nask included Zoroaster's consuming (fraz burdan 7 ') of the 
Complete Wisdom and his vision of the future things; the episode alluded to is the same described 
in ZWY 1 & 3 and some other secondary sources; it is the wording of ZWY 3.7-9 that enables us 
to provide a better reading of the De"nkard text and to divide Dk B.14.7-B in a more 
comprehensive way. 

Later on, here comes the vision of Paradise and Hell; in the Jewish He"ka"liJL literature, this 
is an indispensable element of a vision once the revealing angel or God Himself was encountered by 
a visionary. On the Iranian side, we possess, of course, AWN where the visions of Paradise and 
Hell are shown to the visionary, but there is no introducing vision there (AWN 11.4-8 seems not 
bo belong to the original composition, as it is at odds with AWN 101.3 [1 ]), where we are told 
that 

...,0 han asar rflsnTh ud hanjoman T Chrmazd ud Amahrspandfln burd, 

"...he [angel] carried me into the endless light, the assembly of Ohrmazd and the Immortal 
Bountiful One s". 

Then, Ohrmazd speaks (101.7-6 []): 

ce" man abag hem ke Ohrmazd hem har han T drust ud rast gowffd man 
Snasom ud danom, be gOw danagan, 

"...for I, who Am Ohrmazd, Am with *thee 8 ". Everyone who speaks correctly and truly, I 
recognize and know, so (thus) say to the wise", 

and then, AWN 101.10-11 (6), Arda wTraz finds out that 

ud Ka Ohrmazd pad en ewenag guft man skoft be mSnd hem ce\m rCSnlh did 
urn tan rig dTd d.m wang SSnfJd d.m danist ku en hast Ohrmazd, 

"and when Ohrmazd spoke in this manner, I remained astonished, for I saw a light, but I saw no 
body; I also heard a voice, and I understood that this is Ohrmazd". 



79 friz x v ardaninZWY3.7-8, 

BO Cf. Haug & West 1872, 203; Gignoux 1984a, 21 S; Vahman 1986, 218. 



Z5 

All these elements have their exact correspondents in the Hedaio"! literature, but these 
parallels will be studied elsewhere 81 . Elevation, present in the Jewish versions, is absent from 
AWN and the Spand Mask, but was present with Mani"2 and Karde"r 33 . The question, 
nevertheless, arises about the nature of the relationship between AWN and the Spand Nask. 

Was Zoroaster's vision not enough? Was AWN modelled on the Spand Nask? Was it felt, at a 
certain period of time, that the vision of Zoroaster was just too remote in time to serve as 
consolation and to remove doubts about the fate of the righteous Zoroastrian's soul in the 
afterlife? 

"Many marvels ... revealed by him (Zoroaster) through it (the conferences), such as these, 
assembled together and selected, mentioned in the DeTikard-scripture" (Dk 6.14.4) seems to be 
a reference to Dk 7. There are, indeed, many particular similarities, especially in the structure 
of the text, between Dk 7 (Dk7.1 must be noted) and Dk 8.14, but there are motifs uncommon to 
both texts. Above all, the scarcity of the material provided by Dk S.14 disables us from drawing 
any far-fetched conclusions. 

As Mole 1 963, 279, has observed, "...le$ differences entre tes deux textes ne sont pas 
nGgligeables et prouvent que te recft du septiims livre ne suit pas exactement celui du SpantT. Dk 
7 clearly drew upon also from WIStSsp SastandCihrdad Nask. 

On the other hand, AWN and ZWY owed a great deal of their contents to the Spand Nask, not 
necessarily directly. This seems to be the problem with some of the lost Masks. such as C I hr d3 d 
or Spand: we possess an exposition of their contents, we do have as well longer texts which 
pretend not to be extensions of these Nask, but which do contain material derived from these 
Nasks (I mean Bundahls~n and other sources, including X v adSy NSmag, as derived, 
presumably, from the Cihrdad Nask, and De"nkard 7, as derived, presumably, from the 



81 Among those, the mention of water of the lake of the moist/Hue wood, AWN 10.8-11 (7-8): han 
war T ao T ezm T x v ed ... war T wuzurg I auT kabdd. The notion that onrmazd could not be 
seen, though containing nothing non-Zoroastrian (but compare the Sesanian reliefs), nonetheless, causes 
one to ponder on a Judgeo-Chnstian setting (compare Shaked 1996a). 

82 Cf. Muller 1904b, 86-88; Boyce 1975b, text e, 34-7; BTrunT in AB3ru-> 1-fiaqiyah, Sachau 
1879, 191, informs us that fianT performed levitation; "the king SShguhrcame to believe in him when 
he had ascended with him towards heaven, and they had been standing in the air between heaven and 
earth. Ma" n T, thereby, made him witness a miracle. Besides, they relate that he sometimes used to rise 
to heaven from among his companions, to stay there for some days, and then to redescend to them". 

83 Cf. e.g., Gignoux 1981; Sgnoux 1984b; Gignoux 1991b; Russell 1990. The literature on the subject 
is vast and cannot be cited here. 



26 
Spand Mask), though the material is not overlapping. One possible explanation may be that out 
brief expositions of the contents of the Nasks are not that sufficient, as we would like to admit 
The other possible explanation would be that the textsderived from the Nasks and identified by us 
as such, also include much interpolated material. The Zoroastrian perception of self- 
reproduction of texts generated by the primal encounter enabled Zandists to produce more and 
more Zands. 

However, the interest in the figure of the founder of the Iranian national religion seems to be 
part and parcel of the intellectual climate of the epoch that we count as "Sasanian': it was an 
epoch when many founded religions widespread in Iran, like Buddhism, Manichasism, Judaism, 
Christianity, all of which venerated, to different degrees, their respective founders. The question 
whether the figure of Zoroaster inspired the veneration of Mani, Jesus, Buddha and Moses, or vice 
versa, cannot be answered, but there is little doubt that these phenomena are interrelated. 

The name of Bag[3ni YaSt/Nask is confusing, as in the Dffnkard it applies to the Yasts 
collection (or, parts of it), with the word Bagan being the plural of "god" (while the Bag of Bag 
Nask refers to the word baya ("part, piece"; "divine prayer"; or "division"?). 

Bagan YaSt is used as the name of the last one of the DadTg, "legalistic", Nasks, of the 
Avesta, and as the name of Yasna 19-21 in MSs (which seems to be a blunder, cf. above). It is 
DadTg, legal, white the Stffd Yas"t, of a similarly liturgic character, is G39snTg (cf. Mol4 
1963, 66). In the Denkard, Bagan Yast stands for Yas"t or Yasn, Persian Rivayats have 
Bagan Yast andBayan Yast. 

Dk 8.15 contained a description of Ahura M azd 5, "highest of all the gods", "wisp [MSs: 
yst'l baySn abardom, "and the remaining visible and invisible gods in the world"; abarTg 
a.paydag ud paydag stTh3n a, *az Yazdan. 

This does not contradict with the general order of the extant Yasts collection, which places 
thedhrmazd Yas"t first on order 83 (note also, that the Bagan ("gods") Yast corresponds to 
the 1 4th word of the Ahunvar prayer, namely to mazda"l) . It is generally assumed that at least 
some of the known Y 35 ts plusthe HCm Yas"t, Y 9-11 and the 5r«s" Ya St, Y 57, belonged to 



84 Skjaerva 1989c: getlgan. 

85 Due to the calendaric sequence. It seems that this is the reason why the second part of the crhrmazd 
YaSt got the name Wahman YaSt: the 1st day of the month is Crhrmazd, the 2nd being Wahman, cf. 
Chapter IV. 



27 
this Nask, while the core of the Yasna belonged to the StOd Yast (Skjserva 1989c ee ). 
According to Dhabahar 1963, ili-iv, the present Yas"ts constitute a part of this Bagan Yast 
Nask. 

According to the Persian Riva"yats (Dhabhar 1932, 4)° , it had 17 sections, while one 
Rivayat enumerates 16 YaSts (the 19 known Yas"ts less Yt 2, 3, 6, cf. West 1892, xlv n.l, 

Darmesteter 1893, II, xxvi-xxviii) 88 . 

TheoldYas't MS F numbers the last six YaSts, Yt 14-19 as Yt 11-16, based perhaps upon 
an old tradition. A few quotations from the Bagan Yast not found in the Yast collection may 
have been survived, cf. West 1892, 470-1. 



The Bag3n Yast treated the veneration of the 30 divinities presiding on the 30 days of each 
month 89 : aaxtCnamanO Yazata, gurt.nSm Yazad, cf. Dk 8.15.2. On this basis, it must 
have been contained of 30 units (as a month has 30 days), organized as separate Ya 5 ts. The two 
STrflzags, the Great and the Small ones (edited in DehdastT 1363h.s.), are organized 
according the same principle. 

Bailey 1943, 161, emended to "Baga'n an unreadable word in a Pahlavi text (AbdTh T 

Sagestan 90 . 15) dealing with the history of the Avesta: 

...nask 6w bad. <ab3g> zanan bad aburnayag Sw nask e"w T "BaySnaz * 
x v anend warm kard ffstad, 

"there was a Nask kept with women and called **B ay3n, memorized by a youth". 



86 Cf. also Josephson 1997. 23 n. 57. 

87 Persian RiVSyats in West 1892, 418, 426, 431, 436; cf. Mole 1963, 66. 

83 Actually, there are 24 texts in Avestan known as Yasts, plus the second part of Yt 1, known as 
Wahman Yas't, thus total 25 YaS ts. 

89 There is some correspondence between the order of the Yasts and the order of the days of a 
Zoroastrian month (cf. Geldner 1904, 7; Hartman 1955; ib. r 1956; on the Yast divinities and the 
STrGzag, cf. Wikander 1946, 229ff.). As Hartman has noted, in several cases the name of a Yas't has 
nothing - or, very little - to do with its contents, and was given on the basis of the calendaric sequence. 

90 Cf. West 1916; Bailey 1943, 161; Tavadia 1956, 141; Boyce 1968, 62-3; Utas 1976. 



23 
The emendation was seen as quite hypothetical in Skjaerve- 1 989c, 406. However, this 
emendation seems to me to be pretty plausible and convincing 9 1 : memorizing liturgic texts, of 
"pagan* provenance, for everyday use, in simple Young Avestan (after all, this is the character 
of the Yast collection), with no theological depth, but with many frequently repeating formulas, 
fits well women and children, as the Pahlavi text put it. 

Given what we know of the present poor preservation of the Ya St collection, which has 
Pahlavi versions for only a few YaSts (Pahlavi versions exist only for Yas't 1, Yas't 3, Yas't 
9, Yast 11, Yast 14, Yas't 20, Yas't 23), and bearing in mind the "STstsnic theory" 
forwarded in Gnoii's works 92 , one could, with right, to speculate that this *Bafan Nask 
preserved only in SagestSn / sistan was perhaps the whole of the original Yast collection 
with its Pahlavi version, or parts of it, what is called Bagan Yas't in the Dffnkard summary. 



The Dk 8 chapters that follow Dk 8.1 5 consist of chapters summarizing the lost Nasks: Dk 
8.16-20 (N1k3ii!m Nask, the first Da dig Nask); Dk 8.21-27 (Duzd.sar.nijad Nask, 
the second Dadlg Nask); Dk 8.28-37 (Husparam Nask, the third OadTg Nask); Dk 
8.38-43 (Sakatum Nask, the fourth DSdTg Nask); Dk 8.44 (VendTdad [Jud.de"w dad/ 
Widffwdad] Nask), the fifth DadTg Nask); Dk 8.45 (HaBflxt Nask, the sixth GaeanTg 
Nask); Dk 8.46 (Stfld Yas't Nask, the second SaeanTg Nask). 

TheN1k3tQm Nask, Duzd.sar nijad Nask, HOsparam Nask, Sakatiim Nask were 
legalistic in the strict sense of the word; nothing, eventually, survived from the Nikaiam 
Nask, Duzd.sar. nijad Nask and SakatQm Nask, except the summary found in Dk 8; only 
few passages were edited by various scholars (Dk 8.26 was edited and translated in Tafazzoli 
1 995b); as these three Nasks have no specific bearing on the theme of this work, they will be 
edited and translated elsewhere, while treating legal stuff. 

As tothe Husparam Nask, the third DadTg Nask, the VendTdadNask, the fifth DSdTg 
Nask, and the Ha3flxt Nask, the sixth Gaean.Tg Nask, we are an in a happy position as we 
possess, partly or completely, three Avestan Nasks of a rather representative for the so-called 
"Sasanian Avesta" character, with their respective Pahlavi versions, and the Denkard's 
accounts about them. 



91 However, I can think of an alternative emendation, good both graphically and conceptually: the 
"ritualistic" P3I3Q Nask, as it consisting of g3hs and STrflzags. 

92 Cf. Gnoli 1967; ibid. 1975; ibid. 1980. 



29 

The three are, of course, the two sections of the 17th (or, 18th) Nask HCTspSram, namely 
Erbedestan, Nerangestan, and the 13th (or, ZOth) Nask, namely the VendTdad 
(Jud.dew.dSd/Wldewdad) Nask. Both Hasp aram and VendTdad Nasks belong to the 
same, 'legalistic", Ha3a.t13n9ric group. Comparing their Avestan and both Pahlavi versions, 
the long ones (their Zand proper) and the short ones (the Denkard's accounts), we can make 
some deductions about what other, non-extant, Nasks were like. 

Among the three texts, this is only the VendTdad Nask that we possess in its completeness. 
The two other texts, the Erbedestan [Herbedistan, Frbedlstan, etc] andNfrangestan 
[NTrangistSn, NeYangistan, etc.], are only two of the thirty^ ' sections of the Hasparam 
Nask. 

Dk a.ZB and 8.Z9 summarize the Erbedestan and Nerangestan fragards of the 
Hasparam Nask respectively. The full text of the ET&edestan, first edited in Sanjana 1 B94 
(folios 1-Z7, the first IB fragments of the Nerangestan, contain an incomplete text of the 
Erbedestan, then the Nff rangestan follows), was translated in Bulsara 1 91 5, without the 
original texts; Darmesteter 1393, 111, 78-143, and, later, Waag 1941, translated the Avestan 
and the immediate Middle Persian; the full text of Erbedestan was translated in Humbach 
1990 (reviewed in Kreyenbroek 1991); another translation and edition is that by Kotwal & 
Kreyenbroek 199Z [with contributions by J. R. Russell] (reviewed in MacKenzie 1993a and 
Macuch 199S). 

The Erbedestan seems to be the first fragard of the HuspSram Nask, which corresponds to 

the 17th word, 3, of the Ahunvar, being the 17th Nask in all the Riva~yats. According to 
Humbach 1990, 9, the existing text, which is very corrupt, represents notes taken down by a 
student from an oral lecture, started from Avesta quotations; in the Erbedestan it is clearly 
seen that the text in question was an oral Zand, the question is why we do not possess any other, 
less idiosyncratic, variant of a written Zand. 

ForthetextoftheDenkard account (Ok 6.28) of the Frbedestan, cf. DkM 734.4ff., OkS 
XVI.II, 16-8; it was translated in West 1692, 92-4 and transliterated and translated in Kotwal 
& Kreyenbroek 1992, 21-2; it is the latter transliteration and translation that is reproduced 
here; 



93 Sixty, according to the Persian Rlvjyats. 



30 

1. HOsparam 30 burrTnag fiw Erbedestan, madlgan abar kii 5 Erbedestan 

kardan, ke zayiSn. clysn han ka Sudan frezwanTg, ud clyfln han ka pad x v es 

e~ste"d ciyOn han ka Sudan nff padixsSy ud wizTri T abar firbad ud paymanag T 

aerfl T pahlcm ud han T mlyanag ud han T nidom pad abar.asrTiurisnTh T 

ahlawan.xrad 

Z. ud abar aerrj T frestag, ud r3he"n.jamag ud abzar 9 '* T awlS dahfsn. 

3. abar h3n T hawist pad tarscigah andar erbad, han T pad padTrlftan wScag, 
casTdan T h3wl5t.kuni5n, andarz T erbad aer3 s 3n, dranJTnTdan" 5 T sraw 
nasaylh hangam. 

4. ud abar ce pad abaz.rasismh asrrj den ke azas frestTd deh.sardar ud 
dehTgan, a"6rtj ray, a©ro o deh kS azsS pad casisn ammflzisn T andar deh 
kunlsn. 

5. ud abar 5 xem T a"6rfl ray kodam Osmurdan T aerfl fradom az srawSn pad 
padlsar ta nan abdom staylSn T Yazad sraw ce andar ham dar. 

6. abar darTha ke 39re[g) T nlhan.zayisn azas x v atitsn, pesih ud pasTh ham 
dar. 

7. abar puhr T aerfjg l andar winan.karTh Jud.fragard. 

8. ud abar aerog ke Erbedestan kardan ray hu.cenag az aeh stanend pad 
kardan sQdag bawed. 

9. abar frazTh T aerO'an, ewag az did, pad danlsn.abzar, ud paymanag T 
frazTh ke patr/i sazag.tarih T ewag az did pad patTh bawed, ce andar ham 
dar. 



94 Here jamag and abz3r are synonymous, "tools*. However, the translation of Kotwal St 
Kreyenbroek is retained. 

95 In Arabic and Syriac sources the corresponding term is Z3mZ3/J)3, rftfl?*, cf. Greenfield 1974. 



31 



"The HOspSram Nask has 30 sections, one of which is the Erbedestan**^ 

1 . Chiefly about who should go to do religious studies; in which cases it is obligatory to go, in 
which cases it is up to oneself, and in which cases it is not permissible to go. And (about) the 
choice concerning a herbed, and the definition of the foremost priest, the middle one, and the 
last one, as regards the study of the wisdom of the righteous. 

2. And about the arrangements for the priest who is sent (to study): the clothes and the resources 
to be given him. 

3. About the student who shows reverence towards his master; the fact that he (i.e., the master 
should) accept him and teach him the Word, and makes him his student; and (about) the master's 
advice to the priests, and the recitation of the (sacred) formula;, and (his instruction regarding) 
times of pollution. 

4. And about the return of the priest to the region from which he was sent* the leader and the 
people of the region should make him offer teaching and instruction in the region. 

5. About the five characteristics of the priest Which of the sacred formulae the priest will have 
studied first up to the final utterances of praise (i.e., the formula of the Law] and whatever 
belongs to this subject. 

6. About the various subjects on which there should be questioning and demands between priest 
and faithful, and a whole range of points concerning this subject 

7. About the son of a priest who culpably misrecites. 

8. And about a priest who accepts the expenses for pursuing religious studies from the region, but 
is negligent in pursuing them. 

9. About the superiority of one priest to another in knowledge and skills; and the definition of the 
superiority which constitutes greater worthiness of one compared with another, and whatever 
belongs to this subject". 



96 The name of the composition was differently translated, cf. Kotwal & Kreyenbroek 1992, 1 5. 



32 

Here follow 97 contents of some of the chapters of the extant ETbedest an that, in my opinion, 
the compiler of Dk 8.28 bore in mind: 

Chapter 1 . Who shall go to the advanced priestly studies, rf one is responsible for the care of 
property, under what circumstances can one go? 

Chapter 2. Continues this. Also: how far is it proper to travel?. The merit of pursuing religious 
studies vs. the need to take care of property. There are two asides concerning the nature of the 
Erbedestan (2.5) and the origin of Zand (2.10). The question of remuneration of the priestly 
teacher. 

Chapter 3. How often, and for how long shall a man go to pursue religious studies? The proper 
time for travel is "three nights". Two different definitions of this concept are admissible. 
Chapter 1 2. On the duration of priestly studies, and on those who are barred from them. On the 
wife and children of a man who comes to the faith. On the estate of a deceased foreigner who has 
accepted Zoroastrianism. On a woman who dies shortly after embracing Zoroastrianism. On 
relations between Zoroastrian men and non-Zoroastrian women. On non-Zoroastrians who come 
to Iran to seek refuge. 

Chapter 1 3. On learning to recite the sacred texts. 
Chapter 14-15. On teacher's responsibilities. 
Chapter 18. On priestly teachers who are not good Zoroastrians. 
Chapter 1 9. On teaching those who are not good Zoroastrians. 
Chapter 20. On feeding a non-Zoroastrian. 

This is of interest that we possess both in Avestan and in Pahlavi all the [short] texts 
frequently mentioned in Pahlavi texts: Erbedestan, NeYangestSn, BagSn Yast, Hadffxt 
Nask, VendTdSd. it seems that al these texts were maintained as parts of a curriculum of an 
average Sasanian lay tetterato. InXusraw ud Redag (cf. Unvala 1921 , 13.8-10) we read: 

pad hangar*"! o" frahanglstan d3d hem ud pad frahang kardan saxt ud 
awiStab bad hem, d.m Yast T Hadffxt ud h3n T Yasn ud WTdewdad. herbedTha 
warm fcard ud gyag gyag Zand n1yt5[x]3i5n edt3d, 

"And at the appropriate time I was sent to school, and I worked hard and applied myself to my 
eduction, and 1 memorized the YaSt T H3d5xt 9a , and that of Yasna, and the VendicSd, like a 
h Srbe d, and listened to all the passages of the Zand', 



97 The translation adopted here is that olven in Kotwal 4 Kreyenbroek 1 992, 20-1 . 

98 On the meaning, cf . Kotwal 4 Kreyenbroek 1992, 17. 



33 
where hffrbedTha", "like a he"rbed", may somehow be an allusion to ETbedestan. 

Although both ETbedestan and NeTangestSn belonged to the same legalistic HOspSram 
Nask, the E"rbedest5n was more interested with learning than the strictly halakhic and 
ritualistic Nerangestan. The interpretation of the extant Avestan-Pahlavi text of the 
NeYangestaTi is extremely difficult, and, unlike the EYbedestan, for which two modem 
editions are available, was not yet edited in a proper way^, though two new editions of the 
Avestan and Pahlavi texts seem to be now in preparation, by Humbach and Kreyenbroek 1 00 

West 1 904, 85-6, estimated the original Nerangestan in about 3200 Avestan and 6000 
Pahlavi words in the text proper; Z2000 Pahlavi words in the commentary, including 1 800 of 
Avestan quotations, 3/4 from the liturgy. MS G contains Ne" range st an where the last 7/8 
corresponds exactly with the description of the first half of the NerangestSn section of the 
Hdsparam Mask as in the account about the Nasks from the Dk 8.29-1-7, West 1 892, 94-96, 
and the previous part of the Nerangestan corresponds with some portions of the previous 
ETbedestan section of the same Nask", cf. West 1904, 86 1 " 1 . 

"As this correspondence [of NeTangestan andFrbedestan texts with their extracts in Dk 
8] is quite as close as that of the account of the VendicSd in Dk. VIII with the VendidJd itself, and 
the describer admits that his descriptions are based upon the Pahlavi versions only, it may be 
considered practically certain that the NeTangestan consists of two, or more, large fragments 
of the Husparam Nask with Pahlavi, nearly as it existed in Sasanian times". West 1304, 86. 

The De"nkard summary of this Nask was translated in West 1B9Z, 9Z-4; edited and translated 
in Bailey 1 933-5 b, 277. The same priestly legalistic approach, similar in character to the 
latter Islamic ftqh works (as noted in Kreyenbroek 1991, 402), exists also in some other Zands, 
ag.intheVendFdad. 



99 The Avestan text with notes on the Middle Persian version was published in Darmesteter 1893, 24, 
78-148; the Dffnkardsummary (Dk 8.29) was translated in West 1892. 94-96. 

1 00 I was able to consult Kotwal & Kreyenbroek 1995 only after this work was finished. 

101 The Avestan text with notes on the Pahlavi version was translated in Fragments of Le Zend-Avesta, 
cf. Darmesteter 1893, Z4, 78-148; cf. Darmsteter 1895, 300; for the full, though obsolete, 
translation, cf. Bulsara 1915; the first fiagard was edited and translated in Kotwal S Kreyenbroek 
1995. 



34 
The other, now lost, unnumbered 1 02 sections, were GohrTgestan, 'Transaction Code" 1 03 
(now: HOsparam 3; Dk 8.30; DkM 737.6-738.14; DkD 561.5-56Z.9; West 1892, 97-99); 
then, Amextag, "a miscellaneous section" (now: Husparam 4; Dk 8.31; DkM 738.15- 
743.10; DkD 268.1 0-missjng fofos 101.8; West 99-105); then; one section containing a 
single paragraph 104 (now: Hdsparam 5; Dk 8.32; DkM 743.11-13; DkD missing folios 
101.8-10; West 189Z, 105); then, a section of four short paragraphs 105 (now: HOsparam 
6; Dk 8.33; DkM 743.14-20; DkD missing folios 101.10-102.4; West 1892, 105-106); 
then, again, A"me"xtag, "a miscellaneous section" (now: HGspSram 7; Dk 8.34; DkM 743.21- 
745.22; DkD missing folios 102.4-105.13; West 1892, 106-108); then, another section 
(now: Husparam 8; Dk 8.35; DkM 746.1-748.3; Dk missing folios 105.13-109.12; West 
189Z, 109-112); then, "six fragards of one section of the (last) fourteen (sections)" (now: 
HOsparam 9; Dk 8.36; DkM 748.4-749.7; DkD missing folios 109.1Z-1 11.13; West 189Z, 
112-114), then, "one section of the seven" at the end (now: HGsparam 10; Dk 8.37; DkM 
749.8-754.193; Dk missing folios 111.13-121.8; West 1892. 114-121). 



10Z Each section is described as "one section is ...", not "the third, fifth etc. section is ...". 

103 Cereti 1997, 107: "Codice del Compenso". 

104 20 brTnag e madiya'n abar neYug I war.passaxtan d.S rJwenagan 1 bSxtan ud 
rjraxtan T padas" ud cfj andar ham dar, "One section of the ZO contains particulars about the 
power of ordeal trial, of passing and failing (through it), and whatever on the same subject". 

105 
1. brrjnag S abar ewenag T sSmSn ud hand, abar star ud gSspand ud sag T dewanag ud 

waxs"1s"n,kaT u.San wlrayisn ts ce paymflnag. kS nfj wirast, ff ko[x]£isn mad, pahre*z 
Han andaraz band, ee andar ham dar. 
Z. ud abar winSh T star ud gffspand ud sag kunfJnd. 

3. abar wlnah T ne" wlnahkar Gzadan. 

4. abar pahrez draman 1 sag T wTmar c€ andar ham dar, 

1 . "One section about the mode of (putting) limits and bounds on a mad beast of burden, or cattle, or 
dog; and ..., and what could be the (sufficient) extent of their recovering (from their madness); and when 
they are not recovered and brought to liquidation, the care of them even in the bounds, and whatever on 
the same subject. 

Z. About the sin which a beast of burden, or cattle, or a dog could commit. 

3. About the sin of killing an innocent person. 

4. About the medicine cane of a sick dog and whatever on the same subject". 

The untranslated word in § 1, waxs - Is'n.ka'r, was rendered by West as "the operation of the 
affliction"; "work of rearing/growing" seems to an inadequate attempt to translate some agricultural 
term, unknown to us. 



3S 

It must be stressed that only about a third of the sections of this Mask (if the total was 30, 
according to the De"nkard version) were available for the compiler of Dk 8. Now, we possess 
even less, but still, with the HuspSram tents we are in a happier position than with, say, the 
Sakatum or Nikaium texts. Another Pahlavi text, WZs 28.4, mentions a "Husbandry Code", 
Jordag- Ka"r1sta"n, clearly, a section of the Hdsparam Nask, missing in the DSnkard 
account 106 . 

Cither Hu sparam texts, though, probably, indeed, derived from some Avesta, whose contents 
are mostly legalistic in the stricter sense of the word, lie beyond the scope of my present work 
and will be edited on another opportunity. But two first sections of the Husparam Nask, 
namely Erbedestan and NeTangestari (though, too, containing mostly priestly legalistic 
traditions) were reported truthfully by the compiler[s] of Dk 8-9. Thus they serve as an 
evidence for the suggestion that some contents of some Avestan Nasks were well attested in their 
Pahlavi form. 



The VendTdad (Jud.dew.d3d/Widewdsd) Nask was summarized in Dk 8.44 (DkM 
777.12-784.15; DkS XVI, 90-106; DkD SB2.6-miss/ng folios 133.6; West 1892, 152-166). 
Though fts Dk and Zandversiorss are of greatest interest, it cannot be treated here and an edition of 
it will be suspended for a better opportunity. It must be only noted that the Denkard summary 
ofthe VendTdad is extremely close to the original Nask (though there are several problems with 
some fragards seen as not belonging to the original Nask). The VendTdad, the last, seventh, 
"legalistic" (Da die) Mask, is the only one in the whole Sasanian Avesta that survived in its 
entirety and in a Pahlavi version. On the position of VendTdad we are informed, however, in 
WZs 28.2 (Gkjnoux & TafaKOli 1993, 92-3), that "one is the DSdof the Jud- dew, that is the 
VendTdad, and one the Dad of Zoroaster, that is the other Dad (the other Dadig Nasks)" 
[APPENDIX IV]. The date of this composition is uncertain, but it is clearly one of the most recent 



texts in Avestan 



,107 



106 Jorda"g-K3rlst3n kff.s war2TgarTh azaS pay dag. "Le Livre ie SemaillBs par lequei est 
manifested I'agriculture", cf. Gigrmui & Tafazzoli 1993, 92-3. 

107 About the middle of the second centuiy BCE: Darmesteter 1893, 111, xlviii, cf. 2, 259; Herafeldt 
1929-30, 79, n.l 4 136, n. 2; Bailey 1930-32b, 263. 



This Nask corresponds to the nineteenth word of the Ahunvar prayer, drigubi iff, according 
to the Bahman Punjya Rivayat, but to the twentieth word, according to the other Rivayats 1 "". 
Its Pahlavi version contains 48,000 words 1 "', including 400 Avestan quotations, while quite a 
few Avestan quotations are, in fact, from some other books 1 ' 0. 

The Pahlavi version is astonishingly close to the Avestan source (though full of glosses and 
super-glosses), but this could be not true, as was noted 1 i ', for Pahlavi Zands to other Nasks. 
Some fragards were summarized at length, while others, like Vd 1 7, ±g., were dismissed (in DkM 
782.20) in one sentence: 

abar pahrfz T war ud nax v an ud winah 1 az a.pahreziSnTh, 
"about taking care of hair and nail and the sin of not taking care" 1 1 . 

Perhaps two fragards were not referred to in the version of Dk 8.44 at all, like Vd 1 1 ^ 3 , 
1 2. However, as the PhlVd is a widely-studied text of considerable length, it was largely 
referred to; e.g., in DkM 241.16 / 415.18, the Zand of an Avestan text is comparable with Vd 

19.28ff 114 . 

Elements from other Nasks, now lost, were used by Vd glossators: two Nasks, namely 
HOsparam and NikatOm. were quoted, together, in PhlVd 4.1 11s , 5.25, 15.22. 

The three fragards of the HaSoxt Nask which are still extant in both Avestan and Pahlavi, 
were published and translated in Haug & West 1872, 2G7-316; originally, this Nask included 
1 33 sections (brTnag), while the last 121 sections of the Nask are hardly described at all in the 
De"nkard; unlike the cases of the DSnkard summary of the Erbedestan and the 



108 Cf. West 1B92, 152 n. 2, and DhaMrar 1932, 1-2. 

109 The so-called "Commentary on the Pahlavi Vendidad" (Zand T Fragard T Jud.Dew.D3d) in the 
Codex F, following the RivSyats, contains about 27,000 words [West 1904, 106], thus, being 40 % less 
than PhlVd. Only 16 fragards were paraphrased (the fragards 1-2, 19-22 are missing), with extensive 
commentaries of about 17 commentators, nearly all of whom are mentioned in the Pahlavi Avesta. Thus, 
according to West, these fragards were not originally parts of the Vd. Later, this text (240 pages in MS 
T02, pp. 433-673) was printed in The Iranian Codices and Researches series, described in Jamasp-Asa 
1970, 201 n. 1, cf. Jamasp-Asa 1981 . An incomplete copy made far West is preserved in the Library of 
the Royal Asiatic Society, London, cf. de Menasce 1956a, 59. The text in question is, actually, a kind of 
HW3yat, cf. Jamasp-Asa 1981, 317. 

110 Cf. West 1904,81. 

111 Geldner 1904, 17. 

112 A Pahlavi text edited in Jamasp-Asa 1961, might, in fact by a part of this lost fragard in its Zand 
version, rather than having been based on the plain Pahlavi Vendidad. 

1 1 3 But cf. West 1892, 160 n. 11. 

114 Cf. Sailey 1943, 117-8. 

1 1 5 West 1 904, 83, were a text and its translation is given, used Spiegel's chaptering. 



37 
VendTdad, the contents of the HSSOxt Nask as summarized in the Denkard reveal no 
closeness to the HaSflxt Nask known to us from the three extant fragards: "there is nothing in 
the [Ok] description of the H jr. oktit Nask that applies to the "the fate of the soul after death" 
which is the subject of the two other [Dk] sections", as West 1 904, 88, has rioted. 

The Nlk3£um (or, Nikadum, Nlkadom, NigaiOm) Nask was the third "legalistic" 
(Haaa.MSneric) Nask, the 15th (or, the 16th) Nask of the Sasanian Avesta. Two Nasks 
(Duzd.sar.nijad and HCTsparam/Husparam) closer to the end of the list stood the Nask 
with a rhyming name, SakStQm, belonging to the same group. The NikSLam Nask Included 30 
sections, of which only S survived, namely Payfcar Radestan, Zaxmestan, Re"sesta"ri, 
Hamfmaiestan, and a section of miscellanea. As this last "section" is the longest (more 
torrget that the four "named* sections), it is not impossible to guess (hat it was, in fact, not a 
"section", properly speaking, but rather a summary of the rest of the Z6 sections of the Nask In 
this case, the Dk account would report all the summary of the Nask in their entirety. The 
summaries surviving in Dk 3 are as follows: 

1) Dk 8.16; Nlkaidm 1; PaykSr Radestan; DkM 693.2-695.5; DkD mrasina foft'os 83.1- 
97.2; West 1 89Z, 35-39. 

Z) Dk 8.17; NikSLum Z; Zaxmestan; DkM 695.6-697.Z; DkD missing folios 97.Z-90.6; 
West 189Z, 39-41. 

3) Dk 8.18; Nikatffm 3; RSsestan; DkM 697.3-698.9; DkD missing roftos 90.7-93.1; West 
1892, 41-43. 

4) Dk 8.19; Nik3LUm 4; HamemSlestan; DkM 698.10-704.ZZ; DkD missing folios 93.2- 
533.21; West 189Z, 43-53. 

5) Dk 8.20; NikSlum 5; DkM 705.1-7Z0.ZZ; DkD Z97.22-293.ZZ; West 189Z, 53-74. 



38 
In Dk 8.21-27 the contents of the Duzd.sar.ni jad Nask are summarized, whose name was 
interpreted by West (West 189Z, 74 n.l) as "the thief's head downstricken". West, ibid., also 
made a plausible suggestion that the "Nask was named from the contents of its first section, and 
possibly from its initial words". It included 18 sections, of which only "the first", "the second", 
"one of the (next) twelve", "the first of the (last) thirty-Five", "the second", "the third", "the 
Fourth" are summarized; 

1) Dk 8.Z1; Duzd.sar.nijad 1; DkM 7Z1.Z-7ZZ.15; DkD 548.2-549.9; West 1892, 74- 

77. 

Z) Dk 8.ZZ; Duzd.sar.nijad Z; ffmextag; DkM 7ZZ.1 6-725.10; DkD 549.9-551.15; 

West 1892, 77-81. 

3) Dk 8.23; Duzd.sar.nijad 3; PasushCrwestSn; DkM 725.11-728.4; DkD 551.15- 
553.19; West 1892, 61-84. 

4) Dk 8.Z4; Duzd.sar.nijad 4; Stffrestan; DkM 7Z8.5-7Z9.6; DkD 553.Z0-554.18; 
West 1 892, 84-86. 

5) Dk 8.25; Duzd.sar.nijad 5; Arzestan; DkM 7Z9.7-11; DkD 554.1 8-Z0; West 189Z, 
86. 

6) Dk 8.26; Duzd.sar.nijad 6; Artestarestan; DkM 7Z9,1Z-732.12; DkD 554.22- 
557.12; West 1892, 86-90; Tafazzoli 1995. 

7) Dk 8.27; Duzd.sar.nijad 7; Ame"xtag; DkM 73Z.13-734.3; DkD 557.13-558.17; 
West 1892, 90-92. 



The SakSlum (or, Sakadum, Sakadom, SagSLom) Nask was the sixth "legalistic" 
(Ha6a.Man6ric) Nask, the 18th (or. the 19th) Nask of the Sasanian Avesta. It included 30 
sections, though other Figures were given as well. The summaries surviving in Dk 8 are as 
Follows: 

1) Dk 8.38; SakatJm 1; DkM 754.20-761-21; DkD missing folios 1Z1.9-6 569.3; West 
1892, 1Z1-13D. 

2) Dk 8.39; SakatOm 2; "ApedagestSn; DkM 771.11-772.8; DkD 577.Z-18; West 131- 
136. 

3) Dk 8.40; SakatOm 3; ZiyanagestSn; DkM 766.3-21; DkD 57Z. 13-573. 6; West 1 89Z, 
136-7. 

4) Dk 8.41; SakatfJm 4; Waxs"est3n; DkM 767.1-771.10; DkD 573.7-577.2; West 1892, 
138-143. 

5) Dk 8.42; SakSttlm 5; Warestan; DkM 771.11-772.8; DkD 577.2-18; West 144-5. 

6) Dk 8.43; Sak^am 6; Ame"xtag; DkM 772.9-777.11; DkD 577.18-582.5; West 1892, 
145-152. 



39 

The last chapter of Dk 8, ie., Dk 8.46, together with the first chapter of Dk 8. forms the 
frame for the whole book. This is a highly interesting though short text treating the principles of 
Ga~eic exegesis. 

The strange thing about it is that, unlike other chapters in Dk 8-9, it is impossible to tell 
wherefrom the text is derived: this is not a short summary, presumably of the Stod Nask, the 
last, seventh, G36ic Nask, but a comprehensive text, perhaps, all the text that was before the 
compiler's eyes. One cannot exclude, however, that some Zand of Ahunvar is meant. This short 
prayer was seen as a projection of the whole of the G363, which itself is the whole of the Avesta. 

According to Dk 8.1.9,12,16, this Yast Gaean is identifiable with the Stod Yast. Dk 
8.1.16 places the "6aeic" HaaOxt Nask and the "Yast" in the end of the Avestan Nasks, and 
the Yast Gaean, indeed, follows the HadfJxt Nask as the last chapter of the summary of the 
Nasks. 

Mole 1 963, 64, in West's footsteps 1 1 6 , defined Stfld YaSt as "te text mime des sstfi$, 
mate qui est a proprement parler un livre liturgique; c'est la partie centrals du Yasna", having 
derived the title. StSd YaSt. from Staata Yesnya, Y 14-59 117 . 



According to SSyast ne sayast 13.1 118 , vlsSi ve amaSS spanta in Y 14.1, is the 
beginning of the StUdan Yasn 1 ,9 , while Y 58-59 ends mentioning the whole collection of the 
Stod Yast. According to West's (ibid.) deductions, the Stffd Ya£t contained 3Z h3ts, as 
stated in the R I v a"yats. 

In the Bahman Punjya Rivayat, the Yas"t Gaean corresponds to the 21st word of the 
Ahunvar, as seems to be the order also in the Dfnkard, but it is the first Nask, according to the 
other R i v a"y a ts, a fact that is responsible to the change of numeration of all the other Nasks. 



116 West 1892, 169 n. 1, identified YaSt Gaean, Stod Yast / Yasl of the Rlvayats as the surie 
text. 

1 1 7 Note the interchange of -St /-s a 

1 1 8 As quoted in West 1 392, 1 69 n. 1 ; not found in Tavadia 1 930. 

1 1 9 Cf. the previous note. 



40 
The synonymity of tonmag and bun as words for "Religion, Avesta", on the one hand, and of 
tchmag and zahag, on the other, is obvious in Dk 8.46.1. In a midrashic 1 z0 way, inter- 
connections link between different parts of the Word of God, and, as the next (Dk S.46.2) 
paragraph clearly indicates, words connected by nothing but sound are considered as containing 
hints to some more profound mystic closeness, being emanating from the same source. Some 
aspects of that kind were studied by Martin Schwartz in three papers 121 , having based on 
Avestan sources only (with some Jewish parallels in Schwartz 1998), but, as far as I know, the 
Late Sasanian awareness of this phenomenon was not yet attested. 



120 Cf. Gignoux 1996a, 288 J. 

121 Cf. Schwartz 1986; 1989a; 1998. 



41 

CHAPTER IE 

Tfai W&y of S.sm4 

The Saeic texts, as is weir known, exist in four Pahlavi versions: 
1 ), the version oF the "Pahlavi Yasna" (PY), i.e., the translation proper with some glosses and 
commentatory remarks, 

and the three versions of what is called 'commentaries", namely, extracts from the G38ic 
Nasks, summarized in Dk 9: 
Z), S[t]Udgar Nask, 

3), Warstma"ns a r Nask, 
4), Bag Nask. 

We cannot be sure that we possess the versions summarized in Dk 9 in their complete and 
original forms. On the contrary, in many cases we do know that only a few excerpts have 
survived. Nevertheless, the comparison of the four versions might provide some important 
suggestions. Here two attempts are made to demonstrate how interwoven the four versions are. 
The first example is based on texts linked to Y 45, while the second example is based on texts 
linked to Y 51. 

I 

The exegesis of Y 45 (here only two stanzas of Y 45 will be analyzed, namely, Y 4S.1 S 4, the 
translation adopted is that by Humbach & tchaporia 1994, 73) [TEXT I] in the three Nasks 
summarized in Dk 9 reveals that there were three different attitudes, or veins, to read the Gathic 
text. Two of them, as signaled by the texts, are of some closeness each to the other and to the PY 
version (TEXT II]. The two versions are to be found in 

1). Dk 9.3B (Wargtm5ns a r IS; DkM 8S4ff.; DkD 659ff.; DkS XVIII, Z4ff.; English: West 

189Z, 273-6; French: Mole 1963, 3Z9-331 et passim) [TEXT III] 

and 

Z), Dk 9.60 (Bag 14; DkM 9Zlff.; DkD 6ZZff.; DkS MX, Slff.; English; West 1B8Z, 395-6 and 

West 189Z, 364-6) rTEXT IV]. 

One, rather legalistic, attitude is represented by the Bag version (Dk 9.60), which was 
aiming the laymen, providing them the answers to their "why" and "how". It is of interest that 
Dk 9.60.1 refers to oral teaching to be listened to even by those generally not supposed to be 
permitted to be taught; perhaps, non-Zoroastrians are meant, while the allowance was attributed 
to the Prophet himself. The tendency of the Warstma"ns a r Nask version (Dk 9.38) lies half- 
way from the version of the Pahlavi Yasna and the B ag version. 



4Z 
Though legalistic, it provides mystical commentary on the Yasna, supplying learned people 
with answers. It is this version which, in my opinion, was the most successful in grasping 'the 
original meaning" of Zoroaster's words. The exegesis of the same 6a"8§ in the 5[t! ffdgar Nask 
summarized in Ok 9.15 is of a different, mythological and allusive, character rTEXT V]. 

Y 45.1a is rendered not as grammatical imperative, but as a religious commandment; the 
curious points are: 

1), dum, which is a verbal pronominal ending, was interpreted as an independent word 
meaning "reflection" (thus implying that the root of dahlsn, "reflection" [cf. Shaked 1982b, 
197ff.], Avestan *d ah-, "to teach", was not confused with that of dahlsn, "creation, gift" etc.; a 
derivate of this root, namely, dahma-, "a learned person", was felt to be phonetically close to 
dam); 

Z), aj frauuaxslia" was rendered as a noun, fraz gowisn, glossed [den], and sub- 
glossed go's andar dSrisn, where g05 is used as an alliteration to gfiwiSn, in PY 45.1, but 
as a verbal form, fraz go worn, in PY 45.4; 

3), PY 45.1b is a rather faithful rendering of the Avestan original; the change of the 
grammatical number and person took place in the Pahlavi text itself, as a result of overlapping of 
3 Sng and Z PI in certain forms; the lexical equivalents are standard (Ts", "to move, to approach", 
as "to seek, to wish"); the gloss to PY 43. 1b stresses the need of religious teaching which will 
take an universalist twist in the Dk 9.38, which, indeed, could be found in this stanza; 

4), in PY 45.1c, however, interesting deviations from the "original sense" of the Avestan line 
took place: unlike PY 45.1a, dCm was interpreted as from *d3t-; in the gloss, the Zandistused 
the word d3m; probably, for him it sounded, as in vulgar New Persian, as *dCJm; [vFspa~] 
c19ra" was rightly interpreted as "manifestos", harwlsp payda"g, implying thus that the 
Zandist knew the original meaning of the word, and was not seducted to interpret it in the sense of 
a next-of-kin marriage; the glossator, however, with his d3m, contaminated ddm and the 
"normal" sense of ciera" / ciftr, "creation / creature as race" (Gescfttecfit) 1 ; the most 
important point of deviance from the "original sense" is, however, the interpretation of the 
verbal form mazdigho'.dam, "take (PI) note!", in Y 45.1c as Ohrmazd d3d, the reason for 
which is obvious (probably, also an echo of PY 45.4b); 



1 However, there ewsted a tradition that interpreted d©ra" in this sense, cf. Dk 9.60.3, dad pad 
c i h r; another tradition, that of Dk 9.38.5, contaminated both with its zahaglg paydagTh. 



5). in PY 45.1d, the general sense is rendered grammatically pretty well, white the setting 
was changed: the Gathic text refers most probably to Yima who lied one time, while the Pahlavi 
text assigns the role of liar to the Stinking Spirit (the same change took place also in the Persian 
National Epic) and projects it into the future, to the era of the Final Body; 

6), in PY45.1e, hizuua understood as Instrumental (pad uzwan), while ak3 varana 
and draguul as Accusative (ha n ... wad.tar kamag ud nan ... druwandTh); the root of 
the problematic SuuarotS was rightly identified, though the verbal form was taken as a 
causative verb w urrdy€n£d; the Stinking Spirit was supposed by the glossator to be the subject 
of the line. 

PY 45.4 renders the Gathic text as referring to performing x v Sdooan, the consanguinal 
next-of-kin marriage, though this is not implicitly mentioned in the stanza; moreover, the idea 
of right-mindedness, or piety (armaftO being a female offspring of the creator (also, most 
probably [cf. further] unnamed) contains here no trace of anything anthropomorphic. 

Nevertheless, the Pahlavi version stresses here the xVidffdah-point, making Spendarmat 
(spenta armartO the daughter, and the wife, too, of the creator; the Pahlavi version makes even 
Wahman here the Creator's son. 

In PY 45.4a, the Accusative is rightly rendered, though the object in the S36S must be the 
Creator, the glossator makes the object the next-of-kin marriage. 

In Py 4S4.b one can see a very old layer of the Zand tradition: 
az ahlSylh agShlh Ohrmazd SgSh kS en dad 



renders 



asat haca mazda 



vaeda ya" lm d5I, 



where mazd3 was translated twice, in the older layer as agahTh (cf. Wilkins Smith 1929, 
1 1 7.42; Humbach and other took it as Vocative), with a later gloss, Ohrmazd, not recognized as 
such; the person of the verb v a e" d a was changed, with Ohrmazd becoming the subject. 



In PY 45.4c, no grammatical forms were analyzed correctly; the "father of the abundant good 
thought" (the subject of the verb in Y 4S.4a) was rendered as "and he ((Jhrmazd) begot 
Wahman through fatherhood"; on the relationship between Avestan varez and Pahlavi 
warzTd'an, cf, Humbach 1991, II, 168. In other versions it (warzTd) corresponds to *d3d. 

The gloss stresses the pious character of the next-of-kin marriage and its function as 
meritorious (and, in the version of Dk 9.60.3, "cherishing the creatures/nourishing the world"; 
Dk 9.38.5 used wistarfs'nfgTh, translated by me as "cherishing", in the similar way, being a 
Pahlavization of Avestan v a s t r- ) . 

In the gloss to PY45.1d, Spendarmat, explained as bawandag.menls'n, a standard equivalent 
forsrmattl-, is praised for not desisting from performing the next-of-kin marriage with her 
father, Ohrmazd. This emphasis on the merits of the next-of-kin marriage clearly belongs to 
an epoch (a late epoch, it seems), when people were less eager to perform this custom than the 
"orthodox" would like to see them. 

In PY 45.4e, one finds serious grammatical and conceptual deviation from the Gathic text: the 
Infinitive noli dibz'aldiia"! was rendered by the Participle Perfect ne" frffft, whose subject 
(in English) is Spendarmat (as is clear from the gloss "[who did not desist from performing 
x v e"do"d3h]"), not Ghrmazdas it should be; vTspS.his'as, "the all-seeing". Nominative, an 
epithet of 0hrm3zd (anuro"), was taken as belonging to Spendarmat, cf 
harwlsp.nige"rTda"r pad h3n T Ohrmazd, "for (she is) the complete observer in what 
belongs to Ohrmazd", which is rather opaque; the not entirely clear gloss refers, however, to 
some functions of Spendarmat as sort of supervisor over the religious matters: [ku pad De"n T 
Ohrmazd hamag ka"r ud d3destan Gh hawed, "[ie., that so must be all the action and 
judgment in the Religion of Ohrmazd]™. 

Before turning now to the Dk 9.38 and Dk 9.60 versions, some points must be highlighted: Dk 
9.60 explicitly states that the first creature of Ohrmazd were his children by the next-of-kin 
marriage, Wahman and Spendarmat; this has some significance in the context of Y 45.1, where 
Yima was probably referred to as the first man / first creature 2 ; in the Pahlavi versions, there 
is no trace of Yima altogether Dk 9.60.3, cihr, reflects ci era in Y 45.1c; "to teach", cas'tan, 
in Dk 9.60.4-5, has some specific technical sense, something like "to experience"; the texts play 
all the time with warzTdan an d aah 1 5 n. 

2 Note that in Dk 3 (DkM 73.14-16) Gayffmard is said to be created by Chrmazd from his daughter 
Spendarmat. 



45 
Dk 3.15 which pretends to be a Sltlaagar paraphrase of Y 45 has actually rattling in 
common with the contents of the 6363 in question, but contains rather a mythical account of 
KersSsnand Srrjbar; the only reason why this myth was told there can be guessed from the end 
of the account (Dk 9.15.3-5) where Fire was referred. to (on the "final function" of Fire with 
regard to Y 45, cf. Duchesne-Guillemin 1949-S1, 638-9). 

It should be noted that Y 45.1 introduces eschatologfcal dimensions by its worry whether "the 
deceitful blasphemer, by his evil choice, may not destroy the world a second time with his tongue 
through preference being given to him" (an echo can be heard in Dk 9.38.2). This motif was 
developed intheS[t]Jdgar version of the commentary which I see as sort of some ta'wn, 
spiritual exegesis, to the G3SS. 

Such ta'wflttas perceived (cf. Corbin 1977, 12) as imaginative reconstruction of the 
hidden reality, unveiling possibilities of other existences. It is of interest, in this content, to 
ponder upon the double interpretation of c18ra", understood once as "manifestus, bright", 
pay dag, and once as "world, existence, creature" etc. This double interpretation may have been 
going back to an early period of the G383 exegesis, and does not exclude the more rigorous 
insights of the Bag and War5tm3ns a r versions. On the contrary, by the apposition of the 
world as 'bright' (c16ra"), where the pun (mazdarjho.dam) probably equates the world with 
Ahura Mazda himself, to the dark existence of the Stinking Spirit, on the one hand, and by 
combining it with Y 45.4, the spiritual unity of the father-creator-the thought-the world with 
his daughter-the mind-the earth was meditated upon, leading to the demand (in the Pahlavi Yasna 
and in the B a g and Warstma"ns a r versions) to perform the next-of-kin marriage. It is worth 
noting that the Zoroastrian is taught to profess, on his initiation at the age of fifteen: 

'My mother is Spendarmat, Archangel of the Earth, and my father is Ohrmazd, the Lord 
Wisdom". 

It was probably overlooked by the Western scholars that the next-of-kin marriage of 
Ohrmazd with his daughter Spendarmat is void of purely sexual overtones. The pious 
Zoroastrian authors of the last two centuries were eager, of the other hand, to deny, as is well 
known, the historical reality of such religious demand whatsoever. As the right-mindedness of 
good works, Spenta- Armaiti-, is bom in and produced from the lordly thought (Ahura- Mazda- 
- the Lord the Thought) in the lofty world of possibilities, which we call "ideal" (cf, Y 45.4cd), 
so [good or bad] works are procured in the "nether", or, getTg, world by thought and choice 



46 
(cf. Y45.1e, varans). The procurance of the deed by the thought was equated thus by Zoroaster 

toOhrmazd's autogenesis (this could be the original sense of x v edrJdah). What for Zoroaster 
was, most probably, a statement about the nature of human thinking (cf. Gershevich 1 995), 
became a mythologized mystical meditation to be projected into the ge" tTg world by performance 

ofthex v edOdah. 

What is important is that Ohrmazd begot Spendarmat (and Wahman), not that he took it to 
wife. The mention of Wahman in this context, though not without significance by itself, only 
serves to emphasize this point It is nowhere said by whom Ohrmazd begot her, as ft was not 
said either anything about the mother of Hrumazd and Ahremffn in the classical Armenian and 
other ZurvSn accounts. This not only illustrates that atirmazd/Zurv3n was both the father 
and the mother, but spotlights the irrelevance of this problem: the point is the paternal-filial 
pattern, not the marriage by itself, as in the Zoroastrian hatakha the aim of the next-of-kin 
marriage is not the incestual coitus as such (true, its merits are enumerated frequently, cf., e.g., 
even in the passages in question, Dk 9.60.3, only in order to encourage people to perform their 
religious duty), but rather to produce (spiritually) better descendentiy, or, "properly produced 
progeny* (Dk 9.60.Z), which is that produced "according the nature of the first creature, 
(through) begetting of one's own" (.ibid.), i.e., the first next-of-kin begetting serves as the 
model for the future generations of Zoroastrians. Surely, it was the androgynous character of the 
creator that was to be imitated by the x v edOdah marriage, while r'mitatjo Ohrmazdi was seen 
as a means of the sacramental unftion with the creator. 

At that point, an analogy with the Manichaean accumulation of light arises (and, \ think, it is 
not without importance that the Manichsersm is a monastic religion, i.e., totally opposing the 
basic Zoroastrian tenets): the next-of-kin marriage purifies the creation and assists to return it 
back to the original motionless 3 and pure state of oneness. The metaphor of the sequence "light - 
splendor - radiance - brilliance" (rdsn - brah - ffjrfjg - ba"m) in Dk 9.38.6, which 
resembles very much some Manichasn ideas, serves as an illustration to the progressive march 
to Renovation (fl Frasglrd paywastan mardom). 



3 Note the stress of neYnag T rflz , ^midday" (the initial position of trie sun at the creation), in the 
context of the next-of-kin marriage in § 27 of Dk 9.41 (which describes a ZandfWarStmln^r 18) to 
Y48 (Yezf); DkM 861.20-864.18; DkD 665.10-669.10; West 1892, 264-289) [Text VI]. 



As the primal consanguinal begetting set in motion the menSg and ge"tTg aspects of the 
creation (Wahman, cf. Dk 9.38.6), there was a need to introduce more menCg and ge"tTg 
qualities into the menfjg and ge tTg sphere (Spendarmat, ibid.), (t was by means of this that 
Spendarmat accepted tier maternal glory, madarTg x v arrah, i.e., became Ohrmaid's spouse, 
while the verb used (wa"spuhrage"nVdan) applies to princes of blood, meaning that she was 
seen, indeed, as Qhrmazd's daughter (cf. Dk 9.51.2 [TEXT vil]). I.e., the emphasis is, again, on 
her motherhood and princely status, not on the marriage (and sex) as such: it is giving (or, 
creating) of him(her)self (ka x v adlh dahlSnTh, Dk 9.38.5) that the texts stress, ergo, 
accepting (cf. Dk 9.38.3), instead of intermingling. 

Though all three, namely Sltjudgar, Wars'tma"ns a r and Bag Nasks belong to the 
GaeSnTg group, it is the S[t]udgar which possesses the uppermost 6393nTg 
characteristics, while the Warstm3ns a r has something of the Hata[k]ma"nerTg and the 
Bag Nask has clear DadTg traits. While accepting the theory forwarded in Shaked 1969a about 
the hierarchy of the religious texts in Sasanian Zoroastrianism, it is, however, strange that the 
S[t)u"dgar version, presumably made for the ga*ha"nTg people, became so widely circulating 
that many important secondary Pahlavi texts, like the Bundahls'ri and the Zand T Wahman 
Yasn, heavily drew upon it, and not upon the versions given in the Warstmans a r and Bag 
Nasks. 



The legend of Karasaspa- / Kersasp retold in Dk9.i5 [TEXT V] is of great interest: the 
Dfnkard version is a short midrashic Zand derived from the S[t]adgar Nask on the 
beginning of Yasna Adfravaxsya (Y 45.1). It appears that, in fact, the version of 
SftJtldgar Nask has nothing in common either with Y 45, or with the versions of the 
WarStmans a r or Bag Nasks, which treat mostly the topic of next-of-kin marriage. The 
actual source of the origmaiSltludgar Nask was not a translation, or a commentary, of Y 45, 
but mythological texts which happened to have only a couple of allusions to the Pahlavi versions of 
the 6363 in question: the reason why the KarasSspa- / KerSSsp legend should become a 
commentary to ¥ 45 is that a passage treating the x v ffdodah marriage contained expressions 
found also in the myth. Rapiefcin zaman [TEXT Vlllb] / nCmag T rd I, "midday" [TEXT VI], 



48 
andaYstiiff.baraza, "the height of a spear" [TEXT VIII] / 3 nezag baiay ke" dagrandTh 3 
na"y, "an altitude of the height of three spears of the length of three reed each one" [TEXT VI], are 
leading phrases which, from the paint of view of the compiler of the 5[tju"dgar Nask version, 
enabled him to establish the link between the text treating next-of-kin marriage and the myth. 

The myth to which refers [TEXT V] occurs in Yt 1 9.40 [TEXT Villa], whose version in Pahlavi 
is found in PY 9.1 1 [TEXT Vlllb]; it is to be noted that on one point which is crucial in our context 
of Dk 9.15, there is an interesting discrepancy between the two last texts: in Yt 19.40, yo" 
janat ai"1m sruuaram ytm aspd.garam nara.garam ylm vISauuantam zarltam 
ylm upairi vis araoSat was adequately rendered into Pahlavi in PY 9.1, except 
3r3tSI5.t>areza, understood, wiexplainably, as "the height of a horse", not "the height of a 
spear" 4 . The Pahlavi version (PY 9.11) of Yt 19.40 also leaves untranslated xsuuaepaiia 
vanalia.barasna yim upairi vis araoSaL, adding instead a gloss. A quotation from 
another Pahlavi version of the KarasSspa- / Kersasp legend is to be found in PRDD 18f5 
(Williams 1990, I 104, 105; 11 40, 165 [TEXT IX]. 

The function of this myth in our context is introduction of the eschatologica! theme. Fredfln, 
who is dead for 9000 years 5 , is unable to oppress Azi DahSg (PRDD 48.32-34 [TEXT X]), so 
Waters, Fire and Vegetation askOhrmaid to revive Fredffn [TEXT XI], but it is not Fre"don 
who is raised from the dead 6 [TEXTS X, XI, XII, XIII, XIV]. 



A Compare anguStha, "a kind of linear measure" in the Sanskrit version (cf. Bharucha 1912). 

5 It Is of significance (as Cereti 1395, 222, observed) that the battle between Azi Dahlg and FredSn 
is placed (in ZWY 9-14) at the beginning of time (9000 ago). 

6 Karasaspa-'s has, "consciousness", was supposed to dwell in the Karko> Fire of STstart afro~z 
b3da rSS xvanTd Ker33sp ho"s (vamS be rast az j«5 nuS kun may-no's dffst bar 3gdS 
nihad bad arnn goS hameSa nfkl kSs dT godhast 6 dsS Saha, xvadsygana! tie afrTn-e 
Sanri, "let the light of the spirit of KerSasp blaze forthl Released from trouble, haste to imbibe 
ambrosial wine, take the beloved one in your embrace and incline your ear to blessing. Stnve ever after 
god, lor last night is past. King Lordy One, blessing upon your dominion!", Smimova 1 974, 70 & 399 n. 
133; Russell 1989, 53-4 n, 9. The form of the name given in GrBd TD2 230.14 is older. Karsvasp 
CKarssavazdah) Y.€ k£dan xvanend. "Karsvasp whom they cell ke"d3n" (in IndBd K 20 
fol.!28r3, PSzand: kadjn, cf. Bailey 1990, 6). 



In the parallel 7 AyJ 1 7.6 [TEXT XII] it is not KerSasp who was raised from the dead, but 
father his father Sam 8 , and it was overlooked that in ZWY 9.22 5ffm^ rises and vanquishes 
Afi Dahag. Unlike PRDD 48, Kay Xusraw plays here no role in assisting SCs'yans. 

The legend is characterized by fluidity of motives, among which are: a hero performing some 
religious offend (KerSasp in Dk 9.15.1 and in Y 9.11; Fre"do"n in Bd 29.8 [TEXT XIV]); a hero 
sleeping in some enclosed place, whether Limbo (Dk 9.1 S), or wormwood and snow (Bd 282 9), 
or cave (cf. Dk 9.23) 10 . Ttie hero may have different names, and the myth can have variants, 
thus demonstrating that it was the paradigm, not the story, that was important for the Zandist 
The confusion of 55m and KerSasp resulting in emergence of a new personage, Sa"rna"n 
KerSasp, can only illustrate this situation. It is interesting that in ZWY 9.19 it is 
unequivocally stated that Fire,, together with Water, was this who forced the Creator to raise up 
Saman Kersasp. If we take the body of our texts as a unity, we may draw the conclusion that 
this implies atonement of KersJsp's misdeed towards Fire. Certainly, the atonement plays some 
role in the myth retold as an alluding commentary, but the significance of it remains elusive; 
probably, it serves as a substitute for the concept of Renovation. It must be stressed that the Bd 
and ZWY versions, and marry components of these two texts as a whole, go back totheSttJiJdgar 
Nask, probably, not only re-working 5[tlu*dgar materials, but also quoting otherwise non- 
extant passages. The gap between the actual Gathic text and its allegorical retelling in the form of 
a myth in the S[t]u*dgar version is so wide that one may be led to believe that some apocryphic 
texts, lilce ZWY, can be, indeed, real lands. This observation raises a question: why it was the 
S[t]udgar version of the commentary that was so successful to survive? Why it was the 
material, partly, probably, going back to pre-Zoroastrian times, that was transmitted so well 
into the Muslim period of the Iranian history and incorporated into the Persian National Epic? 

The answer, 1 presume, is more complicated than the assumption that it was the narrative 
value of the myths of old that enabled them to survive for such a long time. The myths have 
already undergone a profound Zoroastriazation, and I do not think that they were included into the 
"Gathic lore" by mercy of an attempt to reconcile the teachings of Zoroaster with those of his 
former co-religionists. In was rather the mystic insights of the old myths adapted to allude to 
Gathic passages that assured their pertinence. 



7 Cf. Messina 1939, 75, quoted as such in Kreyenbroek 1985, 131-2. 

8 Originally, cf. Chrtstensen 1931, 60, 99-106, 129-46, SSmandKsrasaspa were one and the same 
person. Cf. now some important remarks m Skjaerva 1995b. 

9 If one does not read *saman, as it stands in PRDD 48.34-35. 

1 It could be noted, in passing, that the enigmatic apellative "Kept, Preserved* of the Mandsean Sam 
Smira may be (at least, partially) connected. 



50 
I I 

The 6aeic Vahu[k]-XSaer fragard, a part of the S[t]u"dgar Nask, is a kind of tafsrr 
'irf&nr, to use Mole's terminology 11 , on the 6393 VofiU Xgaersm (VohuxSaGra G36S), 
"the 6365 of Good Rule/Power", or "Well-Royalty", Y SI [TEXTS XV-XV1], The Bag Nask version 
of the same G385 is given in Dk 9.66, West 189Z, 379-331; it was also referred to in Dk 
9.10, Dk 8.13.8. 35.13 (and in Y 41.1 and perhaps in other texts) [TEXT XVII]. 

The WarStmans a r version is given in Dk 9.44, West 1892, 294-8 [TEXT XVIII]. This 
fragard is summarized in Dk 9.21; the text can be found in DkM 810.8-815.2; DkS XVII.I, 49- 
5B; DkD missing folios 174-182; transliterated and translated in Mote 1959; translated in West 
1892, 212-219; other important treatments in Zaehner 1961, 142- 5; Tafazzoli 1971, 197. 
This is a midrashic text of a composite character, and it is this version which will be scrutinized 
here rjEXT XIX]. 

It must be noted that this text (the Zand of Vohuxsaera 656a) which is supposed to treat 
the Good Rule, VahutkJ- XSaSr, treats actually Tyranny, stahmagfh. The idea of "Good Rule" 
was central for Sasanian Iranians, especially in the late decades of the Third Iranian Empire, 
when the legitimacy of the ruling dynasty was challenged by pretenders and internecine strife. 
Immediately after decades of turmoil, the unthinkable happened and the Empire collapsed. 

This situation brought about a renewed wave of speculations about the idea of "Good Rule". It 
was during this post-Sasanian stage of the development of the Zand on the "Good Rule" that 
Fre"d<5n's role was stressed (cf. further). On the whole, this version of Y 51 can be seen as an 
actual commentary. 

I take it for granted that Dk 9.66-1-2 (the Bag Nask version, whose 22 fragards are 
summarized in the third part of Ok 9, chapters 47-68) is not the beginning of the enlarged 
commentary on Y 51 .1, but the compiler rather imported it from elsewhere pretty near to the 
start of the commentary original. The beginning was omitted as the redactor thought the contents 
of the Zand were well-known. 

AS one could see, this is not the situation now: the FY version is of too interlinear a character, 
while the De~nkard version is too elusive. To use a parallel from the traditional Jewish 

exegesis, we have here no p 3 £3(. 

In my opinion, at least a part (line 2) of the PY version goes back to the stage in the Iranian 
linguistic history that corresponds roughly to Late AchaBroernd/Seteucid/Early ATsacid epochs. As 
tothe Bag Nask version, rtcould be dated to the period aftersome political turmoil took place. 



11 Mole 1963,61. 



51 

Theoretically, the date in question could be the epoch after the Arsacids overturned the Seleucid 
rule in Iran, or after the Arsacids were deposed by the Sasanids. On the other hand, as the style is 
characteristic of a much later period, one could suggest that this Zand was perhaps part of 
Bahra"m CSDCn's propaganda. But, as the text contains nothing that could be understood as some 
kind of anti-dynastic slander, so it seems rather that some inter-dynastic strife is meant. 

The clue-word is "now", translating the Avestan nflcTl; the PY version does not stress this 
word especially (nunaz: "it is up to us now to perform the best action of Ohrmazd"); the PY 
version does not stress the "tyrant" as an antithesis to the "good ruler", while the Bag Nask 
version states: "They are authorized who are now in fwwer. Tyrannical wicked lying people are 
not now in power*. Moreover, tyrannical wicked lying people are accused of having "caused 
deception in the corporeal work! by lament^. 

My impression is that this text was composed after Xusraw 1 ascended to power, having been 

preferred by his father KawSdl to his elder son KaycTs, the pro-Mazdakite Padasx v a"rgar 

53 h. There are three words in this version that support this dating: 

1), now, used frequently in texts undoubtedly dated by the reign of Xusraw I AnSSurwan, 531- 

579 CE [/lis present Majesty, Im bag, etc.] 1 z ; 

Z), laments, reminiscent of the "Lament of the Ox" (Y 29), a text crucial in the Mazdakite 

speculation, thus also indicating the same period; 

3), the verb boze" nTdan, translated here "to excuse", but which actually belongs to the semantic 

field OF sanation, the main aim of the Mazdakites. 



Again, it is stated that "when they will give the power to him who is good, they would be saved 
by his sovereignly. But him who was deceived by laments, him you should overcome, and also to 
do this to death and danger and deception", and the *Mazdakites should be overcome 
(wane"nTdan, the verb used also on Af I- Dahak, cf. further). It was perhaps about that time 
that the gloss [ka Oe"n rawag be kard], "[when he (the good ruler) propagated the 
Religion]" was inserted into the PY version (to the word nunaz). 



12 Cf. Ceretl 1992,242. 



52 
The actual commentary to Y 51.1 is found in the version of Warstmins a r Nask, Dk 
9.44.1 1 3. The passages is full of glosses and sub-glosses: am dJd Zardu[x]St nan 1 weh 
x v aday kamag is perhaps a quotation from an Avestan commentary; am dad could explain the 
strange fl.m awe" T weh x"aday kamag of the PY version which has no counterpart in the 
Ga"6 a (if we do not suggest that 'w.m / OLm stands for am): ana nTg is an explanation of 
abSyfd found in the PY version. g5h3n ("worid") is connected perhaps to a x v T astOmand 
("corporeal existence") found in the Bag Mask version (Dk 9.66.1 ). 

It seems that there existed a common source for the WarStmans a r Nas It and the Bag Mask 
versions to this Avestan passage, though it is impossible to tell what it was. 

Asa whole, the version of War £ tmSns a r Nask here treats not the whole of Avestan Y 5 1 . 1 , 
but the first three words, introduced in a quotation from a (Avestan?) commentary; in the 
sequencebagam aibT.bairis'tam, the crucial word bagam is translated by bah r (or, 
*ba"T?), while dahisn may stand for both aibT.balrfs'tamandvrdTsamnal (as it does in 
other versions treated above); T25CT1 is translated, as in other version, by abzdn, while the 
gloss wIzTdaY dahfsnTh pahlom kunls"n translates s , ilao8anai£ mazda" vahistam 
(wizTrjar dahisnTh for mazda, cf. PY version, kunlsn J_ Ohrmazd pahlom, suggesting 
that mazda is not a Vocative and, perhaps, even not the name of the Supreme Being 1 *); u d 
abartarTh T kunisn az meniSn gdwiSn is an "automatic gloss" to kunlsn. Two 
sequences, a 3a antara caraitT and tat nS nucli varaSane", were left untranslated. 

The corresponding version of the 5[t]adgar Nask (Dk 9.21.7, [TEXT XIX]), where the 
same Avestan passage was referred to was put into a midrashic setting and is merely a gloss. It is 
of interest that this is exactly where the stitch between the two different sources of the chapter is 
to be found. The gloss reads: 

am3n awe T weh x v aday kamag bahr abar bar1s"nTh, 
"We desire a good ruler to bring him our portion (taxes)". 



13 But in other cases, e.g., Y 45, I believe it was the version of the Bag Nask (Ok 9.33) that grasped 
more successfully "the anginal meaning" of Zoroaster's words. 

14 Not always Ahura Mazda is rendered by the plain Ohrmazd (cf. e.g. AiW 1 163-4). 



S3 
The gloss there is actually taken from PY S 1.1 a: Cm awe" T wen xvadSy kamag bahr 
abar barls"nTh, "My desire is to bring ttie portion (taxes)' -* to him who is a good ruler". 

The only difference consists in changing of the proriomina from Istsg to 2nd PI, as required by 
the context in Dk 9.21 .7. 

After Dk 9.21 .7 we have a Zand derived from a different source, most probably, from a ¥ a s t, 
later incorporated into the Sltlddgar Nask. At this point we will turn to an analysis of the 
SltJOdgar Nast midrash. 

In Dk 9.21.2 we have an allusion to Ylma's being sawn (cf. Yt 19.46; Bd 17.5/ 31.5) by hi 1 
Daha"ka. After his ascent to power, AJ1 DahSka enquires *collected/*all (hamba"stag) 
people why the conditions of the world have deteriorated after Yima's death. The reason is, of 
course, the vicissitude of the royal gloiy, but this is not the answer Azi DahSka receives. 

The nt coliected/*all people", to judge from the eontr-xt and especially from the semantics of 
this (hambastag) adjective, are none other than the inhabitants of Yima's subterranean 
"steppen-arch of Noah", as it was called by previous scholars, i.e., of Yima's vara 1 °. 

Aii Daha"k a is answered by the "people of the assembly" that 'Yima warded off from the 
world need, maery, hunger and thirst, old age and death, mourning, lamentation, cold and heat 
when they are beyond the good measure, and the intermingling of demons with men'. 

This interesting passage is highly illustrative for the way of Zand The Pahlavi version of 
people's answer addressed to the tyrant (Dk 9.21.2) is a paraphrase of an Avestan passage (Yt 
9.5 [TEXT xx]; compare also WZs 32.Z-4 [TEXT XXI], which is a very close rendering of Yt 13 



15 The "portion (taxes)" standing for the problematic b3ga.rnmay indicate the date of the commentary 
by the epoch of the tax-reform earned out by Xusraw I. 

16 Yima's vara is perhaps a result of confusion of Central Asian Iranian traditions with those of 
Mesopotamia. The Mesopotamian vara was at Urak, which was known as "UnA-the-lsheepJ-Enclosure", 
or "Uruk-the-Sheepfold", ar "Broad-Marted Unj", Kovacs 1989, 3 n.l; Uruk in the Tablet 1 of the 
Gilgamesh Epic has features reminding those of Kangdiz. Gilgamesh was known also as king of the 
Netherworld in the institutional Mesopotamian religion, cf. Kovacs 1989, 117, similarly to Yima. The 
Gilgamesh Epic was known as far as Canaan (Hegiddo) and Syria (Emar); Gilgmys/s and Hwbbs" appear in 
the Aramaic Book of Giants from Qumran, Humbaba features also m Middle Persian Manichsan fragments 
of the same work, Theodor Bar Qoni knew Ganmagos (and so did as-Suyydtr much later}, cf. Kovacs 
1989, XXXII-XXXIV; Reeves 1992, 120-1 & 159 [compare also Beeves 1993]. Judging from this vast 
dissemination of the Uruk / Gilgamesh traditions, it is difficult to date the Avestan sources about Yima's 
vara: they may be as late as the beginning of the current Era. 



(FrawardrJn rastj.130 17 [TEXT XXtl]): Jam aba"z da"s"t €sta"a az geTiSn nlySz 
SkOhTh ud sud ud tiSn ud zarmgn ud margin ud SSwan ud mod ud sarmay ud 
garrnay T a-payman ud amezisii T dew ab3g mardom (translated above). 

One only has to compare the Avestan (Yt 9.5) and the Pahlavi (Dk 9.21 .2) sequences: 
yimahe xsa6re aurvahe Pahlavi equivalents: 

nB1£ aotam anha sarmay 

noii garamsm garrnay T a- payma~n 

nfiit zaur-va anha zarman 

nC1£ maraSyus margin, 

while ndit araske daSvfJdate, "the greed/envy produced by dews", is rendered as 
amezisn T de"w abag mardom, " intemninolino of demons with men ". 

This latter alteration is of importance. The Indo-European tradition knew two important 
sequences, involving humans, namely, "gods and men"' " and "cattle and men"; in Avesta, the 
formula pasu.vrra- is frequent, cf. Indie viraps'a'h < "vTra.ps'va'-, meaning "abundance, 
wealth", Umbrian u(e)iro pequo, Latin pecudesque virosque 1 $. Destroying Yima, Azi Oahaka 
destroyed the cosmic order, and this Is what brought about the deterioration of the terrestial 
conditions. Moreover, the men and the demons began to intermingle. 

Besides the evident echoes of the Zoroastrian notion of "Mixture", gumrjzisn, seen as 
negative, the word used in the Pahlavi passage, SmSziin, from the same root as gume"2 >sn, 
may have had some sexual overtones as well. Further I will try to demonstrate that such 
overtones were indeed implied in the fragard in question. 

As to the structure of Dk 9.Z1 , it must be noted that after the short "Yima introduction", both 
FrawardTn Yast and Zadsprahm passages go ahead with FrfdOn account This is an 
introduction to the actual Pahlavi Zand (cf. West 1892, 212 n. 4), amplified by glosses, that 



17 This link has not yet been noticed, as far as I can see. 

18 This concept underwent serious change in Zoroastrianism: Old Indo-European deva/dae"va "gods' 
became Zoroaster's demons, thus the whole idea got a very different pitch. 

19 Compare Perikhanian 1983,41-2. 



follows (Dk 9.Z1.3): ud ensz kd: " ffsffnrh- d&d&r bad Jam [kfl.s cis han kard T 
mardomSn asanTh azaS Dud] ud ka"mag- d3da"r" [kfj.s" newagTh pad da"d 
sn3yenTd3rTh; ku.s" mardom pad frarOnTh ah snayfriTd], "and this, too, that Yima 
was creator of ease [i.e., he made things by which people are at ease] and creator of will/desire 
[i.e., goodness through the pleasing of the law; i.e., he pleased people through righteousness/for 
he taught people the righteousness]"- 



Unfortunately, we do not possess Dk 9.21.3 in the original Avestan; asanTh- dSdSr and 
kamag- da"d3r are clearly translations from Avestan, as was noted by MolS 1959, 284 nn. 5- 
6; the original Avestan for asanTh- dad3r was probably *"one who put peace", with 3s3riTh 
rendering *$1ia"tt or the like 20 ; *k3mag- dadaVTh is glossed by new agTh and sub-glossed 
fr^rSnTh is clearly a "weWwill"; kamag generally renders vairlia- 21 and, in its tum, is 
frequently glossed by new agTh. 

The next passage (Ok 9,2 1 ,4) seems to be a glossed translation from an Avestan original. This 
passage is one of the most difficult for interpretation; I suppose that the text is corrupt. My 
reading and translation is different from those offered in West 1 892, Wikander 1 941 , 1 73, Mole 
19S9, Zaehner 1961, 142-3. it is appropriate here to provide the three translations made by 
these four scholars. 

West "And Aucak, who made Yim the splendid and rich in Bocks - who was struck down by you through 
violent assault - unauthorised^ desirous (varait) and eager for the world, produced want and destitution, 
distress and greed, hunger and thirst, and the sanctifier of Wrath the wounding assailant. Want without 
pastures, Terror, Destruction the secret-moving, Decay the descrepit, and the seven arcn-demons". 
Wikander: "Und Otafc, die den glanzenden lim mrt den schbnen Heerden, der von Euch gewaltsam getotet 
worden ist, ungebuhriich lustem und begierig auf weltliche Goter gemacht hat, und Not and Annut, 
Bedrangnis und LGsteniheit, Hunger und Durst, die Raserei mit blutiger Keule, die weidenzerstorende Not, 
den Schrecken und die geheime Getahr und das teufelsaeschaffene Alter und die sieben 

verehrungswurdigen Devs geschaffen hat". 



ZO Compare in Bd 1a.13-51: 0.5 dad J ay3rTh x v ab asanTh.dSdSr, "He (rjhrmazd) created the 

repose-giving sleep" (So also Anklesaria 1956, 27; Zaehner 1955, 320: "sleep, the repose of the 

Creator"). It is worth noting that Dk 9.32.9-10 which is a partly parallel to the Bd locus, has nothing 

reminding of SsSnTh.dadSn on the contrary, it speaks of "the *sleep [or, "sweat") produced by 

demons". This notion has no support in PY 32, the source of Dk 9.32. Cf, Chapter 311.1 "Sleep and 

Sweat". 

21 Also vouru-, cf. Darmesteter 1BB3, 1 82, on vff uru.vaOwS. 



56 

Mole: "Mais Otak, qui inspira un desir illicite des choses de ce monde a Yams ft aux beaux troupeaui 
que vous deviez assassiner traitreusement, ainsi qu'a toi, rendit dignes de culte le besoin et la misere, 
I'angoisse et la concupiscence, la faim et la soif, la Fureur a la massue sanglant, las peste qui detiuit les 
fourrages, I'abandon de la destmction, la vieilfesse puante et les sept (f&v* . 

Zaehner "...he [Yima] was fftaX/utsk , for royal Yima of goodly flocks whom you struck down 
unjustly and by guile, let his lambs wander free upon the earth, and stopped the veneration of the demons 
of Need and Misery, Straitness and Craving, Hunger and Thirst, Wrath of the bloody spear. Want that has 
no pasture-land. Fear and Bane that moves in secret, Old Age whose breath is foul, and the demon of 
Concipiscence too". 

In my opinion, the general sense of the passage is: 1., Yima was struck by DahSg; 2., cattle 
was dispersed; 3., CTdag established demonolatry. My own translation is as follows: 

"And (Jdag (who let loose into the world the lambs 23 of Royal Yima [of the goodly flocks], 
whom you (DahSg) struck down by a treacherous blow unjustly) established the veneration of 
the demons of Need and Misery, Straitness and Craving, Hunger and Thirst, Wrath of the bloody 
spear, Drought that has no pasture-land, Fear and Danger that moves in secret, Old Age whose 
breath is foul / depriving of issue (and the Seven Demons)". 

(it is possible, [think, that the words at the end of the passage, fia ft dew, -»u-u-u r-o-, 
read Azaz dew by Zaehner 24 , were in some way confused by the copyist with the similarly 
written ud Odag, i a - 1» n>», thus one has perhaps to combine the first and the last words of § 
4., reading *» i *" fc* -*^rtrtj T-qi-haft de-w-Owa'dag). 



22 2aehner 1961, 143, wrote: "We cannot be sure what the word fftsk/utsk means, but it is glossed 
as "he let his lambs wander free upon the earth"... anutak (which can be an sly red as "not-atak") 
meaning "strange, alien, foreign or excluded", the opposite of xvffs, "kin"; o"tak would, then, mean 
'kinsman", and *iaraura would thus be (Yima] the 'royal kinsman'". But regarding connected words, cf. 
Schwartz 19750. 

23 After Yima's death, his Rocks got dispersed. For the idea, compare, e.^., Zechariah 13.7: "Smite the 
shepherd, and the sheep shall be scattered", hak. >e£ haro^e uiapOsena hassffn 

24 Zaehner 1961, n. 76 on p. 330: a"Z3Z far *haft or for *udjt. 



Giving besides "whose breath is foul^ 5 " as a variant translation of duz"daft "depriving of 
issue", I keep in mind PVd 19.6, where du£.dan3q Gannag MenGg is a corruption for * 
doz.dJminag, translating duZdSmo" 26 . Here, *dui,<jam3nag may mean "of evii issue/ 
creation", in both senses: 1), procuring evil issues; 2), having been born from evil creation, and 
in Pahlavi, the oscillation -f-/-m- frequently occurs (daft/ dam, like [Avestan] rap-/ 
[Pahlavi] ra"n>). 

The myth referred to in this paragraph (Dk 9.Z1.4) is unknown otherwise, but its general 
pattern seems to be clear: it is departure of Yima's royal glory, his x v aranah, which was 
caused by some malicious deed of a second person (Azi Dan3g, in my interpretation), not by 
some obscure guilt of Yima himself. In our passage (Dk 9.21.4), rjdag, who is responsible for 
establishing demonolatry, seems to be a newer import from another Zsnc<s); in the original 
Avestantext it was Afi Daha"ka who was responsible for real, but later demonized, plagues; in 
Yima's vara the cattle was safe, now it is dispersed; Aft Dah3ka-'s intervention is very much 
reminiscent of both Ahriman's e"bgad, the Primal Assault into the Qhrmaid-created good world, 
which assault caused the state of Mixture, gumezlSn, and of ancient lndo-lranian myths on 
blocking the waters by a snake (Azi) and causing devastation 2 7 in the earth and the subsequent 
deliverance produced by, in many versions, 8rae"taona- (Fre"do"ri, who plays indeed the key 
role in the continuation of the narrative). 

As was stated above, the theme of the departure of the x v aranah is referred to in Dk 9.E1 
differently than usually. In Yt 19.34 (cf. Hintze 1994, 191ff.) [TEXT XXIII], &g, the emphasis 
is on "lying false word". Then Yima "moved around, wandered in distress, became stunned because 
of hts disordered state of mind and concealed himself on the earth". There is something in this 
passage that makes one think that Yima might have been sometimes perceived as akin, in some 
way, to Ahriman himself: the verb starate, used of Yima, must give Pahlavi stard, which is 
frequently used of demonic creatures, compare, e.g. r Bd 1.16: Gannag, Me"n5g ... pad 
stardih sayast, "the Stinking Spirit laid stunned" (cf. Zaehner 1955, 280), or Bd 4,1. 



25 <luz daft, a clear allusion to Gannag Me'nog represented by Azi-Dahaka. 

26 A hapax; AiW 758b: "des Absditen sch'echt slnd, der Boses im Sinn hat, arglistig"; Darmesteter 
1 B80, 206: "guileful". 

27 Note hfiz, "draught"; se~z 1 nlhSn r-awisn appears in WZs 32.2 (cf. above), PVd 18.8; 19,1-2 
(perhaps, it was also the reading in FVd 19.43, for which we have no Pahlavi version): 5e"z translated 
Avestan idiiajah also in other passages, being the normal correspondent to its Avestan derivative. 



58 

However, we do not possess any specific Zand to Yt 1 9.34, exactly as we do not possess any 
Avestan original of Dk 9.Z1.4, but another word used in the Avestan passage of ZarnySd Yast 
(Yt 1 9) may nevertheless show that such a Zand did exist, as it was reworked into the sources of 
theClhrdSd Mask (which, in its turn, was one of the sources of Bundahlsn). 

The word in question, fraesto", posed to scholars a problem of interpretation^ 8 . Hintze 
1 994, 193 [with bibliography of the previous studies], took it as "in Bewegung versetzt", an 
Infinitive from f ra- is, but the word survives, in a wrong sense, in Bd 35.10 [TEXT XXIV]. 

For x v arrah there are variant readings in this Bd passage (cf. Bailey 1988a, 19): GrBd A 
(TD) ZZ9. 1Z , (also B (DH) 102.14 & C (TDl) 147.101 has Fredfln az aweSan purr- 
SDH- tar bad, while the IndBd K 20, 1Z7.5-6, Justi 1868, 78.5, has FrffdOn az awffs3n 
purr- frast - tar hawed. Thus, frast and GDH. according to Bailey, are synonymous; the 
reading frajft can be confirmed by additional examples, thus, "the base of GDH is far-, making 
impossible any longer to suppose that famah- is no more than a phonetic change from 
ftliarna/r... 'The form /tyarna/!-, Av x v ar9nah-, Magian MP xvarrah, Pazand pur- 
xvarafi, Armenian *xvacnaftvanr-, while MP fariaxw, NP farrux, should be considered to be a 
Magian replacement of famah- to avoid for doctrinal reasons a profaned word" (Bailey 1 988a, 
19-ZO). As to the etymology, Bailey, ib., tentatively compares the Latin fors ferx and 
fortune- . 

Having no intention to enter Into the mine-field of the x v aranaf>- etymology, ! cannot but 
express my opinion that what we have in these Bd variants is a survival of an old and now lost 
Zand to Yt 19.34. My view is that the Zandist was misled by 

1), Hie fact that the word in question stands next to x v aranO (x v arano" f rae"s tfi) and seems 
to agree with x v arano" grammatically; 
2), by confusion with 3 a«sa-, "cupiti potens, glucklich" (AiW 31). 

The mistake resulted in taking x v aranfj fraestc (> *x v arrah fra St) as synonymous, 
thus Bd 35.10. This example demonstrates to what degree Zands were interrelated. 

The "Seven Demons" mentioned in Dk 9.Z1 .4 are perhaps those known from the yendidad and 
related sources, e.g., PVd 10.9-10 [TEXT XXVI. 



28 Darmesteter 1884, 293, e.g., translated rraffsta by "the great Yima". with a note: "doubtful". 



59 

These demons are mentioned also in Vd 1 9.43. for which no Pahlavi version is available, Sd 
27.2-12 mentions six arch-demons [kamaragan dSwan], identical with those of the Vd 
10.9-10, adding Alcffman before Indr, cf. also Bd 34.27. 

Now, let us check what we know about the demoniac O da g, who was confused at an early stage 
with WaSafSn of Vd 19.6 [TEXT XXVI]. About W a5a?a n, who is otherwise unknown from the 
extant Avesta. designated as "dahyupat", "ruler of the land" 29 , one has to suggest that this 
person was- a male, not a female (cf. [TEXT XXVI]). As Vd, where the gfoss is occurs, is 3 much- 
read text, it was only natural that Wad a^a" n could penetrate also other Pahlavi tents. There 
were probably more Zands on this person, an echo of which we find in tienSg T Xrad [MX] 
57.25 (Anklesaria 1913a, 155): ciydn G Wadayan 30 dahyupat Dahag dad, "as much as 
I have given the dahyupat Dahag from the family of Wada?" 31 , with Wada^an being 
understood as a generic. Daha"g, originally perhaps only a gloss to Wada/an dahyupat, 
became a descendant of *V/a d arj, whatever its gender is. Later on, the name came to be associated 
by popular etymology with words designating "bad progeny", "bereavement"; Central Asian New 
Persian 'w'd, Georgian evadag-i, vidag-i, Ossetic §v8d, "without descendants", fyd-vSd, fyd- 
vatk, "having bad descendants" (on which cf. Bailey 1971, xl), are perhaps connected. The 
graphic form of the name found in the Vd MSs made such contamination possible 3 . 

Two points must be noted about W aSa-ySn: its being a wealthy (Vd 1 9.6) ruler, dahyupat, 
and its being duzda~mo", "of evil creation", possessing thus some negative attitude to procreation 
as seen /rom the Zoroastrian perspective. This is how it became Dahag's mother 33 , the demon 
Utfe [read *Wad3?] (cf. Bd 21.6 & 28.19; also West 1892, 212 n. 5). 

In two passages in D3dest3n T DSnlg (DD 72.1-9 [TEXT XXVII] and DD 78.1-2 [TEXT 
XXVIII]) she is a demon, Dahag's mother, the initiator of adultery 34 . Let us turn to the first 
passage. The exposition found there was based on old sources going back to the Sasanian period and 



29 Cf. AiW.1344, Nyberg 1962, 45:25, 90:22-3 fNybera 1 974, 200-11. 

30 wtk»rs Pazand vadagarc Sanskrit: vadagana[ra"jnel 

31 TafazzolM 364115 (1985), 75, 137, translated: hmiri'nkh bh w6fn frm'nrw* dh'fc ci'dm. 

32 Cf. the variants in CBstoor Hoshang Jamssp 1907, 612. 

33 The identification of adag as Aii Dana's mother must be of some age (as Mandate Or and Ruha 
belong to the same pattern, on which cf. Widengren 1960, SO, n. 216); compare TabarT I, 209.7, who 
has > w *, and Wikander 1 94 1 , 1 71 -4, 21 2. 

34 In Dk 9.10.4 the form of the name, otak, enables interpretation es something like "kinsman" or 
"strange, alien, foreign or excluded", cf. Zaehner 1961. 142-3 and Schwartz 1975a. 



60 
now mostly lost. It is interesting to note that the compiler, as well as those who put the question 
to him, accept the sinning kunmarz Zoroastrians as members of the community. The question is 
whether does it do any good to perform the ceremony for the soul of the departed kunmarz 
Zoroastrian. 

NanuSd hr, the author of DD, not only does accept them as members of the community, 
moreover, he even cails "Mazdayasnians" the seven arch-sinners he describes. The theological 
problem left aside, his text was invariably based on a Zand close to the gloss found in PVd 19.6: 
"[there is someone who says that "Your ancestors also worshiped me, so worship me you too!']". 
The Zand 1 Manuscihr was drawing upon was composed during theological disputes with 
Mazdakites, and probably also with Manichaeans and other 'heretics". The heretics in questions 
pretended to be good Zoroastrians (DD 72.9): "One is that who preferred the heretical religions 
to the Law praised by the Righteous One, by deceit of perverting the Avesta and 2and which they 
call their own...". There can be no better "orthodox" description of what a Zandrg really is: he, 
this unnamed ZandTg (Mazdak?), based himself on a Zand which was his own, i.e., he regarded it 
as a/so his own, or it was restricted only to him (and his followers). 

It is perhaps the only example in the whole Zoroastrian literature where an ahlamo"y is 
defined as one who "perverts", wardSnld, the Avestaand possesses a Zand. Moreover, it is 
stated that he was influenced from other religious systems, de"nTh3, preferred by him to his own 
Zoroastrian legacy. This definition fits Mazdak better than Mani. One could see that the text of 
Manus'c'i hr is connected to PVd 19.6 also from the designation of the Zoroastrian faith as UStS 1 
stod T ahlaw, "the Law praised by the Righteous One", who is Zoroaster. This should be 
compared to the text of Vendidad: ahlaw ZardulxlSt ... aba* stay weh Den T 
Mazde"snSn, "O righteous Zoroaster ... scorn the Good Mazdayasnian Religion", where the 
pseudo-etymological abaz stay stands for the Avestan apa.s tauuanuh a. 

Datia-ka-'s mother, the former Avestan male dahyupat, is described in DD 72.5 as Mazdak's 
(who is alluded to in DD 72.9] forerunner: the dissembling of the big harems is defined as 
"adultery' and it brought about a disturbance of lineages and an intermingling of sons without the 
husband's authority, which was indeed one of the accusations against Mazdak. Mazdak's epoch was 
seen also as an era of "lack or royal command", a- frama nTh. One may also assume that the 
figure of KirmmKHAP, being an Az"i Dahag m disguise, was colored by the memory of 



61 
Mazdak 35 . 

In the passage quoted above from the 1 1 th Nask, HOsparam Nask (Dk 8.35.1 3-1 5 [TEXT 
XXX]), there is a link made between the Mazdakite sexual practices and Az" I Dahag: the 
communist practices of the Mazdakites are compared to the tyranical deeds of Ail Dahag, who 
was renowned for his abduction of women (cf. Yt 5.34). 

A very late and "vulgar" Zand is to be found in the title of Af I DahSg in SahrestanTha T 
ErSn", a geographical-mythological composition, §§ 18 & 49: 

sahrestan T KSmis T panjburg Azdahag ped r gabestgn kard. ma"nTh5 T 
PahlawTgan anrjh bad. pad x v adayrh T Yazdglrd T Satipuhran kard andar 
tazandCCI nSrSg pahr T han ardag [STL'] arg 36 . 

"The city of KtTmis of the five-towers was built by Azdahag the monstrous ruler' . There 
were the dwellings of the Arsacids. Yazdgird the son of Sahpuhr made it in his reign against 
the foraying Cffl (North-Caucasian and Turkic peoples) to a strong watch-station of this 
region"; 



Sahrestan T Nahr Ttrag pad du5.x v ad3yTh T Aidahag ped T sabestgn kard ud 
zindanT Eran- Sahr bad, zlndan T ASkan bad, 

"The city of Nahr Tirag was built during the misrule of Azdahag the monstrous ru/erand 
it was the [State] prison of the Iranian countries, the prison of the Arsacids". 



35 Though KNAP contains older traditions, the extant redaction goes back to the last years of the 
Sasanian Empire. Cunakova 1987, ZZ-Z4 (with A.L Scervanovskl J from the Special Astrophisic 
Observatory of the Academy of Sciences, USSR; cf. also Cunakova & STcervanovskij 198Z) 
succeeded in dating two different astrological/ astronomical passages in the known recension of the 
KNAP: the first and the older one (KNAP 3.5) maybe dated by ZZ3-ZZ4 CE, and the second one (KNAP 
4.6) m ust be dated o nly by 23.1 2.631 CE. They also stated that Henning's emendation of KNAP 3.S (in 
MacKenzie 1 979, 524, n.l 6) does not add any important astronomic information. 

36 Translated 'side', cf. Utas 1988, 42; compare Snaked 1993b, 76a. 

37 Cf. further. 



62 

In the latter paragraph Azi Dahag is identified on the mythological level with the Greeks 
(Seleucus Nicator, cf. Marqwart & Messina 1931, 55), and, on the other hand, an identification 
of the Parthian Arsacids with the "Greeks" (= At dahag) is implied. The appetltion of Afdahag 

as ped r fabestgn may refer to his harem activities, known from Yt S 3 ". There is a 
considerable literature on the word s"abesta"n 39 , but as far as 1 know, these two SahrEran 
paragraphs were never referred to while dealing with sabestan. On its face value, ped T 
SabestSn means "eunuch, in charge of a harem". In Ayadgar T Wuzurg-Mihr [PT 85; 
West 1887, 263-4; Bailey 1971, xlii-xliii] the title zanTnbed 40 Sabestan- Sahr [T] 
ostTgan xusraw-darigbed, "keeper of the women, trusted of the state (?!?)" is given. 
Thus the meaning of Sabestan as a word dealing with harems becomes corroborated 41 . The 
naming of hi i Dahag a ped r sabistan is due to his association with <5dag in DkH 
Bl0.13ff.j Zaehner 1961, 142-3, translated it "kinsman", from anCdag, "strange, alien, 
foreign, excluded" (MacKenzie 1971, 10: "strange, alien"); Schwartz 1975a, 407-9, explained 
anSdag as 'an-autata, "non-local", comparing Sogdian 'wt'kh, $tgk, Khwara2mian >wc, 
"place" > Turkish cda 4 * | n ^q different traditions of the Zandthe word was treated in two 
different ways: in that of Dk, the older *zantupatiwas interpreted as from zantu, "tribe" > Gclag, 
which has also connotations of "helpful", etc. [cf. Schwartz, ibid- Old Iranian *auta, Sogdian 
'/lift, "support"], while in the more popular (and later) tradition, based on the already existing 
Zstviffdag, it was interpreted as connected to the better known word for "room, harerri 1 , thus 
ped r gab/stan. 

There are perhaps also some anti-Mankrhsean writings at the base of this text, alluded to in OD 
72.4-5. While it is clear that DD 72.5 contains information about the Mazdakite movement and/ 
or its outshots, it is possible that some survival of Manichaean lore derived perhaps from anti- 
Manichsan polemics are to be found in this passage, asuf t (DD 72.5) was closely associated 



38 It can now be observed that the word occurs twice as Af da hag's title. 

39 Cf. Introduction, n. 99. 

40 Cunakova 1991, 49, read it wlnaTbed [T] Sabestan iahr. 

41 If this reading is to be prefered to that of Cunakova, cf. the previous note. 

42 "Room" > Egyptian (etc.) Arabic 'Cda, 'o~ta; Osmanli odalisi, odalisque. 



63 

with wlyartag 4 ^; the Manichaean Middle Iranian term for the FaSlen Angels/ Archons is 
wisudag, "abortion, daevic creature", from wls*adan, "bear daevic offsprings" (MacKenzie 
1971, 92); another synonym was "9hv«<!g",cf. Mackenzie, ibid., Boyce 1377, 42: "gurirjoag'', 
"misbom, misbegotten"; another Manichaean Middle Persian term is abganag, from "to fall", as 
in Hebrew for "abortion, miscarriage; Watcher, giant", NPL 44 . Intriguing, the Nephiiim are 
sometimes glossed as "rebels" 45 . And it was Iranian where these two meaning, "to fall" (that of 
the Hebrew NPL) and "to rebel" (that of the Semitic MRD) are expressed by one and the same 
root, pat-, like in Old Persian DB l:l 4 *>. A derivative from pat- , past, as an astronomical 
term, "dejection", exists in Middle Persian, cf. MacKenzie 1979, 524, cf. n. 16, Similar notions 
are known also in Western Semitic. 

As to Az"1 SrSbar / Aii Sruvara-'s watcher-function (DD 72.4), it is not entirely 
fruitless to speculate whether it is not an import from the Manichaean lore; Skjaerva 1 996a, 
267, quoted Sundermann 4 ^ view that the Zoroastrian arch-demon Az is quite probably such an 
import from Maniehaasm 48 . The Pahlavi version of the Avestan Y 9 (Horn Yt) 34-39 (where 
we are told about Af i Sruvara-'s devouring horses and men), contains nothing helpful 
regarding rJh- wSmag- bffdarTh. 

It is only after this exposition of the sin of Ai i Daha"g, Azi SrSbar and Wad a g that we 
can come back to Wlyaftag and Wlyabe"nTdag. The reason for combining all these persons 
together is Kt\ Dafiag's lordship, treated in the Zand to Y SI (the Yasna of Good Lordship, 
VohuxSaSra" Gaea), and the pederastic role of KauuTnfl Vaeipliointhesame Gaea (Y 



43 wiyaftag /wiyabenTdag clearly means "passive and active pederasts'; however, the words in 
question could be easily understood in sense of "leading astray", cf. Bailey 1971, 27 n. 2: Narsffh T 
wiy3b3nTg"magician". cf. GrBd 228:13. 

44 The role of the Nephiiim, the Fallen Angels, in the account of Enoch and in the Latter Manichaean 
material, is the background of such perceptions. 

45 Ha~red.ayy3 in Aramaic, where the play on words based on the name of Nimrod and M3rdon his son, 
known from Jewish Midrashim, is used, mSridOn in Arabic 

46 Cf. Kent 1954, 1 1 l'.martiyah magus' arrat Gaumatah nSman hauv udajiajata, "there was a 
Magus=person called Gauma'ta, he revolted". 

47 In Sputh Asian Studies 2 (19B6). unavailable to me. 

4B Compare Zaehner 1955, 1 66ft., and Sundermann 1979b, 124 n. 133. 



64 
51.1Z) 49 - 

Tlie "sodomy* is described as gand, gandi sn, "stench". This word contains the same root as 
GannSg MfnOg, and in DD 7Z both are indeed associated, though not called by these respective 
names: gray winah ke.San Ahriman- warzUn nazdtkas* B Artrtman bawe"nd, "of the 
grave sin, who were close to Ahriman in their Ahrlmanic practice"; gandi^n found dose to 
muhragan, DD 7Z.7, must go back to an ancient and authentic understanding of the Avestan 
mu6ra- (compare Schwartz 1985a, 438). 

DD 72.5-7 is connected to DD 78.1-2 [TEXT XXVIII]- DD 76.2 seems to be a fuller version 
than DD 72.5: DD 78.2 has rospTg.ba"ragTh (DD 72.5: rdspTgTh) , a- dastar T Xrutasp/ 

Aurvadasp ke".s soy bad Wadag (DD 72.5: u,5 a-dastOT 1 SSy); ke.S x v eS a- 
sturfha" a-dadestanTha" winah warzUnTh gray abe"r was, omitted by DD 72.5; it 
preserves the name of Xrutasp/ Aurvada"sp, Dahag's father. The late and polemical, anti- 
Mazdakite, character of DD 72.5 could be better understood if we see wh?t it added as compared to 
DD 78.2: 

ewag Wadag 1 Danag ma"dar ke.s fradom rffspTgTh kard its" wisp.tehmagTf) 
aS'urt, a-frama'nrb OffsTd, u.s a-dastGr T s"Cy aba~g pus pus hame~n.me~zis"n 
baured (additions italicized). Now, what is omitted: 

passax v 8d kd rBsj>lg.ba~rag/~/i gray aOargti hast, fradom Dahsp'® kard, 
a~sna~g pad aba~rffn gum£zisn7h Ts kSmag abffg Wadag T ma~dar andar zrndagTh f 
Xruta~sp/Aurvada~sp Ts' pidar a-dastflr r Xruta~sp/Aurv3da~sp ke\s sffy bud 

Wadag k£.s~ >^€s" a- sturrr>a~ a- clSdesta'nfha' wina~h warzrs~nTh gray ab€r was 
(omissions italicized). Such truncation of texts used as a base for a newer Zand is extremely 
typical also for Dk 9. 



49 Cf. Dlt 9.44.14 {DkM 869.8): abar duSmanlh T Kay Watp 1 Axt T duS.deYi T tam.ax v ff 

ZarduSt, also Idsprm Z5.10, Anklesana 1964, 92, Gignoux & Tafazioli 1993, 6€ & 1£S, Tsfaiioti 
1995a; Dhabhar 1949, 225 n. 14, has in Pazand, according to AiW 1323 and Humbach 1991, 1, 189; II, 
2Z8, means "pederast", other rendenng aputJTafazioW 1995a, 296; accoiding to Tafazzoli, ibid, there 
is nothing common between this individual and Axtiia-, Axt the sorcerer, Yt 5.82. 

50 OD 72.5: Wadag! 



Now we turn to DD 73.1-2 [TEXT XX!X]. This seems to be an extension of the theme dealt with 
in DD 72.7. The source is to be looked for in the Sasanian Avesta, in an extract from which [Dk 
8.35.13 (DkM 747.16, cf. West 1892, 112)] wlyaftag and w1yabe"nTdag, A2i Dahag, 
SrfJbar, TOT 1 Bradroxs ^ karapandanafilamoy are mentioned together (6 "sinners"). 

In the version of DD 72 there are 7 "sinners"; the order there is as follows: Afl Dahag, 
Azi SrObar, Wadag (who is an import from the Zand of Y SI, Dk 9.21), TOr T BradroxS 
T karap, wlyaftag, wiyabemdag, ahlamOn. 

The parallel list inDk 8.35.13, again in the context of wlyaftag ud wlyabSnldag, "both 
sorts of 'sodomites"", is as follows: Azi Dahag, Srffbar gaz*^, Tar T Bradroxs T 
karap, ahlamOif ("the deceitful heretic"). 

A very interesting chapter of Denkard 9 is Dk 9.10 (DkM 794 [TEXT XXXI]), being an 
abbreviated account of the mythological S[t]G"dgar Nask; on the face value, this ninth fragard 
Yaeais must refer to the sixth hS first Gaea (Y 32.1), but I failed to find any closeness 
between the Pahlavi version of this Gaea and Dk 9.10. 

However, similarly to Dk 9.21, Dk 9.10 is based on PY 51, perhaps in a version different 
from that which we possess now. 

The reason is perhaps that this particular Yasna, namely, Y 51, contains allusions to the 
events from the Prophet's life, thus being apt to acquire midrashic additions. It is not impossible 
that the sources of Dk 9.10 and 9.21 were similar to the sources of Vita Zoroastri (Dk 7). 

The main subject of Dk 9.10 seems to be "sodomy/pederasty" 5 '. The theme (Y 51 .12) was 
already alluded above. The Avestan Y 51.10b huurj damrJIs drOjO hunus ta du2da yol 
haritT can be paraphrased as follows: "this evil offspring of the creation of deceit he gives bad 
gifts / misery to those that exist"; the Pahlavi version renders it ha"n dam drOj hunugak 
nan T du2d3n3g ke h end, "this evil offspring of the creation of deceit, they are possessors of 
evil knowledge", glossed ku pad anaglh pad daman T CThrmazd kardan hawand 
hunus'aK f gannag me"n(Jg hSnd, "/. e., to act wrongly rawards the creatures of CThrmazd 
means to be similar to those who are the evil offspring of the Stinking Spirit", compare above, DD 
72.2. Note that both Dk texts (Dk 8.35.13 and Dk 9.10.3) contain glosses: ""great in 
sinfulness!, like ..."; "one says that "the grave sinfulness" means..."; the common trait of the Dk 



51 Or, A2. 

52 I will deal with Zoroastrian sources on the subject elsewhere. 



texts is ecquatjng of the "sodomites" to the "sinners" mentioned above 5 3 , while the DD text onry 
compares both groups. It is obvious that the three texts go back to the same source, but the 
crimes of the "sinners" are given differently: 

Azi Oahag, DD 72: witchcraft and misrule; Dk 9.35: tyranny; Dk 9.10: witchcraft 
SnJbar, DD 72: watcher's functions and devouring; Dk 9.35: witchcraft; Dk 9.10: tyranny 
Wadag, DD 72: adultery etc.; cf. there; Dk 9.35: absent; Dk 9.10: producing evil offspring 
Bradroxs, DD 72: killing the best of people 54 ; Ok 9.35: the righteous-slaughter 55 ; Dk 9.10: 

ID. 

wlyaftag, wlyabenTdag, cf. there 

ahl amfjy, DD 72: deceit; Dk 9.35: falsehood; Dk 9.10: grave sinfulness. 

Originally, Odag was not identical with WaSaySn. In PVd 1 .19 we read: 

SSnzdahom az gyagan ud rffstagan am pahlom fraz bre"hinTd man ke" 
Ohrmazd [horn) abar pad Oda (LSs) T *Arawestan [T Hrom] ke a.sardar abar 
manlSn hend [ku zOd abaz estffnd]. [hast ke" ed5n gowed e"d: *x v aday pad 
x v aday ne dare"nd"! azas pad han T awe pidyaragTh fraz ktrrenTd Gannag 
Meneg purr.marg zamestanaz dewan.dSd [stahmagtar bawe"d] tao?fia~ca 
dar\hsu£ atwigtara 



53 This Denkard chapter contained also some other material relating to illicit forms of intercourse. 
Thus, it Is stated (Dk 8.34.14-15): 

14. abar gran wlnaTiTh T abus ud pemenTdag zan kff.S tffbmag zahag az Jud gusn 
marzTdan ua c§ andar ham dar. 

15. abar abzGnTg zffrlh T zan az guSn abar rawisnTh ud kast zOTTh 1 gus"n az abar 
rawisnTh \ G zan. 

1 4. "About the grave sinfulness of a woman having just given birth and giving milk whose seed is the 
offspring from copulation with different males and what belongs to the same subject", 

15. "About the increasing strength of the female from male's mounting (on her) and the diminishing 
strength of the male from (his) mounting on the female". 

The last paragraph was perhaps of a rather "scientific" than purely legalistic character. One could 
speculate whether it was stated that it is by Ahriman's intervention that "the diminishing strength of the 
male" is caused. 

54 Zoroaster is meant in all the three instances. 

55 The Dk wording is closer to the expected Zmd version; that of DD is younger. 



67 
"The 16th of places and lands, the best created by Me, Me who is Ohrmazd, is in Oda" <L5s) 
T "Arawestan [of Byzantium], who are lacking chieftains living [i.e., they are soon to revolt] 
[there is one who says: "they do not hold rulers as the rulers"] thereupon, the Stinking Spirit 
full of death produced as their adversary the winter created by demons [it is more opressivel the 
devastation of the Arabian country". 

Here, 0d3 (l_3S) [T »Arawesta"n] renders Avestan aoSaefu rag/ia, f/a-' (cf- AiW 42), 
a vague expression found also in Rasn Yast (Yt 12.18), for which we possess no Pahlavi 
version. 56 This OdS (L5s) has nothing to do with Wa5aj3n of Vd 19.6. Most editors read in 

PVd 1.19 Arangestan, where I read "Arawest Jn 57 ; the text has. actually, \*r-"Hi« while 
one MS, DDJ, glosses it as f jj ol^-j*- Cs/c/ ), cf. Jamasp 1 907, 1 8, 20. n. 2. 

ad3 / Odag was perhaps identified with some Arabic word, such as *w3dr, or personal 
name'uday, or c uda", "enemies" 58 . As to the geographical name, 0d3 may be connected to the 
Greek [not Aramaic!] name of Edessa, and Arang may reflect *Abgar (though, it may be read 
*Arwand and indicate Orontes). However, the identification of the country with Arabs seems to 
be old, as reflected in an old Avestan gloss, taoziisca t}ar\!>9U^ aiwistSra, where 
tao?ffa~cavias understood as TSzTgSn, "Arabs". Indeed, Ed 31.37-8 (Anklesaria 1956, 
268-9; Anklesaria 1908, Z08.13ff.), which is an abbreviated version of PVd 1.19, has: 

S3nzdahom *Odan Arang pahlom.dad, hunuSak T Tazlgan Odag. u.5 plOySrag 
Sn wSs mad ku.s sardSr pad sardar ne~ dare"nd, ud zamestanaz anGh gray 
bawe"d, ud TazTg abar manend, 

"The 1 6th best created is "Odag Arang, *Odag being the evil offspring of the Arabs. Its 
adversary came to it most as they do not hold chiefs as the chiefs and the winter is there severe. 
The Arabs live there". 



56 Cf. PhlVd 1.19; Mackenzie 1989, p. 548b-549a, noted that Avestan Ragha / Pahlavi Arang, was 
identified with Pahlavi Arwand, property Orontes, but confused with the Tigris. Cf. Shapira 2000. 

57 The w is from Aramaic. 

58 An example of similar plays with Arabic wards we most probably have in Ok 3.184 etc., where the 
name of an Arabian sheik, P3tsraw/Pad0[k]sraw, was perhaps analyzed as containing badw/ba'a'T, 
"bedouin", in his name, cf. below. 



68 

Here, *Odag Arang is the result of a simplification of Oda T *Arawest3n; Qdag became 
connected with Arabs (cf. the latter Arab descent of Qarjrjak) and was identified with a demon 
with the same name (Bd 27.23, Anklesaria 1956, 236-9; Anklesaria 1908, 184.8ff. [TEXT 
XXXII]). 

The next step was making Ooag Dahag's mother (Bd 35.7, Anklesaria 1956, Z9Z-3; 
Anklesaria 1908, 184.8ff.): Dahag 1 Xrutasp T ZSnTgSw ... az mSdaran DaH3g I 
Odag, "Daha"g son of Xrutasp son of ZSnTgSw ... from his mother's side: Dahag son of 
Odag". Actually, this link was probably hinted to already in Bd 31.37, hunugak T TSzTgan 
Odag, cf. PY 51.10h, Dk 9.10.3 (on Wa5aj). DD 78.2 and 8d 35.7 have the name of Dahag's 
father as Xrutasp. 

The theme of Ail Dahaga-'s barrenness as a result of his (hinted) homosexuality is 
referred to in Dk 9.21.5; in Dk 9.21.6 the astral functions of Yima are stressed: 

ud enaz ku: "pusar weTiSndat be Az a- pusTh kard dus.x v arrah [had Sibist 59 
x v ad.kard] T abe kard se"j (kO.S c3rag x v ast ns saySd! ke ne waisd az tan 
[kti paywand azas ne rawed]. 6. u.t gospand 1 fr3x v ,raftar az mardoman 
gadag 60 dared ud to az amah be appurd han T bamTg T rOsn Y1m T Sed T- 
huramag K? pad harwisp w (h'y, J hy?61) abar raslsnlh pad hamag 
zamestan T.s pad hutablSnfh taft [kfl.S gyag pad newagfh kardan be" mad]. 



"And this, too, that they see (look for?) a son, but it is you, Snake, that made them barren 
Oust having given birth), you, that of Evil Destiny! [ie., monstrous self-produced] not- 
completely made draught [that it is impossible to look a remedy for] who does not increase from 
their bodies [i.e., there is no issue proceeding]. You rob from men their wide-going sheep and 
you (A2 1 Dahag) have deprived us of brilliant and bright Royal Yima of goodly flocks, who, at 
every approach of fi'y / 'hy during the whole winter, shone with his good heat [i.e., he came to 
places in order to do good]". 



59 Mole: "NP repugnant"; West: "monster"; SfbSg, "viper", ieblJn, "confusion". 

60 Cf. 2s 32.4; Arabic KDY "to beg", kudyat "begging, mendicity", is perhaps a loan from Iranian. 

61 Tafazzoli 1974a, 120-1, saw here an Avestan transliteration; cf. also Tafazzoli 1989a, 367-8. 
*sayag? West: "in on every evil contingency"; Mole: "tous les fois qu'il y avait ombre". Tafazzoli 
Identified here several translations from Avesta: abar rasls*nTh=.aiw! gatr. J ys es/Ts Av*lsu/ 
aeSkj "rrost", cf.afl"xa->NP yax, "ice"; "to freeze", Vd 9.6: zamo" Isaos aiwi.gaitrm, "on the 
arrival of the cold winter"-zamest3n [1] snernSmand. 



69 

The next paragraph (Dk 9.21.7), as was previously noted, is the place where the stitch 
between two different sources is to be found: 

OsOmand he"h, Bffwarasp, t6-2 be skin, clyOrt Sn dadestan ffdOn ku x v ad3y 
T wad cis 6 T 5d0n wad! amSn awe 1 weh x v aoay kamag bahr abar barlSnTh 
[els awe dahom kB x v ad3yTh 1 weh abSyed ka kun§d]l, 

""Whither away, Bewarasp, and be also broken, according to the law that a bad ruler 
deserves things as bad as he is! We desire a good ruler to bring him our portion (taxes) [I will 
give something to him who will exercize the Good Rule as it should be]"". 

After that, the theme of the battle between Azi DatiagandFredrjn is introduced. Itisknown 
from many sources, cf., ag., Bd Z9.9 [TEXT XXXIII], This tradition was well known also outside 
Iran proper. Armenian [Pseudo-] Movses XorenacM (cf. Thomson 1980. 126-8) wrote in 
his "From the Fables of the Persians": 

"...Then a certain Hrudffn bound him (Blurasp) with bronze links (sare*ok c pinde"ok c ) 
and led him to the mountain called Dembavend 62 ; and On the journey HrudSn fell asleep and 
Biurasp dragged him to the hill; and Hrudffn woke up arid led him to a cave in the mountain and 
bound him and placed himself there opposite him as a monument 63 (zink'n anori anddem 
nora hastatei); cowed by him, [Biurasp] remained subject to his chains (slt'ayicn 64 ) and 
was unable to go out and ravage the earth" [Thomson's translation adopted, with a slight addition]. 

This legend, derived from Armenian sources, was known also in Georgia as well. According to 
the Qartfis Cxovreba, "Georgian Chronicle", the Caucasian peoples, defeated by the Khazars, called 
to support Iranians, with their leader Ap'r i doni, "who tied with a chain Bevrasp , lord of 



62 Dam aw and; cf. ZWY 9.4, Bd 29.9. 

63 Compare IWY 9.15, Jtifb, cf. further. 

6* A different word used; Sit'ay is an Aramaic loan word, according to HUbschmarm 1897, 314, from 
ses"alta, SffSMta, 'Kette\ A contamination with Aramaic "silts, "a tod of control", is also 
possible. 



70 

serpents, and fastened him on a mountain which is inaccessible for men" 65 . 

The Mandsean fflnza Rabba has similar traditions (translated in Lidzbarski 1925, 411): 

"Nacti ihm war KOnig ASagan (Arsacids). Er regierte 470 Jahre. Nach ihm war Kfinig 
Diamsid, den man KCnig Salomon, Sohn des David, nennt. Er regierte 1000 Jahre; 900 Jahre 
auf der Erde und 100 Jahre im Himmel. Nach ihm war Kdnig Bruq...(?)" [GR 383.1 0-1 3 66 ]; 

"Hemach war Asdahag, Sohn des Asfag 67 , den man KOnig Bahr3n 68 nennt Er regierte 
300 Jahre. Nach ihm war KOnig Farlddn, Sohn des Tibian (*A6B1ya"n). Er regierte 450 
Jahre. Nach ihm war Pasm {*Sam?j-Nariman, den man den Fesseler des Karkum 69 nennt. 
Er regierte 500 Jahre" [GR 382.20-25 70 ]. 

Here the basic scheme of the consequent rulers is preserved: Ds'ams'la (Yima), Asdahag 
( Azdatiag, equated with an usurper called *Bahr3m), *Fre"doTi, *SSm- Nar-rmSn. 

These legends demonstrate the vast dissemination of material relating to Fre d<5n and A21 
DahSg in neighbouring cultures. This fact may probably reflect that the importance of the 
narrative of FrffdSn and Azi Oahag in the popular Iranian religion was greater than in the 



65 Translated in Thomson 1996, 16; Georgian (ed. Qauxfisvlli 1955, 13.1-2: "romelman 
SekTa Ja£ c v1ta bevraso'l, guella up c ali, da daaba mtasa zeda, romel ars k'act 
s eu va 1 1 o". Armenian version (Thomson 1 996, 1 6): "Abriton of whom they say that by magic he bound 
in Iron bonds the lord of serpents called Biwrasp". 

66 wlabatrh. hwti asgan malka akal arblma wsubin snla wlabatt-h, hwh, d[a]s"mild 
malka aSllmun malka br dawttf qar-nh akal alpa dSnla t§1ma barqa umia bUima 
wlabatrb hum <>ruq mafki 

67 Clwrty, the name contains the Iranian word ffsp-: *B£warasp? *Xrud3sp? 

68 A piece of Sasanian agitprop against Bahnsm Cob en, which makes it possible to date this particular 
Mandaean passage. 

69 Karkum is a demon, cf- Drower & ^acuch 1963, 201 b; his epithets in the Mandate tradition leave no 
doubt that his name is a distortion of the original *karum, 'kwum [assimilated into the older Judaso- 
Gnostic Giant partem], the Kirm, "Worm", of KaTnamag 1 ArdaseT 1 Pabagan [KNAPI; he was a 

relative to iasdis tab/an, who is Artaban [cf. Grower & Macuch 1 963, 1 79a & 1 86b], the last Arsacid 
king; in KNAP the episods Df Artaban and Kirm are combined. It seems that in Sasanian Iran the older 
myth of Fre dffn's overcoming of Oahag was doubled by a newer myth, that of the overcoming of Kirm 
by a Sasanian long [e.g., by Ardas'Gr], 

70 wlabatrh hwt± asdahag br aspag dbahran malka qarllQ akal tlatma Snia wlabatrh 
hwh. parldun br tibian malka akal ai-bima whamsin snia wlabatrti hwh pasm nariman 
Hasrh. flkarkum qarlld akal hamisma Snla. 



71 
priestly tradition of the Zoroastrian books as it is known now. The extant redaction of the short 
account of Dk 8.13.8-9 (DkM 689.6-10) [TEXT XXXIV], derived from the genealogical Clhrdad 
Mask, was clearly made after the Arab assault and the fall of Sasanian Iran and could hardly 
genuinely reflect the Sasanian version. It is not difficult to see how close this account is to 
Firdawsf's version. The only difference is that the poet made the father of the three daughters 
king of Yemen and did not tell us his name. 

The king's name PStsraw means something like "gloriosus" 7 1 (in Sah-NSmah: Sarw), a 
proper name for a king 72 ; it was taken from a lost Zand to the Nask of Good Rule, a survival of 
which we find in PVd 20.1, where Patsraw is mentioned in a gloss: bahrfjmandSn 
[tuwSnTgSn ciyfln Patsraw], "wealthy in portions (taxes) [rich like Patsraw]". 
rendering Avestan yatamamtam. In Dk 3.184 (DkM 197.17) Patsraw is praised for his 
bahru"<man>dTh, "his endowment with a lot". One may suggest that the traditions derived from 
Y SI. la and Vd 20.1 were combined. This person is mentioned for another time in 
"SahrestanTha T Era"n", § 50: 

u.S daSt 1 TazTg pad x v es7h ud azadTh 73 be o Buxt-Xusraw 1 TazTg S3h dad, 
paywand darisn T x v e"S dad, "...and the Arabian plain was given by him [by Fredffn] into 
possession and inheritance to Buxt-Xusraw the Arabian king for the maintenace of his 
offspring". 

Here, Buxt-Xusraw is a variant for Patsraw, being perhaps derived from a popular 
tradition. The same popular tradition we find in another Sasanian text, namely, in "Day Har-otof 
the Month Frawardfn" § 12-14, cf. Harkwart & Messina 1931, 100-1 [TEXT XXXV]. The 
passage seems to be pre-lslamic; it is reminiscent of PVd 1.19 in the distinction it makes 
between Arabs (TazTg) and Turks (Avestan TaozHa-, Pahlavi Tffz), cf. Anklesaria 1949, 
1 3. We have another reference to this Arabian king in a Dk passage where *o"dag, whatever the 
meaning here, is referred to: Dk 7.1.34 (DkM 597.19-598.3) |TEXT XXXVI]. There is thus 



71 Cf. Justi 189S, 246a: "rOhmlich". 

72 Does it, in addition, contain a hint to the Arabic badw / badT? 

73 On the meaning, cf. Penkhanian 1968, 9-16: ibid., 1973, 445-6; iWo',1963, 223-5, having 
compared, i.a., With Armenian azatout'iiwi, "heritage, inheritance" and ManMPrs 1 t')z > dy, 
■inheritance", and arguing that the meaning Df azad is broader, than just "free". This theory of 
Penkhanian was accepted by Nyberg 1974, 41. However, the reading "3ba"dTh", "cultivation", on 
which cf. Snaked 1974a, 239-245, is also possible. 



72 
sufficient evidence to conclude that the compilers] of the Pahlavi Zands have referred in their 
work to many texts. 

Dk 9.21.8-9 begins with abar followed by an Infinitive, probably thus indicating that a new 
f ragard of a Zand is quoted: 

ud abar wanTdan T Freddn DahSg margenTdan ray wazr abar 
palfg 74 ud dil mastargaz zadan ud ne murdan T Dahag az h3n zanlSn ud pas 
pad safSer zadan ud pad fradom didTgar sidTgar zan1s"n az tan T Dahag was 
e"wenag xrafstr wastan, 

"and about the vanquishing of Dahag by Fre"do"n, wishing to destroy him with blows of the 
dub on the nape of the neck, on his chest, on his skull, too, (but) Dahag. did not die from those 
blows. Then he smote him with (his) sword, and on the first, on the second, and on the third 
blow, many kinds of noxious creatures were bursting like a rain / turning out" 75 . 

This scene is the reverse reflection of one clearly reminiscent of the famous Bull-Slaying 
Motif in the Western Mithraism where a scorpion, a snake and a dog are seen near the dying Bull, 
from whose blood all the good things were produced. This motif finds a parallel in the events that 
took place in 2nd stage of creation (cf. Kreyenbroeck 1 992, 60). In our text here, the world had 
not known any noxious creatures; they were not produced at an earlier stage when Ahriman was 
trying to produce his counter-creations; it was only after Yima's death that they sprung. 

Ylma was killed by Dahag; his death surely was seen originally as a sacrifice of sorts, but 
drought and distress were caused as a consequence of this act; stopping of waters from flowing and 
of plants from growing ascribed to Ahriman in Y 1 3 (cf. Kreyenbroeck 1 992, 62), but in our 
text they are actually the acts of A? I Dahag (h§z T awastar 7G );goodthingsmust havebeen 
produce from Yima's body, but instead, FredSn is ordered not to kill Dahag in revenge, lest 
worst things would be produced. As it is Dahag's death that would produce noxious living 
creatures, he must be kept alive, to prevent greater harm to the work). According to the logic of 
the myth, it must be the [benevolent?] death of someone else that had produced the good living 
things. Indeed, a survival of this myth is to be found in Bd 6e.2, where we are told that some 
plants sprung from the limbs of the Bull. The text continues (Dk.9.21.1 0): 



74 Cf.Herviing 1946,729. 

75 A slightly different translation in Wifrrams 1990, II, 223. 

76 In Vd 13.51 it is stated that the udra- ("otter") killer produces drought and destruction of pastures, 
haecG karanaoiti yat auuastram, glossed as husk kune~d a.wastar [sahmj. 



73 

gurtan 1 D3daT T Ohrmazd FrSden kO.S ma kirrenSh Ice Dahag ce" agaraz 
kirrenSh Dahag, purr Sn zamlg kunffd az gsz udarasag pafdom ud karbdg / 
karbunag ud kasug ud wazaif". abag ewfinag T bastan I pat) 3keft band andar 
gra"ntom patifrah T "zindsn, 

"(about) Die speech of the Creator Ohrmazd toFredon, saying: 'Do not saw 77 him who is 
Dahag, because if you do saw Dahag, he will make the earth full of serpents (gaz) , "otters 
(udarasag), scorpions (gafdom), lizards (karbag/karbunag). tortoises (kasdg) and 
frogs (wazar)". (And about) the mode of binding him w jth awful fetters in the most severe 
punishment of imprisonment". 

This passage deserves a special attention, as it is modeled on certain Zands made from Avestan 
originals. The question arises whether there was an Avestan Voriage, and in this case we have 
here a survival of a non-Zoroastrian myth, or we have here a blend of traditions derived from 
different sources and arranged ata late date. 

The translation "lizards* for karbag/karbunag is used here only for convenience, as this 
is indeed the meaning in Persian 78 . A similar problem of a [pseudo-] zoological identification 
one encounters also in the case of "otter" 7 9 ; an almost identical sequence one finds in Dk 7 .4,60 
(where the context is different), purr gaz udarasak ud karbug ud plzdfjg ud waza?, 
translated by Mole 1967, 52-3, as serpents reptiles, de lizards, de ctiarencons et de grenouilles. 
The glossar in Mote's edition of Dk 7 translates udarasak 79 (Mole 1967, 310, 158) qui 
marche sur le ventre, referring also to our passage in Dk 9. The difference between the two lists 
is that Dk 9 has "tortoises (kasfJg)" where Dk 7 has "weevil (eharencons, plzdag)", which 
are graphically similar. The difficulty is that both beaver and otter are seen as Ohrmazd 
creatures. It must be thus that some specific kind is meant here. 



77 However, FrSdOntransgressed the command of Ohrmaitf, cf. PRDD 47.9 (Williams 1990, 1 , 170- 
1, II, 78): &.$ FrSdon haxt awe.z ohrmazd tar menTd ti.s pad h9n tar menlintn aS 
Zarman abar Sbast u.S tan T y v eSsz pad Kudenag tuwSn bod dSstan azss se gam ta.S 
pe~rjm6n hamS petTt hend, "And he [Ohrmazd] instructed FrCdSnc (but) he also despised 
Crirmazd, and for that contempt of his, Zarma"n then fell upon him, and with a mallet (?) he was able 
to keep his body three paces fmm him until those around him repented". 

78 For Khwarazmian, cf. also Henning 1951, 45. 

79 However, it is not impossible to see here a combination Df rfsOg, "weasel", with udrag, "otter", 

Avestan udra-. 



74 

As there are some canine species of xrafstras, there were perhaps some otter and beaver-like 
xrafsrras. Kapadia 1 957, 324, observed that the texts seem to confuse "beaver", babrag, with 
"otter / water-dog 80 ". Indeed, the confusion might go back to a PSzand gloss: the Arestan 
udra-, "otter", looks very much the same as the Pahlavi babrag 81 ; on the other hand, it may 
be that babrag T 3bTg was read as *bewarasp or *be"war.az (cf. also Kapadia 1953, 
324). In the passage in which a parallel list is found (PVd 1 4. 5 [TEXT XXXVIVJ) the Avestan 
terms are rendered as follows: 

azlnam udarO.erasanam aiT uoYasag 

ajfnam spakanam kahrpunanam afv sag karbQg 
kasliapanam kasag 

wazayanam daSmalnllanam wazar T abig" 2 ; 

AiW 387 translates udaro-erasa as kriechend, it regards uSVasag as an unreadable 
combination of Pahlavi letters, glossed pad Skamb dwarSd, "running-daevically on the 
beJJy"; karbag/karbunag ( •kalh)rpuna[g]) in Dk 9.21.10 is a transliteration of the 
Avestankahrpuna-, "cat", New Persian gurbah, found in PVd 14.5, where karbug / 
karp<un>ag is rendering (caWpuna-, which is aff.spaka-, "dog-serpent", Pahlavi az T 
sag; zoologically very different animals are designated as serpent- /dragon-like or of canine 
nature; it implies, i.a., that there are also canine xrafstras, an observation that reminds us again 
of the dog and the serpent in the Bull-Slaying Scene. Other parallels are to be found in Bd 1 4a.B- 
10, cf. Zaehner 1955, 236 (esp. n.1) [TEXT XXXVIII]; another translation of Avestan 
udarfj.erasa- is ul.gazfs'ri, as in PVd 18.73 [TEXTXXXJX]. 

There are some other parallels to the idea of letting loose noxious creatures over the earth, 
cf., eg., Bd 14.15 (the list is slightly different: gzdwm klbyl kSwk W wzg); some 
parallels are to be found in PRDD 21, Williams 1 990, I, 113ff.; tmsl. II, 45ff.; notes 11,1 69ff., 
and in Bd 2 2.1 Off. It is Ahriman who takes the shape of a frog, de"s T wazag® 3 , and the scene 
just depicted in the De"nkard passage seems to be an exactly reversed version of the Mithraic 



80 Combining together udra and sag. 

81 Cigjj J 4j : ). In Pashto, Babrak is used as a masculine personal name. 

62 The Pahlavi text is corrupt here. 

63 GrBd 39.1 If, IndBd B.6ff. [Ch.3], composite text in Widengren 1967, 338-9; cf. Benveniste 1932- 
33; Zaehner 1955, 355-360. 



75 
Bull-Slaying Scene, not an echo of the Zoroastianized version of the bull-slaying (itself being a 
development of the ancient myth); as a whole, the Of nKarfl passage seems to be composed from 
elements taken from Zands. 

Turning now to Dk 9.21. 11 -13, the passage as a whole seems to be a translation from 
Avestan, or is, at least, likely to have incorporated some lines, especially in § 12, taken from 
such a translation. Some mythical references cannot be identifiable. 

The golden sufra of the Az1 Dahag must be that robbed by him from Yima (cf. Vd 2.6) 
whom he murdered. The Pahlavi sGlaKSmand / sfjraxffmand, "something hollow, having a 
hole", translates Avestan surram and suwraya in Vd 2.7, 18, 3D. The Avestan word was 
frequently taken to mean "arrow" [e.g., AiW: "Pfeil") 84 ; in fact, however, Avestan has two words 
for "arrow", - 1s u- and tiyrl-, but the PamTrr languages do have sarv, serv, sarv 
(WaxF); surv (HunjD; surv (Yidga), all meaning "a hole" 85 ; that makes possible to 
interpret the Avestan suw ra as "something with a hole, with an eye", as the Pahlavi Zsnddoes, 
with its sQragOmand, "having a hole", cf. New Persian sorax / suiax, "a hole". Thus our 
Avestan word must mean "a ring" 86 , with Avestan suTa-, "a hole", and Afghan surai, ibid., 
being variants. Nevertheless, in our Pahlavi context the word clearly means "trumpet" 87 , not 
"ring", Tafazzoli 1977, 25-35, stressed that the meaning "something having a hole" > "trumpet" 
follows a Sasanian exegetic tradition. The later tradition kept this meaning: the versions dating 
from Islamic times have Persian gawdumb. Arabic maSarat or nafTr, where Middle 
Persian has sGragOmand. Yima's su&ra", sufra" [in India Yama has his nacjya-3 is the same 
word as Hebrew SeriaT, strange Syriac form STaOrS and Jewish Aramaic 



84 After the Shugnarii surb "arrow", but according to Abayev 1984, 3, such a Shuynani word is a ghost- 
entry. 

85 Cf. Abayev 1984, 3 n. 12. 

86 If "a ring" was the original - and known - meaning of the word, it has perhaps something to do w,th 
the "5eal of Solomon" in Jewish and Muslim legends; as well known, King Solomon and Jams JO 
coalecsed in folklore. Note the gloss to PhlVd 2.6, where sUraxffmand is found: muhrag.dastag, "a 
hand-seal". In Vd Z.30, 38 it is perhaps implied that the vara was sealed by suwrS-; however, the 
expression is obscure and it was from there that the idea of Dahag's drawing people and wealth to 
himself was derived. It is of interest to note in passing that a similar notion is given hi Bwismmp 
XnefiHHKoa's poam "TpySa ryjlt-Uynna". The "Avestan" sources of this Russian poet of the first quarter 
of this century deserve a special study. 

87 Cf. Tafazzoli 1977; Duchesne-Guillemin 1979. 



sippuTS / STeara (whence New Persian saipu'r), Arabic sayf 0T; the Quranic SuT is an 

Iranian loan word, taken directly from the word continuating the Avestan lemma in question 88 . 

The blowing of a trompet was regarded as an angelic act of deliverance in the Near East; it was 
perhaps under the impact of Yima's pastoral trumpet, so badly abused by Dahag, that the notion 
of using it in proclaiming the final deliverance was developed. Yima's pastoral functions, and his 
title as "possessing good flocks" are to be compared to Mithra's appellative "possessing wide 
pastures". With his trumpet, Yima assembles human prototypes into his vara, a function 
comparable in the tradition (cf. WZs 35.2D) to those of the Saosyants who shall use 
gawdumb or nanr. 

The Middle Persian rendering sQraxo'mandof the Avestan sufra- 89 is thus adequate . 
With Jews of the so-called "Intertestamental" period, Suriei, whose name was formed from the 
word continuing Avestan sufra-, became one of the four archangels 9 '; in Qumran, the names of 
Suriei and Uriel frequently interchange. Suriei is the death angel with Ethiopian Beta-lsraer' 
( (Suryai, appearing in such works as "Death of Moses" and the [Christian] "Apocalypse of 
Baruch" 93 ) and Mandaaans (§uriel); rsrarri of the Islamic tradition might represent a 
contamination with sSraf, "Seraphin" . 

Pahlavi *x v astag T abaylSnTg (Dk 9.21.13) was translated by me here "desirable 
wealth", while the Arabic version [Text XL] rendered it more precisely, cjabbaf faTIha, 
"comely cattle" 9 5 . It was the cattle requested by Dahag to feed his snakes, as we know from 
Sail- Nsmah and other sources. The only difference with the Pahlavi text is that in the Arabic 
version Dahag has seven trumpets, while in the Dk text it is stated, too, that he ruled all over 



88 Cf. Duchesne-Guillemin 1979, 545. The instrument's name occurs in the Middle Persian text 
"Xusraw ud Rffdag". §62, as iejwlt", sQrStlk; Unvala 1 917, 28, did not read it; Monchi-Zadeh 19B2, 
76 (and n. 98), reads sui^pfk, "Pandean flute"; sflrna, soma. sOTnSy, zurna are connected, 

89 Still, we do not, actually, know what the Avestan meaning of the word was; it is possible that the 
original meaning "cup" (qnd^ii) survived In the 5cythian myth reported by Herodotes, on which cf. 
Benveniste 193B. 

90 ftce Bailey 1943, 219 n. 1. 

91 Cf . Duchesne-Guillemin 1 979; cf. also in Polotsky 1 937. 

92 Wrongly nick-named "Falashas". 

93 Cf. Leslau 1951, 165 n. 3; 181 n. 26. 

94 As was observed by Caquot, quoted spud Duchesne-Guillemin 1 979, 549. 

95 In many language the shift "wealth" > "cattle" and vice versa is recorded; cf. English "cattle" from 
Middle Latin cap[i]taie, "la tete de bat-ail", Duchesne-Guillemin 1979, 542, or Arabic ra's ma"l etc.; as 
was noted above. Classical Georgian xuastapi means both "wealth" and "cattle". 



77 
the 7 k1S wars; the Pahlavi passage uses two different words for "women", [ne"wag]caradlg 

andzan (Dk 9.21.12-13), for which the Arabic has Ja"riya frasana. 

It seems that this was DahSg himself who established fires to protect the horses of his own 
bad impact (Dk 9.21.15). However, Af 1 Dahag was a good ruler in certain regards: he "acted 
in a mixed way" (pad gumgzag warzid, Dk 9.21.16), and in Dk 9.21. 18 , the people came to 
FrffdSn complaining about his smiting of Azf Dahag. The reason given by them is the 
protection given by him from the Ma"zandara"niar»s. As far as 1 can see, this explanation is 
uniqje in the Pahlavi tradition. However, the tradition preserved with the Armenian (pseudo-] 
f1ovse"s Xorenac'i (cf. Thomson 1980) knows about this ambivalence of Af1 Danag: 
Movse"s Xorenac'i mentions in his "From the Persian Legends ii" (end of Book I) the 
"maleficent benevolence", anbari barerarowt c 1wn, of Blurasp Azdahak, which 
consisted of his giving up the royal ceremonies, epecially that of "pardah / «hlJ3b 96 :"he 
allowed his friends [bare"Kamacn] to come and go as freely at night as in the day. And this is his 
so-called first maleficent kindness" [translated in Thomson 1980, 128]. 

According to xorenac' I, the real name of B1w rasp (otherwise, with XorenacM, a fairly 
good transliteration of an Iranian form with an 3 ida~fah: bewarasp T afdahak) was 
Kentaup Plwrida. Now, bffwar means "a myriad" (10 000), and asp means "a horse"; it 
was this association with horses that probably urged Dahag to establish fires to protects these 
animals from his own affliction (Ok 9.21 .1 5). The Greek Kevtaupo; was a mythical equid, half- 
horse (*asp), half-man, thus we have a Greek "translation" transliterated into Armenian by 
Kentaur;asto Pi wrlda, this form is itself a Greek transliteration of be" war > 
*Bn/^[o]pi6ot Why *-6og became -da in Armenian, I cannot explain 97 , but the alteration B/P 
is normal in Armenian dialects: in those of the West, close to the Greek-speaking areas, the Greek 
B in loan-words from this language was pronounced by the Armenians as their P. It seems that 
"the real name" (i.e., its Greek form; Xorenac'i often uses this expression when he wishes to 
equate some Oriental personage with its Greek counterpart) of Biwrasp was taken from 
Western Armenians 98 . To sum up: bewar = Piwridaand asp = Kentaur. Xorenad's 

source was Greek, i.e., the Greek tradition knew of material derived from X v aday- N3mag 
better than is generally accepted. 



96 On these, cf. Shaked 1932a. 

97 Otherwise, only if one presupposes an Aramaic intermediary. 
93 Compare now Hambartsoumian 1998, 



78 

Here a new passage begin, combining extremely old historical-mythological material dating to 
the Iranian expansion into Western Iran" with mythologized historical traditions of the Late 
Sasanian period about the occupation of Yemen and the razzias of North-Caucasian nomads through 
Darband Pass 1 00 . 

This mythological account of the second part of Dk 9.Z1 (§§1 1 -24) was introduced into the 
Avesta perhaps during the reign of the royal codifier of the Sacred Corpus Xusraw I AnGSurwan, 
S62-S72, who occupied Yemen and repelled the nomads going on razziahs via Northern Caucasus. 
Samran is an old corruption for HumeTarVHimeYan (Syriac and Arabic fjimyar. Ga'ez 
hi Sine" r, Greek 'CviPiwi) 101 , i.e., fjimyar in Yemen called Hamawaran (Firdawsr has 
Hamawaran as well) in Middle Persian 102 . It is there (Sambara n / Hamawaran) that 
Kay K30S 1 03 was taken captive with all his army and freed by ROstahm. The whole setting of 
the story is referred to in the already quoted Dk 8.12.1 3 1 ^ 4 . This passage seems to blur up 
Yemen with a land in nazandaran, perhaps, because the Sasanian 1 os conquest of Yemen was 
carried out by the 800 Daylamite soldiers 1 "°. Yemen was under Sasanian sway for a long time, 
and there are some indications that it was via Yemen (with Hirah, Bat) rain and 'Oman, too), 
that Iranian ideas, conceptions and loan words 107 entered the Arab world and the Arabic 
language 108 , and it isTemen/Ma'zanda ran that 2WY 6.8 refers to. In the already quoted 



99 Cf. Burrow 1973. 

100 Cf. Marquart 1901, 26ff., and NBIdeke 1915. 

101 Cf. Marquart 1901, 26 n.l, Martwart & Messina 1931, 101 ff. (cf. for variants, cf. also Bd 33.9; 
ed. AnWesaria, 212.10; 213.2). 

102TheManda»anGinzaRabbahas6ee Simraye, Bee Slnd, Bee HlndQwayG; cf. alsoTaraum of 

Chronicles 1 1:9; sometimes Samaran was confused with Samarkand; the campaign to r1a"zandara~n in 

Sahnamah is secondary and based on Yemen, cf. Noldeke 1915, 598 n. 3. 

103 But cf. also Dk 9.224, where he is said to ward off theMazanlg [t13zandar3nr} demons. 

104 Cf. Chapter I. Appendix: han 1 X v 3nTrah x v ad3y FrGdOn sraw pad wSnTdan 1 Dahag, 
zadan T Mazandaran seh ud baxtan t XanTrah pad Salm ud TOz ud Eric 1-s 3 pus.., etc. 

105 Yemen was occupied, c/rca 562-572, by Xusraw I. AnGsurwan. 

106 As to Oayiam / Samrin association with FredOn, it Is to be noted that the cult of Frffdan was 
curTfint in Daylam, Minonsky 1983, 190b. 

107 Among some words regarded as Hrmyaritic in native Arabic dictionaries (cf. Beloua 1987, 159) 
some are those recognized a long ago as Iranian (like dbr r zbr, "to write'). 

108 On evaluation of the pre-tslamic Arabo-Persian relations, cf. Bausani 1971, 72. Texts in Pahlavi 
related to Jews and Judaism were lately assembled, in Shaked 1 990a; It should be worth to assemble the 
Pahlavi texts dealing with Arabs. 



79 
ShatiMstanTha" T EraTi § SO we read: sahhstan 1 Samran Fredfln T A6£e"na"n kard 
Q.S *Ma[nls,ar 109 T Samran sa"h dzad u.s zamTg T Samran abSz xvesTh T 
EranSahr awurd u.5 daSt T Tazlg pad xvesfh ud 5za"dTh be 5 Buyt-Xusraw 110 T 
razTg sJh dad. pay wand darlsn t xves <J3d, 

"the town of Samran was built by FredCn son of AeBe"n and he killed *Ma[n]5UT king of 
SamrSn, and he made the land of SamrSn the property of Era n, and the Arabian steppen were 
given by him into possession and inheritance to Buxt-Xusraw the Arabian king for the 
maintanance of his offsprings". 

The name of this city / country was rightly connected (Nyberg 1964, 105) to an important 
DeTikard passage [TEXT XLI]. This passage demonstrates the difficulties posed by some late 
Pahlavi texts as the legendary stuff derived, sometimes, from non-Iranian sources, got 
interwoven with genuine historical traditions. 

This particlar text was arranged lately after the Arab 1 ' ' onslaught, as indicated by the 
reference to the Zoroastrian sage bearing a post-Sasanian title, a contemporary of al-rla=mu"n, 
together with the Arabic name X a"l Id (if read correctly). Nabuchadnezzar 1 1 z is here an Iranian 
general, bearing a good Iranian name of Buxt- Narseh 113 . According to the Arabo-Persian 
tradition, Buxt al-Nagr (=Buxt.Narseh) was a general of luhrjsp 114 ; the problem 
whether the Arabic form Buxt al- Nas. r has influenced, in the post-Sasanian epoch, the Iranian 
Bux t- Narseh, or the way around, cannot be solved here. However, if it was the Iranian form 
which has influenced the Arabic one, and this seems not entirely impossible as the Arabic form 
includes Buxt, an element looking all too much Iranian, and bearing in mind that the Arabic form 



109 However, Nyberg's reading of "Mex-var for *Ma[n]s.0T (Markwart & Messina 1931, 101-2) is 
to be rejected. 

110 I prefer the reading Buxt-Xusraw rather than Bsxt-Xusraw. This is the reading in "The Day HaYfft 
of the Month Frawardln" § 14, Marqwart & Messina 1931, 101. "The Day HSrOt of the Month 
Frawardrn" was composed under Xusraw II. circa 60B CE, cf. West 1904, 111. 

111 As Bausani 1 971 , 58, has noted, the Arabs were quite frequent mentioned in the texts dated from 
the Sasanian Period and it is therefore wrong to think of the Moslem invasion as the first occasion on 
which there was contact between Arabs and Persians. 

112 For this identification, cf. Gray 1904, Gray 190S, 465, Gray 1906, 189. The question of the 
historicity of such an identification must not bother us here, as there is nothing historical about our text 
(cmp. Shaked 1990a, 90). 

113 One would speculate whether some memory of Mihr-NarsSh, the prime minister of Yazdgird II, 
renowned for his refutation of the Christians, could be Tracked down in this personage. 

114 For sources cf. Tafazzoli 1 364, 46 n. 1. 



BO 
would rather reproduce a Synac form if having been appeared in Arabic only after Islam, then, 
one could perhaps speculate about some traces of Irano-Mesopotamian 1 ' 1 '5 syncretism as at [east 
Nebuchadnezzar is concerned. Here, the evil Mesopotamian king is a general of Wist asp's 
father, who went to conquer Jerusalem. Jerusalem was mentioned also in MX 26.64-6 [TEXT 
XLII], under another name. 

This text taken from the Me"r>o"g T Xrad, generally held to be a Sasanian composition 1 ' 6 , 
unlike our De~nkard passage, does not mention anygeneral of LuhrSsp. It is the Kayanian king 
himself who performed the deeds generally attributed to Nebuchadnezzar. Jerusalem is designated 
as a "Jewish" city, not as a Byzantine one, which bears in Dk 5.1 a clearly Arabic name of Bayta' 
^aqdis' 17 , and itsname is in accordartce with the Aramaic tradition 1 18 . Tliert^ T Xrad 
passage must be, then, a product of a late Sasanian pseudo-historiography 1 1 9 . The passage in 
question has nothing to do with the liberation of Jenisalem from the Byzantine yoke in 614 CE: 
the situation then was completer/ different, the Jews saw Persians as liberators, Jerusalem was 
not Jewish in any political sense, and the Jews were not dispersed by the Persians - there were 
rather the Christians who were oppressed by the Persians and Jews 1 z 0. 



115 I use here "Mesopotamian" in the most vague sense. It might include Jewish, Christian-Aramaic and 
genuine Assyro-Babyloman traditions. Shaked 1 987 and Ehaked 1990 spoke of tej mages semit/ses and 
these two terms would be overlapping. 
116Cf. Tafaizoli 1992, 554-5. 

117 Against the Hebrew "Bet ha-fUqdSs' or the Syriac 'Bffl MaqdaSa; the vowet after Bayt- must 
represent, in a distorted form, the Arabic definite article al-. This combination of the post-Sasanian 
Arabic name (perhaps, erroneously and anachronicticaliy Aramieized?) with the attribution to the city to 
the Byzantine Empire is typical for all this Ok 5.1 passage. 

1 18 It would be better *tJroyie"m, however. But the difference is small and could be easily explained 
by many factors, which have not to bother us here. 

119 On the other hand, unlike in our Dk passage, where Jerusalem is called "Byzantine", reflecting the 
actuai political situation of the early years of the 7th century, our MX text calls Jerusalem "Jewish", 
clearly, under the impact of the rarer Islamic tradition. The conclusion is that the word "Jewish" is a 
post-Sasanian gloss. 

1 20 Jews generally welcomed the Persian troops, according to a long history of Persophile attitudes. 
Byzantine sources stress the point of Jewish defectors. In 609 the Jews of Antloch revolted, they killed 

the Patriarch and helped Persians in the next year to seize the city. In 610, the Jews of Tyre (4,000 
strong) revolted, though unsuccessfully. In the Land of Israel the Jews counted 1 % to 2 5 *t, especially 
in the Galilee. Led by Binjamtn of Tiberias, Jewish insurgents opened the way to Caesaria, the capital of 
the province. It seems that the Persians promised to give Jerusalem back to the Jews. When in 614 the 
city fell, Sahrawa"z established in it a sort of Jewish administration. A Jew accepted the name 
Nechemia and tried to re-establish the sacrifices. Many Christians were cruelly killed during the war, 
with Jews taking a vivid part in these killings; many others were sold by Jews as slaves. There are 
sources teJJino as that the Jews killed the slaves who refused to convert to Judaism. Corpses were 
prohibited to be buried. However, in 617 the Jewish administration of Jerusalem was abolished and 
again, the Jews were prohibited to settle in Jenisalem. In 629-30 the Byzantines returned. In 628 the 
Emperor save an amnesty to the Edessan Jews, and so in Tiberias. In Jerusalem first the collaborants, 
and then all the Jews were persecuted. Many Jews, including Benjamin of Tiberias, converted to 
Christianity. In 632 all the Jews in the Empire- were ordered to convert. 



81 

The Persians destroyed all the churches in Palestine except one - the Church of the Nativity -, 

where they rightly identified the adoring Magi on the frescos as their compatriots wearing 

Sasanian garb 121 . Thus, the henffg T Xrad passage was composed ante 614 CE, while the 

Denkard passage, depending on it (or, Dn a closely associated tradition) reflects some knowledge 

of the Last Sasano-Byzantine War 1 22 . 

In the light of all this evidence, one has to draw the conclusion that the tradition of sacking 
Jerusalem by an Iranian king (or, his general) was known in Iran prior 614 CE; this tradition 
was a part of the late Sasanian polemic against the proselytizing Judaism; it was provoked by the 
Jewish tradition of Cynis, thus implying that this Jewish tradition was known to the Iranian 
priests-scribes. As Shaked 1 990a, 90, noted, the idea of the synthesizing history as known from 
the Arabo-Persian sources is not a product of the period of these sources, but a heritage from the 
Sasanian era, and in this context of a synthesized popular Irano-Mesopotamian pseudo- 
historiography, the suggestion of 9uxt al-Nagr's being influenced by the earlier 
Buxt.Narseh, makes better sense. 

If so, although our Denkard passage is, as was said above, far later than theMenflg T Xrad 
passage, the notions of LuhrSsp's or Buxt-Narse"h's destroying Jerusalem might be two 
parallel, and Sasanian, traditions. 

The strange thing about Dk 9.Z1 is that this chapter, being a midrashic commentary on the 
Yasna of Good Rule, gives us no examples of a model ruler; it consists of an account of a good king 
who warded off the evil and ruled over the whole world, but was sawn by another king, actually, a 
tyrant, whose deeds were a mixture of good and evil; this one also ruled over the whole world. 
Later he was overcome by a hero, FredSn, whose lordship expanded only as far as the Continent 

ofX v anTrah, i.e„ Iran only. 

He expelled those of the Maz a ndarSn country who tried to seize the Continent of X v an T rah, 
i.e., Iran, and it is even stated (Dk 9.21 .24) that some people of MSiandaran came later to 
X v anrrah, i.e., Iran, in search of wisdom. It is difficult not to see here a description of the Late 
Sasanian conditions, when the hopes to restore the rule of the kings of old of the Continent of 
X v a n 1 ra h over the oecumeneevaporated and the rulers of Iran were forced to content with what 
they had. The coming of spiritual chiefs of Mazandaran to Iran in search of wisdom must be 
interpreted as a reference to the spread of Zoroastrianism into far-flung areas, somewhere 



121 Cf. Russell 1990-91, 143-4. 

1 22 The Sasanian wish to reconquer Syria and Egypt, the lost Achemaenian provinces in the West 
apeared almost immediately after the new dynasty has arisen, cf. Lettre de Tansar, 548. 



82 
outside the borders of Sasanian Iran, and also probably as a hint to the legend of the Avesta 
dispersed amongst the nations after Alexander's onslaught. The Good Rule in the Sasanian political 
philosophy was held to be the guidance of the Lord Wisdom. The nations not ruled by the 
Zoroastrian Law were doomed to suffer from the, politically, Bad Rule, as DkM 25.15 [TEXT 
XLIII] may well indicate. This passage is seen as reflecting the Uigur (called plainly "Turks") 
Manichaeism' , and as one of the few non-Muslim sources to make note of Khazar Judaism 1 ^. 
It would be better for the Byzantines and the Turks, from the Sasanian point of view, to convert to 
Zoroastrianism and to be ruled by the Sasanian Good Rule 1 ^5. 

Though it was stated in a text (MX 21.25-6 [Text XLIV]), which refers to Sasano-Byzantine 
and Sasano-Turkish wars (cf. Tafazzoli 1992, 555) that these enemies of the Sasanian Good Rule 
( *e"r? h) shall convert only after the Renovation takes place, nevertheless, this passage implies 
that the enmity between the descendants of the three sons of F r e"d S n will come one day to an end, 
though it is not clear in which way: by reconciliation or by destruction of the Byzantines and the 
Turks. It seems, however, that, as there were hardly any theoretical objections to spread 
Zoroastrianism 126 among, at least, the Turks (AJ 12.8-9 &15 [Text XLV]), that the first 
possibility is the likely one 1 ". In principle, a Sasanian general should first invite the enemies 
to embrace Zoroastrianism before he begins to wage a war (Dk 8.26.21-22 fText XL VI]). In the 
post- Sasanian composition Sah T WahrSm 1 ^ [Text XLVI1] even the "demons" of 
MSzandaran, together with the most of the nations known to Iranians, are said to have been 
converted, in the future, by military force of the triumphant Savior. Non-adherence to 
Zoroastrianism was necessarily seen as leading one to ultimate destruction in the afterlife, cf. 
Sayast ne" Sayast 6.7: Kay.Adur.boze'd guft kO agden ka tanapuhl ew kirbag 

weS kO winSh az dusax v bffxtfd, "Kay .A"dur.b(5ze"d said that an infidel, when his merit 
is one tana"puhl more than his sin(s), is saved from hell" (Tavadia 1930, 97). 



123 Cf. de Menasce 1947a, 240. 

124 Cf. Golden 1984, 140 n. 38. 

1 25 Theoretically, Iran was supposed to extend its borders. The problem arising then was to be dealt 

with, cf. DkM 748.13-15 (Shaki 1974, 334): abar madan ! zamTg, x v 3stag ud CIS 1 aneran 

d3St <w>3spuhragan x v e"s*1h T yak az Eran, "On the coming of land, property or anything, held 
by foreigners, into the private (absolute) ownership of one of Iran". 

126 In Sa"hpuhr J s times, but not in those of Kardtr, some non-Iranian areas were designated as Iran, 
Glgnoux 1987b. 

127 Al-8akrr, ca. 1094, noted that the king of the Khaiars previously was a majdsl, ""pagan", 
perhaps "a Zoroastrian", cf. Golden 1984, 14Z. 

1 28 To be dealt with lin details in Chapter IV. 



Conversion to the State religion was by no means a theoretical problem in Sasanian Iran; on 
the contrary, it was a topic of vivid practical interest. We read thus in the Sasanian 
HeThedlstJn 12 (cf. Kotwal & Kreyenbroek 199Z, ZO-1): 

"... On the wife and children of a man who comes to the faith . On the estate of a deceased 
foreigner who has accented Zoroastrianism . On a woman who dies shortly after embracing 
Zoroastrianism . On relations between Zoroastrian men and non-Zoroastrian women. On non- 
Zoroastrians who come to Iran to seek refuge 1 "". 

Both Judaism and Zoroastrianism are originally communal religions with a universalist 
potential. Found itself in two multinational empires, Judaism did realize, to a great degree, this 
potential, working on man-to-man basis. That is how entire populations were converted to 
Judaism in the Roman Empire. On the contrary, Zoroastrianism was congested by the political 
borders of the Sasanian State. Trie stateless Judaism, having no means of enforcement, chose to 
convert the entire known humanity, i.e., peoples of the Mediterranean; the state-backed 
Zoroastrian priests preferred to convert, sometimes by force, the subjects of the King of Kings, 
demanding from them both political and religious loyalty, leaving the hopes of the universal 
conversion of the humanity to the Last Days. 



129 Such refugees were, e.g., the members of the "Greek Academy" established in Gunde"S*ahpuhr, 
which lasted into Islamic times, after Justinian dosed in 529 the Academy at Athens. 



84 
CHAPTER lil 



In this Chapter, some Zano 1 traditions wilt be studied which reveal interaction between 
various Zand texts and its different layers. 

I 

Slaap and Ssraat 

Here we will turn to an old, though seemingly solved, problem, in which both textual and 
theological aspects are confined. My main interest here is to show the Zantfist at work, 
demonstrating, at the same time, the textual "global history" of a number of Pahlavi passages. 

In Bd la. 13b [TEXT I] Ohrmazd created "Sleep" and brought it forth to the First Man 
Gayomard, so that he might suffer less from the onslaught of Ahriman: QA (Ohrmazd) dad 
ayarth x v ab Jsamh.dadSr, ce" Ohrmazd h3n x v ab frSz bre"he"nTd, "He created the 
repose-giving Sleep 1 to (Gaydmard's) assistance, for Ohrmazd created forth this Sleep...". 
However, this passage may be an interpolation, whether into the Bd text, or into its Voriage, 
presumably, the Damdad Mask (cf. Mackenzie 1989b, S49). The reason for this assumption 
is that while the creation of Gayomard is referred to in Bd la. 13a, after the statement quoted 
above (Bd 1a. 13b) one reads: 
"... and He created 6ayo"mard and the Bull from the earth". It seems to me also important, 

before we turn to the notion of "Sleep", to make a short remark on the definition of x v 3b as 
asanTh.dadar. This is found also in DV 9,21.3 Z , the text dealing with the whereabouts of 
another Iranian mythological First Man, namely Yima, and an Avestan substratum was looked for. 
Unfortunately, we do not possess DV 9.Z1.3 in the original Avestan; SsanTh.dadSr and 
k3mag.d3d3H used there are clearly translations from Avestan, as was noted by Mole 1959, 
284 nn. 5-6; the original Avestan for asanTh.dadar was probably *"one who put peace", with 
SsanTh rendering *s(iati or the (ike. The Pahfavi text of Ok 9.21.3 is as fb/rbws: 



1 So also Anktesaria 1956, 27; Zaehner 19SS, 320: "sleep, the repose of the Creator". Cf. Dk 9. 21.3. 
"Bead of sleep" (xew) appears in the Kurdish version of Lailf & Majndn (cf. Rudenko 1 965, 1 5-7), in a 
;ather similar function. 

2 Cf. Chapter K, Appendix I (TEXT MX] pp. 83-4. 

3 *kamag.da"darTri, glossed by nffwagTh and sub-glossed fra"ro"ni"h, is clearly 'good desire"] 
kamag generally renders v air 1 1 a- and, in its turn, is frequently glossed by nSwagTh. 



as 

ud ensz ku: *asanTh.d3dar bad Jam [ku.s cis hSn kard T mardoman asamh 
az9s bad] ud kamag.dadaT" [kd.s nswaglh pad dad snayenTdarTh; ku.s mardom 
pad frarOnTh oh snayenTd], 

"And this, too, that Yima was creator of ease [i.e., he made things by which people are at ease] and 
creator of will/desire [i.e., goodness through the pleasing of the law; i.e., he pleased people 
through righteousness/for he taught people righteousnessl". 

This parallel between the two texts is worth consideration, though one cannot draw decisive 
conclusion from such meagre evidence. In another Bd text, namely, Bd 1.53 [TEXT II], Sleep 

(x v ab) is created by Ohrmazd Himself as the 17th among His very significant creations: 13th 
Rasn, 14th Mihr, 1 Sth Ars"lswang, 16th, PSrand, 17th Sleep. 18th wad (the Wind), ... , 
ZOth Quarrel, Prosecution, (legal) Defence and Peace of Bounty (PaykSr, P£se"mSITh, 
PaseTnaiTh ud AstTh T AbzOnTglh). This should provide Sleep with what may be called 
"archangelic" position, though the proximity to the ambiguous Wa"d (who, in its turn, sounds 
too close to way) and to No. 20 ( Quarrel. Prosecution) makes Sleep a bit suspect- Though 
opposedtobuSasp, "(the demon of) sloth"*, nevertheless, Sleep, first created by Ohrmazd, is 
said to be defiled by demons, like everything else'(fradom x v 3b$ pad dahisn da"d ... ud 
aws.z dfwan ahOgenld ciyfln..., Ed 19.1 [TEXT III]); the following description (to which I 
will return) of Sleep rather strengthens the mixed feelings about it and one can hardly avoid the 
impression that what is described in Bd 19 is rather some busasp-like demon 6 . 

It may also be added that putting Sleep in the "archangels" context may imply that it was 
supposed to possess some visible form, to which we shall return further. 

But in DkM 837.1 5 it was demons who caused Gayomard to sleep. This second version has to 
do, in some way, with the Gnostic dimension of Sleep, maybe touched by Genesis Z.Z1 ' . 



4 On it in later Judaeo-Persian texts, cf. Asmussen 1974. 

5 TD2: xwyh xwyO. 

6 By popular etymology, the word bdsasp should be analyzed as containing the element "horse" (though 
it does not: Avestan bds'Masta-); compare the description of Sleep in Bd 19.2 as a stallion trying to 
rape both women and men. In Zoroastrian texts bdSasp, "sloth", and (good) Sleep became 
interchangeable, as in the example quoted in Asmussen 1974, Z39 (PY 6Z.5): kO ta.m tez az baSasp 
be" tuwanad budar., "in order that I can quickly be (awake) from sleep", where there is no negative 
context. The opposite, probably, happened in Bd 1 9. 

7 Cf. also Bd la. 13b: "created from earth". 



86 
The version of the myth recorded there (Dk 9.3Z.7-1 [TEXT IV]), supposedly part of the lost 
commentary on Y 3Z, is worth quoting: ... eg 6 ban 1 man GayG[k]mard han 1 d£w£n 

dad xy_ey fraz mad pad beg T ti3n ... . ud ka az han x^-gy fraz DOd asayag bud 
ku" tarTgTh andar mad bad ..., "Then the sweat created bv demons came on to My 
Oayfimard, to harm him ... . And after he went forth from this sweat, he became shadowless, for 
the darkness came in ... " (Dk 9.32.9-10). In the version of Dk 9.3Z we find that the sweat 
(x_y-£y_) was created by demons, while in Bd la.l3b " Ohrmazd) created ... the Sleep (x_Y-Sb) 
..., for Ohrmazd created forth this Sleep ...". 

The word translated here as "sweat" was explained a long time ago as a corruption of the word 
for "sleep" or as a homonym of it. Schaeder 19Z6, 217 n. 1, 3S1ff., explained this strange 
notion as a result of a textual error, stating that the same spelling of "sleep" and "sweat" may 
have been the source of confusion in the interpretation of the GaySmard myth. 

Later, Tafazzoli 1990, 53-4, postulated x v ey as another Pahlavi word for "sleep", 

homonymous with the word for "sweat". However, as x v 3d and x v ay look very similar in the 
Pahlavi script, one should rather suppose that the scribes would make an effort to distinguish 
between two homonymous or similar words. Pahlavi has numerous words for "sleep", x v a"b, 
x v amn/x v amr (and x v e"y, postulated by Tafazzoli); besides, it has the luxury of using 
Ararrueograms: one could spell it simply h! LM* to avoid discrepancy! 

Three remarks should be made here: 
1 ), in several cases in which the word for "sleep" was used in the context of creation, it seems as 
if the scribes made efforts on purpose to blur them even more; in Bd (Pazand xvay), eg:, the 
similarity goes so far that Anklesaria 1956 adopted the transcription kh v £); Tafazzoli 1990 and 
Gignoux & Tafazzoli 1993 (ecj, p. 170 n. 32; p. 438 etc.) adopted the form x v e"fyi [xwe" 
hwyy] for "sleep"; in Bd 19.1 (TD2 128,11) the reading is, actually, hwvh hwvb. two 
alternative forms used together, the second one being perhaps a gloss to the first one; 
2), it should be observed that the context of our Dk 9.32.10 passage ("he went forth from...", 

"shadowless"", the appearing of darkness) suggests rather *x v a"b, "sleep", than x v e"y, 
"sweat", and I believe the reading x v 3 b, "sleep", was the original one, only to be corrupted later 



8 Compare Theopompus 1 statement in Plutarch, Isis and Osiris 370C; on the notion of "shadow" in 
Zoroastrianism, cf. now de Jong 1995 [1997]. 



87 
tox v e~y, "sweat". "Sleep", unequivocally, is also the meaning in the Bd passages', though there 
the whole notion is different; 

3), it is worth noting that our (DV 9.32.9-10) passage has no support in the extant FY, while 
the passages before and after it have abundant references to PY 32. This should be expected, as Y 
32 (and its Pahlavi version, of course) speaks of Yima. another Iranian First Han, not of 
Gavamarata-ZGaygmard. and our references to "sleep" and "sweat" in Dk 9.32.9-10 are but 
an interpolation from a source other that PY 32. 

The conclusion should be that the versions of GayOmard's sleep/perspiration have their origin 
not in a corrupt text of PY, as no such a text exists, but rather that they represent two 
independent (but later contaminated) traditions. These traditions were mutually attracted by 
some linguistic reality (phonetic and graphic similarity of a pair of words for "sleep" and 
"sweat"). 

"Sweat" was certainly characterized as a kind of fluid in the Sasanian A vesta. Similarly to the 

typology of Fires which, indeed, one finds in Bd 1 8 ' " such division of fluids into different types 
could have easily found its way into the Bundahisn. The context in which "sweat" is mentioned in 
the lists of fluids in PY 38 [TEXT VI and Bd 1 lb (cf. notes to (TEXT V]) has nothing in common 
with the context of Dk 9.32 / PY 32. No perspiration of the First Han is mentioned, as might be 
expected, and both groups of texts are unconnected in this respect 

There is no need to stress the point that in this particular case, namely in PY 38.3, the Pahlavi 
version has very little in common with what was supposed to be its Avestan original. This 
absence of evidence should obviously strengthen the feeling that no perspiration of the First Han 
was mentioned in the Pahlavi texts, and that the word in question must be read "sleep". 

However, we should ask ourselves whether an average Pahlavi reader (or, hearer), seeing (or, 
hearing) the "text" speaking of GayOmard's hwyy/x v e"y thought of "sleep" or of "sweat/ 
perspiration". The evidence of the Pahlavi HSs, with their stubborn spelling hwyy, rather 
suggests that many Zoroastrians could have been led to believe that 6ay<Tmard perspired, rather 
than that he fell into a coma (on the contrary, we should give a high mark to the (sources of? 
redactor of?) Bd l with its x v 3b which is a gloss to hwyy). The notion that GayoTnard's 
creation had something to do with perspiration was preserved by authors who wrote in Arabic, 
thus reflecting, no doubt, a popular tradition. 



9 Though, e.g., Ovistensen 1918, 16, took Bd 19 as speaking of sweat. 

10 Cf. below: "Fire". 



88 

So, Ibn Abr- I -HadTd, quoted in Shaked 1993a, 234 n. 45, wrote: 
wa-yaz'umflna anna mabda'a takawwunlhi wa-ljudirethl anna Yazdan ... 
afkara n amrl Ahriman .. flkratan 3wjabat an 'araqa jabTnuhu fa-masaha 
al-'araqa wa-rama" blhl fa- sara minhu KayQmare, 

"they claim that the origin of the formation [of KayflmarS] and his coming into being was that 
Y a z d a n ... reflected in the matter of Ahriman a thought which made his forehead sweat He wiped 
the perspiration and cast it, and KayQmare was formed from it". 

A similar tradition was known long ago from BTrOnT (A9a"r, ed. Sachau 1923, 99.7) 1 \ It 
seems that "once "sleep" was misread as "perspiration", it was removed to the stage of creation, 
where it seemingly made better sense" (Shaked 1 989, 247). 

The crucial text is, however, Y 44. S, where the word for "sleep" appears. Its Pahlavi version 
[TEXT Via] is not of a great interest (though there, too, one finds x v e" y as a variant reading to 
x v 3b). DkH 852.8-17 [TEXT Vlb] is a late text drawing upon different sources (e.g., such 
notions common in Yasts, as "this creation of Hine, full of all kinds, was excepted from old age 
and immortal, O Zoroaster!, during 3000 years there was no hunger and thirst, and no sleep of 
the body [x v e"y tan] and no vigilance, no old age and no death, and no cold wind and no hot 
(wind)"), between them, it is true, PY 44.5 ("sleep and the vigilance" in both PY 44.5 and the 
DSnkard passage). 

Inhwyof DkM 852.11,16, Tafazioli 1990, 52, n. 45. saw x v e"y. *x v afya-, "sleep, dream" 

(mythological), derived perhaps from Avestan x v afna- of Y 44.5. No doubt, he was right, as the 
word is used in the Dk passage in the contexts corresponding to Y 44.5; even more, the whole idea 
of GaySmard's sleep and waking up in the creation story seems to have been derived from the 



11 wa qad qalu ft mabda'l I -'-a I am I aciiwfia kaGTratan 'ajtbatan wa fl tawalludi 
Ahriman wa huwwa IblTs mln Mkratl-LLihl ... fa'anna-LLSha tahayysra rt amri 
Ahriman fa'ariqa jabTnunu wa masafja Sailka wa ramS blhi fs-sara mlnhu Kayumare, 
"They have told many Fascinating legends about the beginnings of the world and about the birth of 
Ahriman, who is the Satan, from a thought of God ... and that God was perplexed in the matter or 
Ahriman, and His forehead sweated; Me wiped it (the perspiration) and cast it, and KayQmare was 
formed from it". The translation is mine; cmp. Sachau 1 B79, 1 07. 



89 



=12 



sameGaeic verse 1 £ , which was interpreted, in a midrashic way. as referring to Gayrjmard. 
We cannot state thatwhat this G36ic verse treats was an allusion to Gayo~mard's story; I would 
rather believe that the story was invented to explain the Gaeic verse, and the existence of the 
"perspiration version" seems to imply that the midrash given in DkM 852 and its relation to Y 
44.5 was not common knowledge' ^. 

It should be observed that our bothering word for "sleep / sweat" appears in a|] its 
occurrences in contexts where Ahriman has some role to play (especially in the BundahiSn 
account and in the Arabic versions). This observation may lead one to suggest that in the original 
story x^ -af ana had to do with Ohrmazd and Ahriman rather than with Ohrmazd and GayCmard 
(note also the above mentioned remark of Stiaked and the fact that our Arabic sources connect 
their notion of "perspiration" with Chrmazd's perplexity "in the matter of Ahriman"). 

If one turns to the highly problematic Y 30.3a, where (supposingly) Ohrmazd and Ahriman, 
beside x^ af ana, the Avestan forerunner of hwyy, appear, one reads: at ta maintirj 
pouruife" y3 ySma x ^afana asruuatam, which the Pahlavi version rendered as follows: 



edfln nan T har do menfjg [Ohrmazd ud GarinSg] aSan fradom hSn 1 Jum3y x^d 
srQd [kfl.san wlnah ud kirbag «— 3d bS guft), 

"thus these both spirits [Ohrmazd and Gannag], they praised themselves t ogether in the 
beginning [i.e., they pronounced their own sin and merit]". 

The text as a whole will be dealt with later [cf. below, "Ar IS and Mahml"], now we should 
only note that x v afana", generally rightly rendered as x v 3b, "sleep, dream", was rendered 
here, and only here, as x v ad, "himself". 

Were the myth about the sleep of Gayrjma r d known to the Zandfst(s) of Y 30.3a in the form 
we know it now from the Bundahis n account, one cannot think of better place to insert it than in 
PY 30.3a. I can imagine, as a rendering of the Avestan line at t3 malnllt! pourulle" ya 
yjma x^-afana asruustam, a version like this: 



1 2 Exactly as Bd 1 as a whole was based on a Zand to Y 44. 

1 3 Perhaps, on the contrary, the "perspiration Version" preserves the older myth which was 
2oroastrianized in the "sleep version". 



90 
*edfjn han T har 00 m€nOg [Ohrmazd ud Gannag] T pad Yim [ewag gSwed han T 

Gayffmard bad] x v 3b / x v e~ srad [ku.s3n abar GaySmard x v ab / x v e" awurd 
hffnd; e"wag x v ab T ne"w3g, fjwag x v 3b T bG3asp T marnjenTdar], 
*"thus these both spirits [Ohrmazd and Gannag] were renown for Yima's [there is one who 
says it was Gayrjmard] sleep / perspiration [J.e., they brought upon Gayrjmard sleep / 
perspiration; one (brought upon) a good sleep, one the murderous sloth-steep]". 

However, the 2andist(s) did not use this option, perhaps, because the equation of Yima and 
&ayo"mard seemed to them untenable, or for some other doctrinal reason. The fact remains that 

x^ -af ana was not translated hgrg as "sleep". 

To sum it up, the episode in question in the version of Dk 9.32 has no support in the Pahlavi 
Yasna and is an import from a text similar to one which was the source of the Bd version of the 
event. These proto-versxans were however not identical. Their tendencies, on the contrary, were 
opposite. This conclusion implies that the notion of the sleep brought upon GayCmard was known 
from a non-Avestan source (pre-Zoroastrian? Semitic?). Now, some texts should be compared 
in order to illustrate what form the Sleep was held to possess. 

In Bd 19.2 Steep is given theform of a 4 or 5 year old stallion (asp karb T gusn 14- 
aySb 5 -saiag), a description which "sounds Yastic". His behavior towards both females and 
males implies lewdness. If we compare it to other "forms" in which Sleep appears (cf- further), 
and combine them with the maleness of Sleep in Bd 19.2 and his appearance before both females 
and males, one cannot help being reminded of the 1 5-year old Maniehsean NeryCsang 1 4 , 
appearing before both female and male demons in order to cause them to perform some acts of 
basically sexual character (ejaculation, i.e., non-productive issue of semen, and what was seen as 
its female counterpart, abortion). The parallel passages are: 



14 In whose name the element "male" is obvious, cmp. the repeating "male form" in our passages. On 
NerySsang in Manichsism, cf., e.g., Cumont 190B, 61-62; Benveniste 1932, 185. 



91 
Bd 1a.l3b [TEXT I]: Ohrmazd han x>a"b rr3z brehemd pad mard karb T buland T 
1 5-salag T rflsn, ahrmazd created this sleep in trie form of a IS years old tall luminous 
male, 

Bd. 19.1 [TEXT III]: Kd fradom x v 3b pad dahlsn dad pad mard Karb 1 5-salag T 
spSd delsr, first He created Sleep in the creation, id the form of a IS years old male, with 
shining/bright eyes, 

WZs 2.10 fJEXT VII]: Ohrmazd x v € breTierVTd pad mard karb T 1 5-sa"lag T rOsn T 
buland, Ohrmazd created Sleep in the body of a man, ull and bright, 15 years old, 
Bd 4.ZZ [TEXT VLUJ: kS.s brShenTd Ohrmazd han x v 3b pad mard tan T gusn T 1 5- 
sSlag T rOsn T buland, Ohrmazd created Sleep in the male body of a man, tall and bright, 
1 5 years old. 



Bd 1 a. 1 3b and Wzs Z.I represent basically the same text (as WZs and Bd ' 1 a are based on the 
same source), with adjectives put in inverse order Bd +.22, though close to both Bd la.l 3b and 
Wzs Z.1 0, has two important deviations from their tradition: 1), it has guSn, the word which 
has more masculine (even bestial) connotations that the plain mard, though mard is also used 
by it, so, pleonastically, we have "the male body of a man" here; Z), it has tan, "body", instead of 
karb, "form" (karb and tan are interchangeable also in the contexts of Fire). Bd 19.1 
represents another tradition, in which the emphasis is put on "shining eyes", an expression with 
an obvious Avestan substratum (such substratum could be looked for also in Bd 4.2Z with its tan 
and, especially, gusn). It is curious that while Bd 19.1 Sleep was "created in the form of a IS 
years old male, with shining/bright eyes", in the next fjaragraph (Bd 19.Z) Sleep is given "the 
equid form of a 4 or 5 years old stallion, [which] goes after females, and he even reaches after 
males, from Uie top of trie head tr> the knees, and he remains for as long as..." [TEXT III], where 
obviously two different traditions were mechanically combined; the wording of Bd 4.ZZ [TEXT 
VIII]: k€ $ brehe~r>Td Ohrmazd h3n x v 3b pad mard tan T gusn, "Ohrmazd created 
Sleep in the male body of a man ", may be an abbreviated echo of Bd 19.1 and Bd 19. Z. -3: "he 
(Sleep) was not created with a body .— for every man has in his own being something like Sleep ". 



In the Zoroastrian myth as reflected in the sources, Gayflmard's sleep/perspiratlon was a 
necessary stage preceding Gayomard's death (another, though textually problematic, reference 
to "sleep" in the context of "death" one finds in WZs 30.32 30 fTEXT IX]) and his ejaculation; 
from Gayflmard' semen fallen into the earth a rhubarb grew, which became the first human 
couple (cf.ao;, Bd GF.8-9; Bd 14.Z-7; Wzs 3.71-72). It is worth quoting here a passage from 
Bd 14.5-6: 

ka Gayflmard andar be" widerlSnTh tohm be" da"d, h3n tshm pad rOSnTh T 
X v arsSd be paldd he"nd, d.s do" bahr NeryOsang nigah dad, ud bahr e"w 
Spendarmet padTrlft ud cehel sai andar zamTg bud. pad bawandagTh T cehel 
sal, rewas karb ... Nasye ud MaSyane" az zamlg abar rust hend, 
"When 6ayo"mard, while passing away, ejaculated his semen, they filtered this semen through 
the light of Sun, NerySsang kept two parts of it, and Spendarmet (the [female] Earth) 
accepted one part, and for forty years it was in the Earth. After completion of forty years, 
MaSye" and MasySne" (first human couple) 15 grew up from the earth in the form of a 
rhubarb". 

MaSye"andr1a5yane" are, of course, (the hermaphrodite?) Gayd"mard split into two; even 
the names of all three of them contain the same element of "mortality"; the Manichaean version 
(the so-called "Seduction of the Archons") which is merely a sarcastic parody of the Zoroastrian 
myth, possesses all the components of the latter: abortion and ejaculation (one single ejaculation 
split into two, as Gayffmard was split into NasTye" and NaSyane"; note that in the Manichaean 
version, there is no Masye, only GayoTnard = Adam and MasySne" = Eve); Neryffsang 
(split into two, Neryosang proper and his female assistant Sadwes, who stands instead of 
Spendarmet); creation of plants (cmp. "rhubarb") from the semen, the semen/light link. 

It seems to me highly important that Bd 4.Z3 puts Sleep in a context of astronomic revolution 
(gardis"n) and the war of "giant demons" (M3zTg3n de"w3n) with the Signs of Zodiac 
(kolxjsisn T ab3g axtaran), both latter notions easily recalling of the Manichajan myth in 
question. It was perhaps this astral aspect of the battle connected with 6ay<f mard's death that 
provoked the substitution of Spendarmet by Sadwffs [cf. APPENDIX II Sadwe"s]. 



1 5 Fur graphic presentations of the forms of Che names of Mashye & Mashyane with some of the Arabic- 
writing authors, cf. Bailey 1943,179-180. 



In the light of this evidence, and especially, bearing in mind the logical connection between 
hwyy /hwp and Gayffmard's ejaculation that followed, I was led to ask myself: was there some 
additional, sexual, shade of meaning shared by both? "Sleep" and "sweat" have one thing in 
common, besides their phonetic similarity, namely: both would be easily imagined as euphemisms 
for sexual intercourse 1 6 . Had the Zandistis) something like that in mind? 



1 6 In many languages "tD sleep" serves also in the sense of "to copulate", though, as far as I know, this 
is not the case in Pahlavi or Classical Persian [Bacher 1 900 (p. 3 of the Hebrew part) published excerpts 
from a 14th century Hebrew dictionary from Eastern Iran, in which the Hebrew verb in (Y D c , "to know 
"in the Biblical sense") was rendered in Judago-Persian as ingfD dtwptn, xu'tan). As to "sweat", 
this secretion could be easily could be easily seen as a euphemisms for another secretions occurring 
during the intercourse, cf. Bd 11 , on "semen" as a fluid, beside "sweat". 



94 
I I 

Airitf snd HsrSniir 



In Y 31. 5b appears the word eras is, seen by Bartholomae (AiW 356) as a hapkx tegotnenon 
"arasay-, f. "Neid", mit Akk. der Person und Gen. der Sache verb", with the phrase hflafc. 
msi ... data vahHO ... yehiia ms arasls [a©halj translated as "von dembesseren Los 
.., worum man mich beneidet ". Bartholomae was lead to this translation by the Pahlavi version, 
which introduces here the demon Ar1s (on whom cf., ag., Zaehner 19SS, 26, 27, 31, 430) 
being merely a transcription of the Avestan word, and by the supposed closeness to the word for 
"envy", araska-; in both, Bartholomae followed West 1892, 246-7 n. 7, whom he quoted in 
AiW. 

In taking this route, Bartholomae dissociated the word in question (indeed, he put is as if being 
ahapax) from arasya-, "recht handelnd, gerecht" (AiW 356), Y 40.4, rendered by the Pahlavi 
version as rast, from arasva-, "recht handelnd, gerecht; wahr, sicher" (AiW 356), Y 2B.6; 
29,3; 44.9; 51.5,11, also rendered by the Pahlavi version as rast, from aras", "richtig, 
recht, wahr" (AiW 35S). Y 30.3; 44.10, 1-19; 48.9; 49.6, also rendered by the Pahlavi 
version as rast. 

However, it seems very unlikely that even on formal grounds arasi s~ could be taken apart 
from arasya, aras"va, eras'. This was eariy felt by scholars, and Bartholomae's explanation 
of the word in question was put aside. Thus, Wilkins Smith 1929, 75, translated it as "reward" 
[vTduiie voha managhS manca daldiiai yehiia ma aras Is", "for knowing through 
good purpose, and for keeping in mind - (that) from which reward (shall come) to me"], clearly, 
from the same root as arasya, arasva, aras; Insler 1975, 37, translated "seer", and was 
followed by Humbach [Humbach 1991, I, 127; II, 63: "seer"; Humbach & ichaporia 1994, 35: 
"prophet"], having based on Indie f;si- . 

The clue to the whole of Y 31.5 [APPENDIX III TEXT I] lies, in my opinion, in the word a|a: 
this word, generally translated as "by truth" or "through truth" (only Wilkins Smith translated 
slightly differently: "for my justice"), refers, in my opinion, to the real thing(s) which can be 
revealed and propagated to the mankind, the "realm of righteous bliss" where these of the better 
(lot) (v ah i i o") dwell immortal. This can be seen from the continuation of the Yasna, Y 31 .6c: 
hauruuatato" afahtia amaratatasca, "wholeness and immortality of afa-("bliss"). 



95 

To achieve this, one has to know to "discern* (v T c i d i i a" i) between the good and the evil. The 
Pahlavi version [TEXT II] rightly introduced two glosses with mtzd, "reward" (in after-life), 
into the line where as a is found. 

As I have already noted, I do not dissociate the root of aras Is from the similarly sounding 
words whose basic meaning is "right", etc.; there is no doubt, to my opinion, that the roots of 
aras" 1 s" and a|a were felt as identical, at least by the Prophet himself 1 . In my analysis, he used 
two related words, while the second (eras' is) serves to specify the meaning of the first (a? a): 
it is the blissful existence of the righteous ones, not merely "truth". The connection between both 
crucial words was clear to the ZandisHs), as the notion is reflected in the remnants of the 
commentary to PY 30, surviving in Dk 9.31 [TEXT III] 2 : the Zandist(s) used the words "the most 
deceitful of dews" (Dk 9.31.7-10) as the epithet of AMs", not *"the most envious one"; the 
promise AMs, "the most deceitful of dews", makes is the promise of immortality (Dk 9.31.8- 
9), i.e., of asTa. Me cannot deliver, of course (Dk 9.31.10), and this is the point of this nice 
midrasrr the, so to speak, "liar called "Truth"" cannot make people immortal, because in order to 
become immortal, i.e., to enter into the better (lot) = the 'Best Existence", Zoroastrian 
paradise, one has to discern and remember that real, pre-existent truth as revealed by the Lord 
Wisdom (cf. also Dk 9.30.2) rTEXT V]. 

Our point of departure was rejection of the reliance by West and Bartholomae on the Pahlavi 
tradition in explaining a highly difficult Avestan passage. After them, much ink was spilt to 
convince the reader that the demon Aris was conceived in the sin of ignorance of the Avestan 
language by the Zandist($), or by some controversy between the "orthodox" and "heterodox" (cf., 
&S-, Zaehner 1955, 80, 148). 

My analysis shows, I believe, that on the contrary, the Pahlavi version grasped the sense of 
the passage well enough, and introduced here, with much good humor, a literary convention which 
was not strange to the epoch and the region. So, e.g., in Genesis 24.1, God blessed Abraham b a k- 
ktjl, "in all", or with all"; there is a Jewish midrash (cf., e.g., TB Baba Bathra 16b; Sepher ha- 
BshTr, cf. Kaplan 1 995, 28) on this verse which makes [bak- ]krjl the name of a daughter of 
Abraham, because a daughter is everything. 



1 There are, of course, other views on the root[s] of aras* 1 3 and as a as well. 

2 Remnants of other commentaries of the same Yasna, partly preserved in Dk 9.7; 9.53, have no 
material which could be relevant for us here. 



96 

I think what happened in our Pahlavi commentary was comparable: the Sasanian reader was 
not expected to believe that there exists, indeed, a demon Ar 1 s", exactly as the Jewish reader was 
not supposed to think that Abraham, amongst his many children, had a daughter named [ b a k ]- 
Kffl; no, the reader realized that this midnshic tour de force, in both cases, serves a didactic 
purpose, strengthening, in the case of the Sasanian reader, the traditional Zoroastrian value of 
the right choice. So, we came back to what we rejected in the beginning: the Zandistf,s) knew 
their job; as in many other examples, not only in this, indeed, illustrious case, we find out by 
closer reading that Pahlavi versions of Avestan texts reflect a better understanding of the original 
than was earlier supposed. 

Though it is not Y 30 proper that concerns us tiered nevertheless, it seems to me important to 
note here that the end of our Yasna (Y 30.3c) contains words that "invite" an eschatological 
exegesis:ya noil v3 arjhal anhaitT v 3, "these which are not to be, or are to be". Butitwas 
understood by the Zandist(s) as referring rather to after-life and personal, not collective, 
eschatology. In another part of the Pahlavi version of the same Yasna (PY 31.14 fTEXT IV]), the 
possible eschatological implications were played down, too. 

The passage has certain eschatological overtones in Avestan [ya zT 31tT jSnghatica, "the 
things that are approaching and will reach (us)", tr. Humbach & Ichaporia 1994, 37], but the 
Zsndist, though correctly grasping a,, transformed the whole of the passage into a legalistic 
problem about the debt obligations to righteous and wicked people. It was achieved through using 
of "standard" Pahlavi equivalents of Avestan words: abam for Isud- and hangirdTgTh for 
hSnkarat-. 

The possible eschatological dimensions of AvestanhSnkarat- were, thus, played down by the 
more prosaic Pahlavi hangirdTgTh. In its existing Pahlavi form, this passage could hardly be 
used in any secondary apocalyptical literature; however, it is plausible to suggest that the word 
abam (standing frequently, as here, for Avestan 1s"ud-), pronounced (New Persian warn) 
similarly to 3w3m, "period of time, era", could have been inspired some apocalyptical 
commentary. It is not without interest, for characterization of the notions current among the 
redactors of the 'authorized" PY version, that they did not choose this option. 

At this point, we leave our imaginary demon AMS, only in order to return to him later. 



3 After much consideration and many doubts, I decided to exclude almost completely the material 
pertinent to Y 28-32 from my work, for such material, dealing with various aspects of these Gseas and 
their Pahlavi versions and ramifications of such versions, is too vast. 



Some Western Iranians evidently held the belief that Ohrmazd was unable to create the light, 
and it was the demon Mahmr who had learned The secret from Ahriman and taught a hrmazd how 
to beget the sun and moon by the intercourse with his mother and sister (cf. Kreyenbroek 1 993, 
304b). This can be seen from the Manichsean Mahml fragment 4 , which supposedly represents a 
Zoroastrian, though "unorthodox", tradition; another source is known from the Armenian 
polemicist Eznik^. 

The Manichaan text in question actually states that Ohrmazd is slandered by the saying that 
kd.S MShmT dew hammoxt Sahr rosn kirdan,"thathewastaughtbythedemonM3hmr 
to make the world light". The name of the demon was explained in Nyberg 1938, 385, as 
"mediator", similarly to the Greek appellation of Mithra, UEO-f-tric, (on which cf. Shaked 1980); 
this view was rejected in Henning 1951, 51 n. 1, cf. also Zaehner 1955, 63, 150 and n. 1. 
However, the demon Mahmr works indeed as a mediator between h rm a z d and Ahriman in some 
of the anthZoroastrian passages assembled by Zaehner. 

However, Schaeder 1 941 , derived the name of the demon from a mistranslation (similarly to 
the way the demon Ar I s was conceived, Y 30.3c, cf. Zaehner 1 955, 1 49) of the words daf uu3 
mahmr man5i in Y 3Z.1, where we now read in the extant Pahlavi version dffwan pad man 
meniSnTh, "dews by my thought". In the Gaeic passage (Y 3Z.1), the demons want to be 
Oh rmazd's messengers; a certain demon sought to come to an understanding with rjhrmazd, the 
idea being not unfamiliar to Dk 9.32 (cf. below, "Mani and Zand"). (Two points should be noted 
here; 1), the word dae'uua in Y3Z.1 can mean not "demons", but just "gods"; 2), dae'uua' could 
be taken not only as a Vocative, but as a Nominative, as well (cf., e.g., Wilkins Smith 1 9Z9, 83), 
and in this case, it agrees with other subjects (x v ae"tus, vaerazSnam). Nevertheless, the 
extant Zandof the Gaeic passage seems to have not much in common with the DSnkard version. 



4 H £3; partly published in MQlier 1 904, 94; Salemann 1 908, 10; the relevant passage in Henning 
1951, 50; Zaehner 1955, 431 F 3(b), 439 F 7(b); now the text is hilly published in SkjaErva 1996b, 
Z44-7. 

5 l!.8, ed. Venice, 19Z6, 153, cf. also Zaehner 1955, 63. 147ff., 438 F 7(a)". zayn loueal Mahmeay divi 
va-,va-,i ar Ormizd hasane" r, ew zxorhourdn nma i ver haner, "having heard that, the div Mahmi arrived 
before Ormizd with ail speed and betrayed to him this plan". Eznik mentioned also the demons Kundt, 
KunT (which is also known from Manichgean texts, as summarized in the Zoroastrian polemical 
composition SGW and from Bar Koniay, cf. Benveniste 1932-33, 203) and Swnrp, Sunnarf, 
"gandarawa-, according to Henning 1951, 51 n. 3, pace Benveniste 1932-33, Z01 S de Menasce 
1949, 4ff.). A similar story was told by Theodore Abu Qurra (cf. Zaehner 1955, 4Z8 F 2) and 
referred to in the 5yriac Acts of Adur-Honrard (cf . Zaehner 1 955, 1 48, 435-6 F 5), who, however, did 
not mention the name of Mahmi. 



98 
The views of Nyberg and Schaeder about the origin and meaning of MahmPs name were 
reconciled by Russell 1 987b, who rejected Schaeder'; etymological objections, while adopting his 
ingenious guess about dae'uua mahmr manffi in Y32.1, and accepting Nyberg's etymology and 
translation. According to Russell, the demon Mahmr was known in Arsacid/Sasanian Iran, and 
his name originally meant "mediator". It seems that Russell opted for a non-scriptural 
provenance of Mahmr. An Avestan background was looked by the Zandi$af,$) for Mahmr and 
found indeed in the word of Y 3Z.1. If so, one would suggest that the story told in the DSnkard 
version (Dk 9.32) could be an "Avestization" of a non-Avestan import, probably from Western 
(or, Manichasan?) sources. 

Mahmi still survives in the living Parses tradition, invoked in an Avestan neTang-prayer 

called nf rang- e hajat o maqsOd x v astan, "spell of asking a wish for something sought" 
(cf. Russell 1 987b, 77-8). No wonder, the spell quotes, as one would expect, from Y 32.1 ! This 
implies two things: 1., Mahmr derives, indeed, as was postulated by scholars, from Y 3 Z.I; Z., 
antl-Zoroastrian sources that mentioned Mahmr described something that really has been 
existing in Zoroastrian (popular?) practice, so, we should conclude that Y 32.1 was once 
interpreted in such a sense as these sources (according to Schaeder) suggest'*. 

Moreover, the same Manichaean text scourges those who assert that Ohrmizd and Ahrime'n 
are brothers, 'wd gwynd kw J whrmyzd >wd "hrmyn br'dr hynd. 

Here we leaveMahmr and return to AM£. Besides PY 31.5 and Dk 9.3 1 .6-11 derived from 
it, Arts' appears in Dk 9.30.4-5, a chapter which is supposed to be a remnant of the 
commentary to Y 30. In the extant Pahlavi version of Y 31 there is no AM 3, but there are two 
connected (and identical) passages, namely Y 30.3c,6a, which are paraphrased in Dk 9.30.4-5, 
and in which the words arag vls'liata, "they discriminate rightly", are found, being natural 
candidates to look for Arts. However, Arts is absent from the Pahlavi versions of both Y 30.3c 
and Y 30.6a. 



6 And, probably, we should give more credit to the anrti-Zoroastrian sources in general. 



99 

The Pahlavi version of Y 30.3c renders Avestan asca hudanhe arag vTs'iiata nait 
dufdarjhO" as ke awesSn awe" T hudanag [Ohrmazd] rast be wlzfd ne han 
dus.dSnSg [Gannag MenGg], "the one of themwho has good knowledge ICThrmazd] chose 
ihe right, not the one who has bad knowledge Ithe Stinking Spirit]"; the Pahlavi version of Y 
30.6a (almost) rightly renders Avestan aiia noil Bras' vTfliata daeuuacina hiiat Is" S 
dabaoma as aweSan ne rast be - wlzenend ke dSw3n hSnd cegSmaz ew,"thosedo 
not choose rightly, even a little, who are dews". 

Compare the quotation in Dk 9.30.8: ud e"naz kti" ne.s'an rast be wlzTdan duS.gannag 
dew ne haglrz rast be wTzenend kS kamag han T AkoTn an, "and this, too. that they 
cannot choose rightly, badly stinking dews, they never choose rightly, whose will is that of 
AkoTnan", in which both FY 30.3c and 6. a are combined (with slight variation owing to the bad 
manuscript tradition): rast be wizTdg/; dus"gg/nag / rast be wizTd .,, dus.dSnaa 
[Gannaa Menflol and rast be wlzenend / rast be wlzenend. 

I believe that the context and the syntax of the Avestan passages are such that they could not 
allow the demon Ar 15 to be introduced into their Pahlavi versions, even as an import from PY 
31.5. Nevertheless, Ar I s" is found in the Dk paraphrase of them, but before turning to Dk 
9.30. 4-5, it should be recalled that Y 30.3 is not just another Avestan passage, as interesting as 
it is: it is the "Twin Passage", probably, the most "sacramental" passage in the whole Avssta. 

What is ascribed to the demon Ar1s" in the commentary to PY 30? It is exactly what is 
ascribed to the demon Mahmr by the Manichaean AbursJm and by the Armenian Eznik: 
"Ohrmazd and Ahriman were two brothers in one womb (Ohrmazd ud Ahrimando" brad T 
pad Swag as*kom[b] bad hend). Of them an Amahraspand chose the worse inasmuch as his 
adherents preach the worship of demons and that they should offer cattle fas sacrifice) to the 
demons of the planets*. And on the deceit of the demon Arts, and (on) the separate origin of the 
light and darkness ". 

Now compare the wording of M 28 as quoted in Henning 1 951 , 50: 
>wd gwynd fcw 'whrmyzd =wd s hrmyn br>dr hynd, "and they say that fJhrmizd and 
Ahrmen are brothers". 

Compare also the Manichaean Uigur X v 3nstw3nTTt (Asmussen 1965, 169, 194): Xormuzta 
taijrili Slmnul'i 'icili o I, "Xormuzta tanri and Sim nuMrjri are brothers (actually: younger 



100 
and elder brother)" 7 . 

This is to be observed that the addition "in one womb" in Ok 9.30.4 is very important, for it 
finds its parallel in Eznik's version of the "Zurvanite myth": Ormizd ew Arhmn y-iacan 
v aroand i mair Iwreanc, "Ormizd and Arhmn strive in the womb of their mother". 

Thus, where the Avestan text has aras", the Pahlavi commentary has Aris. and Dk 9.30.4-5 
called Ar1s the one whom the non-Zoroastrian sources named Mahmr. It is not easy to explain 
this fusion. We cannot state that a supposed Mahmr passage was censored (and eliminated 
completely from the texts, first of all, from PY 32.1 c) and Aris" was introduced instead from PY 
31 .5 (where Aris" first occurred) into a lost Pahlavi version of Y 30.3,6 and henceforth, via a 
lost commentary on Y 30, into Dk 9.30.4-5; this is impossible because the quote put into the 
mouth(s) of AMs/flahmT in Dk 9.30.4 and in the Manichaean manuscript 28 is based, indeed, 
on Y 30.3, where araS is found. 

I have only one solution, though its plausibility can be easily questioned: Dk 9.30.4 and M 28 
have so much in common that one could certainly suggest that M 28 reflects the commentary on Y 
30.3, most probabhy, the same text that is still extant as Dk 9.30.4ff. At the same time, Dk 
9.30.4ff., though a paraphrase of Y 30.3, differs considerably from the text it is supposed to 
comment upon. Let us compare again Dk 9.30.4ff. and the Pahlavi version of the "Twin Passage". 
Y 30.3: 

at ta mainlia pouruiie' y3 ySma x v afan5 asruuatsm, 

'These are the two spirits (existing) in the beginning, twins who have been heard of as the two 

dreams" (tr. Humbach & Ichapona 1 994, 31). 

PY 30.3a: 

ffdSn han 1 bar dfl menjg [Ohrmazd ud Gannag] a3an fradom han 1 jumay x v ad 

srfjd [kfl.san wln3h ud klrbag x v ad be guftl, 

"thus these both spirits [Ohrmazd and Gannag], they praised themselves together in the 

beginning [i.e., they pronounced their sin and their virtue]". 



7 Cf. also von le Coq 1911, 282; Bang 1923; 147; Zaahner 1955, 432: "Khomwta (der Urmensch) und 
Schimnu (der Urteufel) sind jongerer und ilterer Briider". 



101 

The crucial hapax yam 3, undoubtedly "twins", was rendered by the Zanrfer[s] as 
(etymologically related) Juma"y, Old Pahlavi "yumay, "together" (glossed over "sin and 
virtue", cf. Blochet 1898, 28), thus having evaded the peril of making Ohrmazd and the 
Stinking Spirit brothers. As Schaeder 1930, 62 n.2, rightly noted, it is simply a transcription, 
with a Lesezethen (the Sanskrit version made from the Pahlavi rendered here bhumandale, 
"on the earth-circle", being a misreading: jwm> y > *zamTg). 

Avestan x v af ana, though generally rightly understood as x v ab, "sleep, dream" (AiW 

1863) [cf. above, "Sleep and Sweat"], was rendered here, and only here, as x v ad, "himself" 
(some partial reason for which was, perhaps, the phonetic similarity of the Avestan word to 
Middle Western-Iranian dialectal forms close to Parthian wxyby [wxe"beh], "own"; 

x v af ana thus could be understood as "selfhood", and both twins seem to have chosen their 
"selfhood" deliberately (compare Zaehner 1955, 120). (In passing, it seems to me not without 
importance that the word x v ae~tus, related to x v ad, is found in the passage that was 
presumably the source of ManmT speculation, namely, Y 32.1; on the link between x v ae'tus" 
andMahmr, cf. Zaehner 1955, 150). 

The fact that two words in a row were wrongly interpreted, while one of them was rendered so 
only here, requires explanation and one might suspect that the Wrong interpretation was 
intentional. My solution is that the difference between PY 30.3 and Dk 9.30.4 is the difference 
between two mode of exegesis: while Dk 9.30.4 rightly translated Y 30.3 as "Ohrmazd ud 
AhNmandO brad T pad ewag a3kom[b] bad hend", ■Ohrmazd and Ahriman were two 
brothers in one womb", it itself ascribed it to the dfw Arls", "who daevically chattered 
(draylstan) that" etc., making from the line a quotation of an idiotic statement of the "liar 
named "Truth", naturally to be frowned upon. 

At the same time, PY 30.3 having been supposed to represent the shorter and the matter-of- 
fact version, read by ordinary fellows unskilled in Avestan, rendered the GSeic text in a form of 
a resume: it just had no place to explain at length why. Ohrmazd and Ahriman were not two 

twins and what exactly this x v af ana was. In other words, the Zandistis) of FY 30.3 was/were 
limited by the lack of place and thus forced to translate in an "incorrect" way. 



102 

To return for a moment to Dk 9.30.4, it is interesting that Ahriman is called "an 
Amahraspand', thus making him look like a Lucifer, a fallen angel, rather than a principle 
absolutely opposed to Ohrmazd, thus perhaps indicating that he was perceived by the 
commentator(s) to be a twintoohrmazd. 

There is, probably, an indication in the following of PY 30.3 itself, namely in FY 30.4, that 
the Pahlavi versions of the 63 6 as were perceived to contain abbreviated and triggering aggattc 
associations. Thus, PY 30.4ab presupposes some knowledge of Zands like that found in Bd 
1 a,13(b) (cf. fTEXT I] in the APPENDK I to "Sleep and Sweat"). 

PY 30.4ab: 

(a. 3tc3 ttiiat ta ham mainiii] JasaetampouruuTm dazde 

b. gae"mca ajilaitimca hMatca arjhat apSrnm anfiuS) 

a. edOnaz nan T har do msnog a ham mad hend nan T awe T rradom dahlSn [ku 
har do mSnOg 6 GayOmard mad hend] 

b. ke.z pad zTwandagTh [Ohrmazd pad ed kar ku wes zTwandag darand] ud ke\z 
pad a. zTwandagTh l&annag MSnOg pad ed kar kj weS be Ozanand] ke.z edOn 
hart hast ta han T abdom andar ax v an [kG mardomaz T abarfg abar Oh 
rased]. 



a. Thus, too, these two "spirits" come together to this first creation [i.e., these two come to 
GayOmard] 

b. one, too, (came) with life [Ohrmazd (came) with this effect that they could preserve more 
life], one, too, (came) with non-life [the Stinking Spirit (came) with this effect that they could 
kill more], who, too, is thus this until the last one among the existences [i.e., it will happen so 
also to other men]". 



103 
GayCmard of the gloss to PY 30.4a stands for Avestan paourvlm dazde", understood by the 
Zandist as "first creation" (daMSn, one of whose meanings is "creation", regularly stands for 
infinitive dazdita"!; here dazde is a finite vert). "Creation" must be understood here in the 
sense of "creature" (cf. Shaked 1994a, 54 n.15, who observed that "the two spirits came to 
GayCmard presumably as a creature, not as a deity"). An error in analyzing the Avestan 
grammar provoked the midrasnr'e reference to the myth which was supposed to be widely known, 
cf. Bd la. 13(b). Another factor responsible for inserting here 6ayo"mard was, I believe, the 
phonetic similarity to gaem (formed from the same root), which stands in the next line 
(rendered as [pad] zTwandagih; [pad] a.zTwandagTh stands for ajHaUTmca, two 
Accusatives understood as ^Instrumental). 

In conclusion, some remarks should be made about Dk 9.30 [TEXT V], which summarizes a lost 
text of a late provenance composed in circles which could be defined as ritualistically minded and 
open to mystical speculations. These circles were loyal to the throne and eager to stress the well- 
known Sasanian "twinship" of tfie Religion and the State, but, at the same time, some ideas which I 
call here, only for convenience, "Manichaean" managed to find their way into their mode of 
thinking 8 . Being a WarStma"ns a r sort of commentary on the 6363 At. 13. vaxs'ilS (Y 30), 
this text treats liturgical effects reached by a proper performance of the ritual by a properly- 
minded and knowledgeable priest (§1); the text included "advices" (andarz) incorporated into 
the mr'drasbi'c text, to look for a peaceful place where one can devote himself to religious studies 
(§3) as long as he can, to keep one's mind always to think that which is righteous, as "his 
sagacity increases" therefrom (SIS), to seek the true religion, to abstain from sinning towards 
creations, to strive for the benefit of people (SI 6), as these is the means to bring about the 
Renovation and the prosperity of creations. 

At the same time, the text saw both the Avesta[n Religion] and the [Iranian] royalty as a means 
to forward the salvation of the creatures, while the mission of the Religion and the royalty is to 
cause wounds and harm to the de"ws and to restore rulership to rjhrmazd (§10), as it was 
prior to the Mixture (gume"zisn). Defeating some hostile ("hying", drCzan) army (a possible 



8 There could be other possible explanations of this striking resemblance of some passages of Dk 9.30 
and Manicteean texts, except the assumption that some clandenstine Manichaeans were there at work, or 
the Zeitgeist was responsible for some secondary recurrent developments, etc. One would say that this 
particular text, together with some other Wars'tma'nsar texts, are, on the contrary, old and 
represent some sort of (Zoroastrian) religious meditation which Hani himself could have been able to 
learn about. 



104 
reference to BahraTn T Co"ben's revolt and the mutinies thereafter?) was seen as such a 
tremendously important event, that the defeaters are said to "put on the shining light" (SI 4); the 
members of all four "classes* of the Sasanian society are praised (supposedly, for their support 
of the ruling family) for making well to themselves, having good and peaceful mind (supporting 
the King?), etc. (§14). Though the extant summary of the Pahlavi commentary on the Yasna in 
question stresses (Dk 9.30.2,8) the importance of the human choice to discriminate between the 
evil and the good, nevertheless, rjhrmazd's rulership needs here special attention: it is not self- 
evident, one makes O h r m a z d (and the Avesta[n Religion]) the lord of the world when he accepts 
him as such (§14), because choosing Ohrmazd's rulership and Avestan wisdom, OSri d3n3gih 
(§10), one enables ah rmazd to became again, abaz, the lord of the world. Though basically 
this scheme possesses all the classical features of Zoroastrianism, nevertheless, one could hardly 
help feeling here some "Hanichaaan" or rather "Gnostic" flavor; Chrmazd here is too 
reminiscent of a savior captured and awaiting to be redeemed, as in many Gnostic systems. 

In Dk 9.30.12 we have a version of PY quoted in the summary of the Nask, while the 
(containing glosses) version quoted differs from the extant PY. One could easily see from the 
quotations from the PY 30 given in my notes to [TEXT V] how closely the commentary surviving 
in Dk 9.30 followed the Pahlavi Yasna, building on ft, at the same time, a different text. 

While ArlsVMahmT originated in PY 31. S represents a strange tradition of midrasfwc- 
aggadfc character, it is necessary to take it not only in the isolated context of the verse {or, line) 
wherein in appears, but also in the fuller context of the Pahlavi version of the Yasna in question 
and the remnants of its commentary. It could be an illuminating (and, at the same time, 
probably, frustrating) exercise: one reveals that the texts deal with the merits of studying the 
Avesta and its Zand properly and with oppression of the heretics with arms. In most cases, the 
Pahlavi version of the Yasna is relatively close to the Avestan original (cf., eg., Y 31.18-19 
[TEXT VI]); were we not in possession of both Avestan original and its Pahlavi translation of Y 
31 .18-13, but only the paraphrase given in Dk 9.31 .22-24 [TEXT VII], we could be easily led to 
the (wrong) conclusion that what we have in Dk 9.31.22-24 is, actually, a sequence of anti- 
heretical diatribes of the period of, say, the fierce reaction to the views of Hani, Mazdak and 
other heretics. This is, of course, not the case, and it is why such an exercise could be 
frustrating: the task of dating Zoroastrian Pahlavi texts is extremely difficult 



10S 

1 1 1 
Ha - sir and zs®$ 

In the following pages I will tiy to demonstrate that the evidence preserved by the extant 
Pahlavi tradition of the Zands might go, in several cases, as far back as the beginning of the 3rd 
century CE, for I find correspondences between MSrfi's 5 a"hbuhraga~n and some passages found 
in BundahiSn and Denkard 9, thus Mini's 5ahbuhrag3n should be taken as preserving 
older Zand material , but first we have to turn to a brief review of some problems connected with 
ManTs only Iranian composition. 

There can be no doubt that a substantial Manichaean literature in Syriac/ Aramaic 2 was 
flourishing, as M5n1 himself wrote mostly in this language. It would contain not only the 
originals of Hani's works now extant only in translations or partly/entirely lost, but also 
perhaps translations from other tongues, like Western Middle Iranian and Greek (and, possibly, 
Coptic, as there exist fragments of a Manichaean Syriac-Coptic dictionary 3 ). 

Aramaic seems to be the original language of the Manichaean liturgy, thus some remnants of 
Aramaic (and Hebrew) formulas (cf. Schaeder 1930, 64 n.1) were preserved in texts in 
Parthian, and even in Chinese transliterations of Aramaic (cf . Yoshida 1 963). There are some 
indications that secondary usage of Aramaic/Syriac had some place among Manichaean 
communities in the Iranian World in later epochs (cf. Sundermann 1993a, 164) 4 . The same 
phenomenon is known in the West, as concerning some Hebrew and Greek cultic formulas in the 
Latin Catholic liturgy (and remnants of Hebrew formulas in the Greek Orthodox and Roman 



1 On the possibility of Parthian Zands, cf . Sundermann 1 979a, 7B4-5; Boyce 1 985b, 473a. 

2 If not noted otherwise, the terms Aramarcand Syriac are used in this discussion indiscriminately. 

3 On Syriac Manichaica from Egypt, cf. Lieu 1994, 62-4, with bibliography. It is believed that ManTs 
Aramaic fragments are preserved in Syriac (Christian antt-Manichaean) writings, cf. Schaeder 1926, 
Baumstanx 1931. Of course, Aramaic, Iranian, Greek should count as possible candidates for the source- 
languages of the Coptic Manichaica (though some secondary reverse developments are also possible); one 
of the most intriguing examples of Aramaic impact an the language cf the Coptic Manichaica is Mine 
used in Kephalaia (e-fl., Keph 48), which was seen as a word of a possibly Semitic origin, being a 
derivative of Aramaic llirn, thus 'lihmff: "links, connections" (cf. Syriac lahamdiS, "conjunctio"), 
as Mzrte signifies non-material threads pulled- from the heaven to the earth (cf. Chapter lli.l Appendix II 
5adwe"s). A similar notion is known also in the Mandaean tradition, where it is called (by the originally 
non-Mandaean term) qi t ra. 

4 Sogdlan pr 1'Jyg'nyy "w'k, "in the Tajiki tune", Parthian swryg nw=o, "Syriac tune", i.e., 
Aramaic, cf. Sundermann 1 993a, 1 63. The Syriac inscription M3nT salTrja" daYlSC MasTrja, "Marti 
the Apostle of Jesus Christ", on ManTs Be"ma presented on a gem (cf. de Menasce & Guillou 1946) may 
have been peculiar to Syriac-speaking Manichseans, but probably was in use also far eastward. 



106 

Catholic liturgies). With the disappearance of the Aramaic-speaking Manichaean communities, 
Aramaic Manichaean texts, including most of ManTs original works, fell into disuse. 

Unlike Zoroastrianism. Judaism and Islam, but rather like Buddhism, Mandaism and 
Christianity, Manichaeism had no "language of truth" uniquely containing the divine word. 
However, Manl, who grew in a Judaeo-Christian sect as a speaker of Aramaic, was never refeired 
to as a non-Iranian in Zoroastrian sources; his religion was never dubbed as some sort of 
Christianity which in its turn derives from Judaism, as is the case, though much later, with 
Islam in Skand GumanTg Wizar (SGW S ). On the contrary, Mini was called an Iranian 
zandTg, not an inventor of a non-Iranian religion. It is true, Manichaeism was easily disguised 
as some sort of Christianity, as in the Greco-Roman West, or of Buddhism, as in China, but, 1 
think, the case of Manichaean mimicry in the Zoroastrian world was different 

Neither a Hellenist, like his Babylonian Landsmann Tatian, who went West and wrote in Greek, 
nor entirety Iranian by culture and language, Manl chose to trade a religion for the New Imperial 
Erans"ahr on the tide of her global expansion. We shall never know for certain whether 
Sanpuhr, to whom Manl presented his only Persian worit, named "the book written for King 
Sahpuhr", SShbuhragjn 6 , realized that the religion MSrit was trying to sell to him was 
actually a form of (Gnostic) Christianity, or the King of Kings comprehended the possible 
political implications of a new syncretic religion for a new multi-cultural empire; or, probably, 
the King imagined that "the doctor from Babylon™, bom near the newly-established Sasanian 
capital, and presumably a scion to the overturned Arsacid dynasty 7 , speaking poor Persian (cf. 
Boyce 19S3b, 1196)®, was one of those mrJbads who knew how to recite the Zand, an 
explanation of the Sacred Avesta? 

However, though we do know that Manl used some Zand traditions (Sundermann 1 978), we do 
not know whether he was able to read Pahlavi or recite Avestan (cmp. Sundermann 1 979a, 783- 
4). The last one probably not, as it was a priestly business, and the school training of 



5 Edited in de Menasce 1945. On this aspect, cf. Shaked 1990a. 

6 I prefer this transliteration rather than the one used in the title of the edition by MacKenzie 1 979-80, 
for reasons of standardization and convenience. 

7 However, many scholars took Main's Arsacid descent as a later legend. 

a On the rfile of the Aramaean Ndrizadag and Mart's ability to speak Middle Persian and/or Parthian, cf. 
Wldengren 1983a, 971 , and n. 6. 



107 



Zoroastrian priests was perhaps not yet developed as Fully as In the Late Sasanian period^ . 



Manl himself had only an Aramaic name (though one which could be interpreted as Iranian, and 
this was made, indeed, by the author of Dk 3. ZOO), and no trace of his Iranian name, Ki rbagTg, 
was preserved in sources Iranian or Manichaean proper 1 °. He was called even in Iranian with an 
Aramaic title, Ma"r ("Lord") M3nT. The names of his partisans were mostly Aramaic, in any 
case, not distinctly Zoroastrian. We know almost nothing about the cultural affiliations of people 
first converted into Hani's religion (outside his own family, though some information we possess 
about it is indecisive). We do not know, eg., whether there were among them Zoroastrian priests 
who could transmit Zoroastrian lore into the new faith. The use of a form of the Syriac alphabet 
may not indicate that the target group for conversion was exclusively the Syriac/Aramaic- 
speaking communities: the so-called "Manichaean alphabet" could serve an Iranian language not 
worse, even better, than eg., the Arabic script did later 1 '. 

The first point made by Hani concerning the question in what ways his religion is better than 
the previous ones is purely political: many languages, one religion. The third point Is that all the 
souls that did not achieve perfection 1 ^ through the former religions can reach it through that of 
Manl. It implies that all the souls can be saved, even those of our ancestors 1 *. 

The idea of "many languages - one religion" derives ultimatively from Mini's Judaeo-Christian 
background. We do not know whether Jewish and/or Christian scriptures existed in any form in 
Iranian vernaculars about ManTs time; it is only at least a century after that we hear about such 
versions. 



9 M 5794-T II D 126, cf. Henning 1933b, 295-6; Boyce 1975a, 29, seems to stress the point of 
superiority of Msni's writings upon those of the earlier religions. The text has a lacuna in The crucial 
place and, in its extant form, affords plenty of speculations. Among those: did Mam intend to say that 
the earlier writings, including those of the Zoroastrians, were distorted? Does it Imply he saw them? 
Was it stated by him that the "Magian" script was too difficult? Or, did he mean that the Zoroastrians 
possess no writings at all? 

1 Or. Mam's name, cf . now Shapira 1999; to the bibliography of the topic given there add KITma 1962, 
260-270. 

1 1 Compare Tardieu 19B2, 44. 

1Z pad xwyS dyn qyrog'n ny hnzrt, "fjene frtShere Seelen, die in ihrer Religion die Werke nicht 
vollgehracht haben", cf. Henning 1933t>, 296; "(by whose souls) in their own religion good action was not 
completed", Boyce 1975a, 30 n.3; hnzft means "to be fulfilled, perfect", a clear caique of the Semitic 
nlSlamQ / IStatlamiL In latter Middle Persian Kanichsean texts, Syriac *su"13ma" corresponds to 
ispurrgarrrt; compare Shapira 1999. 
1 3 I deliberately avoid here to deal with those elements of Mini's doctnne which had Buddhist origin. 



At the close of the fourth century, John Chryisostomus declared that the doctrines of Christ had 
been translated into the languages of the Syrians, the Egyptians, the Indians, the Persians, and the 
Ethiopians - but he added "and ten thousands other nations", weakened his own evidence in regard 
to the Persian or any one version in particular 1 4 ; the Syrian bishop Theodoretus in the fifth 
century mentions a "Persian" version of the Scriptures, and the extant quotations in S G W from 
Biblical [Old and New Testament] sources may be derived from this or a similar text [cf, 
APPENDIX I "Biblical Quotes"]; inasmuch as during the second half of the fifth century an 
eminent teacher, lia c na~ of STraz, made translations of the works of Diodorus, Theodore of 
Mopsuestia and other ecclesiastical writers, from Syriac into his native Persian dialect, we may 
be confident that Christian Scriptures had already been translated (Metzger 1977, 276) in the 
fifth century. As to the situation about ManTs times, it remains unknown. However, our sources 
for evaluating latter Middle Western Iranian Bible translations are: the Turfan Psalms, 
quotations from the Law Book, S G W quotations 1 ', and finally, ManTs own works. On the Jewish 
side, at least the Scroll of Esther was known in some Jewish Iranian vernacular (TB Megillah 
18a). 

There existed a rich Christian literature in Sogdian, mostly translated from Syriac, but almost 
nothing has survived from the Christian literature in Middle Persian in Iran proper. The reason 
may be the fact that the Christianization and Judaization of Iranian populations in Sasanian Iran 
were accompanied by a partial linguistical-cultural Sensitization, when a Semitic tongue (Syriac 
for Christians, Aramaic and Hebrew for Jews) became adopted as the language of religious 
training and writing 1 6. 

When the Zoroastrian Marda~n Farraxv son of Ohrmazd- dad wrote in the ninth century 
for his son his apologetic work, SGW, refuting the other religions, he included into his work 
long quotations from extant Middle Persian translations of the Jewish and Christian Scripture; 
bearing in mind that a Pahlavi translation (from Syriac) of the Psalms 94-99, 118, 121-136, 
found in Turfan (cf. Andreas & Barr, 1 933), used a local (or communal?) derivation of the 
ideographic Book Pahlavi script, it must have been understood by the Magian scribes without 
much labor. This fact implies that if all or most Christian Middle Persian writings were 
recorded, like the Turfan Psalter, in the ideographic Book Pahlavi script, then Zoroastrians and 
Persian Christians would be able to read the writings of the other denomination. 



14 But, cf. a Christian fragment in "Median" in Armenian characters published in Bailey 1 943a, which 
may gD back to the Middle Iranian epoch. 

15 Several Biblical (OT & WT) quotations are to be found on seals: "Lord's Prayer' and Ps 146(7), cf. 
Gignoux & Gyselen 1982, 33; Gignoux 1980, 312, Stiaked 1996b, 248; Lam. 3.55, Ps Z8.7, or 89.14, 
Shaked 1996b, 252; Ps 58-12, 5haked 1996b, 252; cf. also ib., 249. 

1 6 This phenomenon is well attested for different Judajzed groups. 



109 
It is a strange fact; Zoroastrians and Christians shared the same script, while the people who 
pretended to understand the inner truth of the Zands, namely the Persian (and some other 
Iranian-speaking) Manichseans, used not the script in which the Zands were recorded, but 
another one, used for the Syriac language (which is, of course, more convenient for recording 
Iranian speech than the ideographical Book Pahlavi' '); so far, no Manichaean texts in Book 
Pahlavi were found. 

However, while the Pahlavi Psalms from Turfan (Bulayiq) are in Book Pahlavi, a Christian 

Psalms' fragment from the same place in New Persian is in Syriac script (cf. Miiller 1915)'°. 

The identification of one's religion with a particular system of characters used for writing the 
same language in the later Near East (as is the case with Arabic written in Greek, Coptic, Syriac 
and Hebrew letters) by members of different communities may go back to Sassanian times 1 '. 
Among Jews, only very few linguistic communities used to record their vernaculars in non- 
Hebrew characters, mostly, those whose languages could only with difficulty be recorded in a 

consonantal script 20 . As a rule, one may say that recording a vernacular in Hebrew characters 
is a specific Jewish trait; on this basis, it seems that the Jews had less recourse to the Middle 
Persian Bible versions than the Christians, but this impression may be wrong. As to Manl's 
choice of a variation of the Syriac script to record Iranian speech, it was probably motivated by 
Manl's unlversalist outlook (though we cannot know for certain whether the "Manichaean" script 
in which the manuscripts of Manl's SShbuhragSn exist now was the original script, or the text 
written down in, say, "8ook Pahlavi" script was transcribed into the "Manichaean" script some 
time later. 



17 His reason for introducing "Syriac" alphabet might be not only practical. BTrUnT in A93r al- 
BSqiyah, Sachau 1679, 190, says that Man! arranged his 52hbuhrag3n according to the twenty- 
two letters of the alphabet, the alphabet being, invariably, the Aramaic, cf. also Reeves 1992, 33; 
unfortunately, this information could not be proved from the fragments published by MacKenzie. 
However, the parallels both to the Zl Nasks of the Avesta, arranged according* to the 21 words of the 
most holy Zoroastrian prayer, and to Mazdak's the mystical usage of letters is striking. 

18 There are more Persian pieces written in Syriac characters to be found in Nestorian texts, cf. de 
Menasce 1945, 178, also n. 3. 

19 It is worth notice that the Scroll of Esther reflecting Arsacid realities speaks about "royal orders 
sent to each nation in its own language and writing'' (^characters). 

20 Tlie most spectacular exception being the Hellenistic Jews; however, this example has very peculiar 
features that cannot be dealt with here. It is worth noting that Byzantine "Romaniot" Jews wrote their 

Greek in Hebrew characters. 



ManTsS3hbuhrag3n is partly a pericope Of Mt 24, 25:31-46 [M 475 and M 477, Muller 
1904, 11-15]; Mrk 13, 16.1, Lk 21, 24.1, as has been noted for a long time. Though it was 
stated tiiatMaril used for his book Sahbuhragan some existing Middle Persian translation of the 
New Testament 21 or parts of it (on Middle Persian Bible translations cf. Shaked 1990b) rather 
than making his own adhoc translation into Middle Persian from the Syriac New Testament 22 , 
our evidence is insufficient to pass a judgment, Generalfy, the text was supposed to be Tatian's 
Diatessaron", but according to new researches, the situation was more complicated 24 ; however, 
later on Manichasans made use of the four Canonical Gospels. In any case, an Aramaic Vorlsge is 
traceable, for the author of the book was thinking in Aramaic 25 . All of MSrir's works were 
composed by him in Aramaic, with the exception of the Middle Persian STahbuhragan, which is 
thus the only surviving literary work by Manl (as most of the original Aramaic material was 
presumably lost 26 ). Bearing in mind this composition (SShbuhragSn), Henning wrote: "Mani 
knew some Persian and even had composed one of his books in, it is true, somewhat halting 
Persian" 27 . Going perhaps in Henning's footsteps, this single work written by Manl in Iranian 
was seen as full of "mistakes", "because of Mani's scanty knowledge of this language" 2 ®. Boyce 
1983c, 1196, did not accept MSnTs authorship of the Middle Persian text of SShbuhragan: 
"whether Mani himself wrote the actual Middle Persian version [of SahbuhragSn] is doubtful, 
for years later, after long sojourn at the Sasanian court, he still chose to be accompanied by an 
interpreter at an audience with Sh3pu"r's son, Bahram I... Probably, ..., as a young man he 
wrote the Shahbuhragan in his mother-tongue, Aramaic, and had it translated into Middle 



21 "He seems to have used especially the Syriac version of Tatian's Diatessaron", cf. Schneemelcher 
1991, I, 401. 

22 Passion and resurrection fragments M 132 and M 18 are parts of the Diatessaron, ib/, Parthian M 
4570 is from Passion Diatessaron, cf. also Sundermann 1986, 82ff.. 

23 It is a remarkable {and still not explained) fact that the New Persian Diatessaron (ed. by Messina 
1951), which is Df great value, has survived. 

24 Thus, according to Tardieu 1 987, 1 44, the Manichasan Gospel is an abbreviated Harmony, based on 
Matthew as concerning Jesus' oral teachings and on Luke as concerning Passion events. 

25 On Mini's language, cf. Lidzbarski 1927; Rosenthal 1939, 207-211: "many Iranian Manichaean 
writings have an Aramaic substratum", ibid., 207 nn. 5-6, "and even Coptic ones", /f>., n. 7; Henning's 
remarks to Tsui Chi 1 94 3-46, 217: "...the QSudagJn [*qwdSM afriwan had originally been written 
in the Syriac language. ..by Mani himself; Ha I on n & Henning 1952-3, 205-6; Polotski 1933, 66ff.; 
Potatski 1935, 242.6-14, 243.35-16). 

26 It was supposed, and, probably, with right, that the account of the Syriac bishop Bar-Konay is based 
on Mani's original writings. 

27 Henning 194CM2, 953. 

28 Khanlari 1347[h], 256. 



in 

Persian"^. 

Quotations from SShbuhragSn were known a long time ago from al-BTrunT's A6ar 30 ; in 
the Islamic period (cf. Reeves 1992,40) a volume was known in xvsrizm, which contained the 



29 On the rile of the AramEan Nuhz3dag and Hani's ability to speak Middle Persian and/or Parthian, 
cf. Widengren 1933a, 971, and n. 6. 

30 Sachau 1923, 207, 14-18; Sachau 1879 T 190; Adam 1969, 5-3 -/- Keph. 1 r for a parallel; cf. 
■ Boyce 1975a, 29, notes; SahrestffnT (ed. Cureton) 192; Adam 1969, 6, text b; Hutter 1933, 159- 

160. 



112 
Pragmateia^' 1 , Giants^ Treasure of Life, Dawfl of Truth and Foundation, Gospel, 
Sshbuhragsn, and a number of Epistles 33 . The Middle Persian text of 53hbuhraga"n was 
found, however, in Turfan , it may, in its extant form, be Mini's ipsissitna verba. The text of 
the 5a"hbuhrag3n as quoted here, is based on the edition and translation prepared by MacKenzie 
1 979-BO, with important contributions by W. Sundermann. 



31 Pragmateia and Gospel {'wnglywn) bear their Greek names, undoubtedly, given to these works by 
Mini himself; this evidence is important for evaluating the impact of the Greek language in the 3rd 
century Mesopotamia, However, the name of Pragmateia is not even mentioned in Iranian Manichaean 
texts. The name probably means "stories', cf. Tardieu 19B2, 55. 

32 The Book of Giants, Kaw3n T MSrii wrote at request of the ParthJans, cf. Keph. 5.23; the book 
contained material close to, but not identical with, that of Sa*hbuhraga~n. The Enoch literature must be 
the main source of this work (cf. Reeves 1392); the mention of "Parthians" rn the connection of Kawfln 
may be a result of a linguistic error, as Persian pahlawan (from the ethnic name of the Parthians, "a 
hero, a strong man* > Arabic etc. baMaw^n) is, to some degree, synonymous with Kaw. In other 
Manichaean Iranian literatures the name of our giants / abortions is afso derived from an Avestan temir 
it is kavi, "a giant hero of old", meaning "a poet" in Vedic. The equation of the Genesis term gibbGT 
[Aramaic g1[n][b)a"ra"> / kavl seems to be existing before Maril, cf. Widengren I960, 48. In 
Manichaean Middle Persian "mazan" fs used to translate Greek "tit^" 1 ! "giant", cf. Pahlavi n mazan(rg)" 
[eg., Ahriman mazanTgan Az spahbed, "the giant-demons of Ahriman, A? (Concupisicence) the 
commander-in-chief", W2s 3S.3S, Mole 1963, 96; Gignoux & Tafa^zoli 1993, 134-5], Sogdian 
"lizny a n. dyw"; rendering the Avestan adj. "mazaniia-", 'giant* applied to "daevas". Cf. Ma"zandara"n in 
the anthManichaean passages of Skand GumSnTg WlzSr, rendering Nephiiim, "giants / abortions* £in 
the double meaning of Hebrew naQTHm: "fallen angels [ > giants] / abortions", cf. Sundemiann 1994b, 
where J.Ch. Greenfield is quoted], restored also by Sundermann in M 5900 (nvzndr'n - Giants, 
Sundermann 19S9, 71 n. 38; Reeves 1993, 161 n. 392), These "MJzandaraV, who were glossed over 
as "demons", are actually "giants" , cf. also Russell 1985, 456. This use of an eld Avestan term, ethnic 
in its character cf. (Burrow 1973, 134-6). as an application to imported Jewish Nephffim. Is typical for 
Mlrfl's system of thought; but, it is also the usage of some Pahtavi texts, derived from S[t] Jdgar Nask 
(Mole" 1959, 2B2ff.); Ma~zandara~n as a demonic term is used several times in MX, written down in 

Sasanian times; the White D£w [ . .-j-. — ti— -.- r -- ■-!—■ v.*- j ^-r. -.— ■— v- .- cr— r.-r — 

<M«ni.4M(t- < -«. l hr.ta,iMi»h>rwri»M««>M r ».^ H i H .*4.«.] of Sa*hnamah still dwells in M5zandar3n; In DkM 
S94 The Great de"w" (dyw nun < mZJidrf.' n]) was distroyed by Hflsang, while TabarF calls him IblTs 
(Tafaizoli 1969, 117). The Iranian tradition still uses "Great Satan" and "Small Satan" as political/ 
ethnic abuses. The circle gets closed: an ethnic name got the meaning "demons", and the word for 
"demon" became an ethnic slur. 

33 It should be noted that SahbuhragSn: was, presumably, not a part; of the Eastern [Parthian-Sogdian- 
Uig uric-Chinese) Manichaean Canon. 

34 Editions: Muller 1904, 11-24; Salemann 1908, 24-28; partial edition: Boyce 1975, 76-81 [text z, 
M 473, 475, 477, 432, 472, 470); studies; {Alfanc 1919, 161-9?;} Jackson 1930; Ghiiain 1947, 
539f.; Henning 1952, 516-7; Boyce 1960, 31-2; Boyce 1963b, 70; translations; MQller 1904; Ghtlain 
1947 [a partial one, by Andreas! ; Asmussen 1975, 103-106- 



113 

There are many Aramaic features in Manichaean Middle Iranian texts: in some Manichaean 

fragments from the Book of Giants we find Aramaic c T r" for "Watchers" of Aramaic Enoch; the 

word goes back to the Aramaic parts of Daniel. And there is the well-known now (cf. Reeves 

1991, £96) example of Aramaic hattta, "sin", for "semen", resulting, partly, from a 

connection with YHT, "to abort", as a part of the Aramaic-Gnostic parlance 3 °, used in the texts; 
if this, or similar, usage was found in Iranian, this should be regarded as a semantic caique 
[compare sub-chapter I. "Sleep and Sweat"]. 

There are words whose range in meaning in Western Iranian and Semitic 37 is close or 
identical, due probably to a common background and king period of contacts. In marry cases it is 
impossible to decide in which language the sense of a given word is original. To these belongs 
Middle Persian, etc. wyr'st, identical with Aramaic/Hebrew TQN / TKN, "to repair, to 
arrange, to compose" etc. Both words are mutually fully translatable, while we use In modem 
languages more than one verb to render all the shades of their meanings. This mutual 
translatability of Iranian and Semitic words might sometimes blur our judgment as to Marl's 
Sources or the original language Of some given pieces. How easy ManTs work in picking up his 
Iranian vocabulary sometimes was can be demonstrated by the example of his word for 
resurrection; MSril chose existing Zoroastrian terms to render his Aramaic vocabulary. The 
Pahlavi term for "resurrection", "the rising of the dead", rfstaxez, contains the word for 
"dead", Irlsta-, and the verbal root "to stand up, to arise" (on the vocalization ri.staxe"z in 
Manichaean Middle Persian, cf. MacKenzie's notes in his edition of SShbuhragan 3 "). 



35 In status sbsotutus\ But this is also the case with many *5yriac" (i.e., Syriac and Aramaic) loan 
words in Armenian, many of which were borrowed centuries later. 

36 Cf. D. Shapira, "The Jews, Celestial Race" (forthcoming). 

37 Under "Semitic" I understand here almost exclusively Aramaic, the lingua franca of Western Asia 
from the epoch corresponding, on the Iranian side, to that from the Median Empire until the Islamic 
conquests. 

38 Tafazzoti 1974b, 339 mentioned also the vocalization of the word rista"xe~z in Zoroastrian Middle 
Persian and Manichaean Middle Persian, against rustax£z in Fa"rs and ra'sta'xe'z in New Persian. 
Bayanu-' l-'ady3n by zl- c A)awT has: "(a)be-gumSn hum pa(d) nastTn I Horrnazd u 
Am£pand3n, <pa{d)> rustaxCz", as a phrase told by a ncbarj in a fire-temple in Fars to 
Muqqadasr, after showing him a copy of the Avesta and reading a passage from it; this New Persian 
passage was compared to the two extant Middle Persian ones: pad hastTh <T> Yazdan . . ud 
rlstaxSz .. abe-gum3n horn, FT, 87 §4, and ... ud bQdan T ristJxe"z .. abe"-guman badan, PT 
44 § 16, Tafazzoli 1974b, 339- 



114 
Its Aramaic counterpart is qsyamta / qayamia [damtts], or, in a shorter form, simply 
qsyamta / qayamia, which may be a caique from Iranian 39 , though no longer felt 40 as such. 
This Aramaic qeyamta / qsyamta (the Syriac word means also "ecclesia, covenant, law, 
convent"* 1 ) was later borrowed into Arabic as qiySmat-. The Arabic word, in its turn, made a 
semantic impact on the New Persian continuation of the Pahlavi word, as reflected in trie New 
Persian pronunciation rasta"xe"z, vs. Pahlavi ristSnUz, implying "the rising of the righteous 

[rast]" 42 , or, "the rising-lip. [rast]", having been adapted to Arabic semantics. 

In other cases, an Iranian word was used as a clear caique from Semitic. It can be easily 
illustrated by the Manichaean use of drOd as a word for "greeting", in the sense of Aramaic, 
Hebrew etc. selama, Salom etc. (cf. Pelliot M. 914.2.3, de Menasce 1971b, 305-6): 5 md 
hy pd drwd, "tu est venu dans paix", clearly a caique from Aramaic Hi aiet bisiama 43 . 
Mam's use of the word "West" 44 as a designation the land in which Jesus appeared as a messenger 
may reflect a specific - and well-attested - Jewish-Babylonian 4 ' expression for the Land of 
Israel (ma=rab_a). 



39 The idea of resurrection of the dead is of course Iranian. In the Jewish sources it was first attested 
in Ezechiel. Achaemenid epoch. 

40 The Christian Pahlavi usage (5GW 15.61) was rOz f 3xSzi5nTh, perhaps a back-translation from 
Syriac. 

41 Cf. Brockelmann 1928, 653b. 

42 In Iran, "dead" and "righteous" were frequently seen as synonymous, cf . Shapira 1 997 (I hope to 
return to this topic elsewhere); meanwhile, it is worth notice that in Sasanian Iran, a person executed by 
a Zoroastrian court of law, was supposed to become "righteous" and worthy of the Best Existence, in 
case he wholeheartedly repented his mortal sin, cf. Sayast nff Sayast 8.6, Tavadia 1930, 106: ud 
agar rad sar brTdan TramSyed, pad gyjg ahlaw, urj sates s yazisn, "and if ratu orders to 
cut his (the sinner's) head, he (the sentenced person) becomes "righteous" on the spot, and the satffs 
ceremony is to be celebrated". The Jewish idea mlla'Lo' kappSrSlcVtaqqanStd, "his death rs his 
atonement/correction", found elsewhere, may serve as a parallel. 

43 Schaeder 1 926 quoted an Aramaic poem composed presumably by Hani preserved by Bar Konay in 
the 1 1th book of his Katana 1 flsEskSlydn (ed. Pognon p. 1 28:5ff; CSCO Scrypt. Syr. II Vol. 66 p. 
314:Z0ff.): 

w'mr Ih Ersprach [der Lebendige Geist) zuihm [dem Urmenschen]: 

Sim <lyk tb> dbyt DyS' "Friede uber dich, Guter, inmitten der BOsen, 

t> bglm myt' "Komm zu Heil, bringend 

t'grt s"y n' w S 1m 1 die Schiffslast von Frieden und Heill". 

The translation in Adam 1 969, 1 8, is different. Cf . also Widengren 1 950, 94-95. 

44 BTrUnr (cf. Sachau 1923, 207.17) also used M arrl bin his quotation from Manl's Sahbuhragan. 

45 It is quite possible that not oniy Jews, but also other speakers of Aramaic in Babylonia designated 
Palestine, Phoenicia et cetera as "the West". I, however, am aware only of the Jewish usage. The later 
speakers of Syriac in the NBStorian East and the Monophysite/Monophylite West may have lost the sense 
of their cultural unity and thus lost the need to refer to each other by geographical, rather than religious, 
designations. 



115 

ManTs "Religion of Light" may derive its designation from a Jewish tradition: it is only among 
Jews, of all the speakers of Aramaic, that a bilingual pun was possible, juxtaposing the words for 
"light" and "Religious Teaching", namely, 'Orayta, the Jewish Aramaic for Tffrah. Though 
Aramaic 'Cray ta" and the Hebrew Tffrah are both derived from the same root for "to teach", 
Aramaic 'Orayta was frequently understood as containing the Hebrew J o~r, "light™, which is 
impossible in Standard Aramaic or in Syriac, where another root for "light" was used. The 
Hebrew saying, no doubt based on this Hebrew-Aramaic pun, states: Tfira"h hl[*] >o"ra"h, "the 
Tffran is [the] Light". It was thus perhaps from this Jewish tradition that Manl derived the 
name "Books of Light", cf. Keph 5.23. 

The Manichaean use of Iranian s'/ir in n wg jflVembodying a conception of the New Paradise as 
the New Aion as well, due to the dual meaning of the Syriac word c a 1 sm a, "world, age, ccubv" 4 **, 
was noted many years ago by Mary Boyce (cf. Boyce 1 954, 1 6 n. 7). tt was the temporal aspect 
of the Semitic word that preceded the spatial one 47 . The choice of this particular Iranian word 
Shr, to render 'a I smJ, indicates perhaps Marii's acquaintance with Iranian legendary history as 
reflected in some Nasks abbreviated in the Dfnkard: "s hr of NN", "the rulership of NN", was 
understood as "age of NN", and then the same s h r was introduced to render the concept of "world". 
Thus, we find in the SfibuhragSn: >ndr shr, "in the world". 

Skjaerva 1996b, 241, called the use of the verb wTf t- (wlyift-) "deceive, lead astray" 
"especially noteworthy", as it applies "both to the deceived worshipers and to the idols 
themselves". In my opinion, this usage is a semantic caique from the Aramaic T = Y, "to go astray, 
wonder, err", from which the substantive ta'ffta is formed, applied to idols and idolatry, 
whence Arabic ta^ut. In some cases, it is only the translation back into Aramaic that enables us 
to reach a better understanding of Mini's intention, as in M 1 8, "[in] truth [he] is the Son of 
GocT 4 °, where the Aramaic version could be easily reconstructed as *Srr s hw br 5 d J lh>, • 
Srr 1 vocalised * Sara rz[>], "truth" or *s3rTra[>], "power" (Bovcqiicj. 



46 But also m Chhsiian Pahlavil S"Gw 15.118: Small az e~n sahr he'd, man ne azss" ham, "you 
are of this world /a ion, but I am not of it", cf. John 8.23. 

47 me (rather late) development of 5emitic 'Slam, =aiama, <alam from "(eternal) time" to "world" 
is due perhaps to the impact of Persian osh, which has three meanings: "place, throne, time". In 
passing, note the Persian semantics of the Aramaic loan word in Armenian, at s or, "throne". 

48 Cf. MQller 1 904, 34-6; interpreted by Alfaric as part of Mam's Living Gaspet, studied in Tolman 
1919; readings Improved in Klimkeit 1989, 401 ff. 



116 

In the last case, the original reading was "*the Son of God is strong", being, in my view, an 
allusion to the words of John the Baptist in Mt 3.1 0. 

It is ManTs Judsso-Christian background that makes possible to explain a problematic word in 
the Sahbuhragan. The demons-tormentor, dyw 3 n [nyjxrwst'r, was restored in 
Sahbuhragan 33-34 & 206, cf. MacKenzie 1979, 523. MacKenzie told us that ManTs own 
designation of the Adversary of the Fiend means "tormentor", not "reproacher"; he rejected the 
older translation ("the verba/ noun ... must be something stronger than mere rebuke, 
reproach"), arguing that there are two partly synonymous verbs, 1: nxrwhyd, nxru/h-, 
"reproach", < Old Persian *ni-xrau&-, Avestan xraos-, and II: nyxrwst, nyxrwh-, "torment", < 
Tti-xraud- , the two to be put apart in Boyce 1 977, 99. But even if MacKenzie's postulation 
about the existence of two "partly synonymous verbs" is wrong on the Iranian part (and I believe, 
it is not), we are able, nevertheless, to strengthen MacKenzie's view about the range of meaning 
of the verb in question by a parallel from Mini's own linguistical background. 

Zecharia 3.2 49 was frequently used for magic purposes, thus one may expect MSnl to have 
been acquainted with it. Magic in Babylonia was an international business, easily crossing 
religious and cultural boundaries. Many magical texts were composed by Jews for Gentiles, while 
using Jewish, including Biblical, formulae, sometimes in Hebrew, sometimes translated into 
Aramaic. 

The Zacharia text reads yfg/ar YHWH bana haisatan (the Syriac version reads: 

satana neg^Or b3t Marya, in King James's Version, The Lord rebuke thee, OSatan")^". 

The original Hebrew has here the verb g3 c ar, generally rendered as "to rebuke". The more 
exact range of the meaning of the Hebrew word was studied in Macintosh 1961; in Genesis 
Apocryphon, eg. (cf. Beyer 1984, 176), one finds: wk'n s!y 'ly w'l byty w ttq'r mmnh 
rwt)' d" b J y3t» w^ly Mwhy ... w 'tq'rt mnh rwh 5 b'yst 1 , "and now pray for me and 
for my wife (byty, "my house"), that this evil spirit may be expelled from us... and I 
(Abraham) prayed for him ... and the evil spirit was expelled from him (the Pharaoh)". A shade 
of the Hebrew meaning of ga<ar here survives, in my opinion, in its original meaning, in the 
Syro-Palestinian Arabic ka'ar, "to reject, to expel" 51 . It was this double sense, "rebuke" / 



49 The Book of Zecharia belongs to the Persian Period and is full of Iranian material; the idea of Satan, 
as is well known, was not originally Jewish, thus the locus is a priori suspected of Iranian influence. 

50 Cf. Naveh & Snaked 19B7, A 1.5-6 (pp. 40-1) and Bl 1.5-6 (pp. 184-5), where the orthography is 
vulgar and differs considerably from the Massoretic text. 

51 Macintosh 1961 made references to Egyptian and 5ynan Arabic colloquialisms, but not to this 
particular word; cf. also hat t Dlk'ar Dan, "he pursued/haunted one". 



"reject" 52 , of the Biblical verse (cf. Mackenzie's "reproach" / "torment") that was rendered by 
M3n1as[ny]xrwst". 

Another group of Mini's terms has no possible Semitic equivalents and must thjs reflect 
Iranian notions current in Marl's times. To this grojp belongs the important term dfnwar, 
translated by MacKenzie as "religious". This highly interesting term ultimately goes back to 
Manl's "Iranian", not "Semitic", background. There is no indigenous Semitic word for "religion" 
in our modern sense: New Hebrew for "religion", dai, is a Late Old Persian/Archaic Middle 
Persian loan word^ 4 ; Aramaic (whence Hebrew and Arabic) drn, results from a contamination of 
dae"na > dCn with homonymous Semitic tor "judgment" [cf. in Introduction]^. There is no 
Semitic word I could think of that would stand behind Hants drnwar. The term does not seem to 
have been coined by Mini, but existed before him and was used by him. However, it does not occur 
in Iranian sources that could be dated ante M3n1. The word oyny. in two senses: 1), ""religion" 
(mazdeenne)" and Z), "de"n (double eschatologique)", occurs only in Middle Persian inscriptions 
of Kirde"r 56 (cf. Gignoux 1972, 22). No doubt, ManTs perception of de"nwar was connected 
with his own "twin reflection", and de"nwar must be translated not as "religious", but as 
"righteous", "one bearing" the image of his good dae"na~ in his own soul", "one who shall see a 
beautiful dae~n3" or the like, as only the righteous ones will see her in glory. Syriac for 
"ecclesia", 'efits /Mflta, from Hebrew 'e"rjah, "community", was used in a very interesting 
sense in the Hymn of the Bride preserved in Acts of Thomas. The Hymn begins: <dty brt nwhr' 
zyw 3 dmlk 1 'yt 1 h, where the Greek reads: f\ Kopm, toB tponoc, Btrydrno etc., "The Ecclesia/ 
Bride is the daughter of Light". 

52 Praf. Sh. Shaked and Prof. J. Naveh kindly drew my attention to the fact that the late Prof. J.Ch. 
Greenfield wrote on this word, m fact, Greenfield 1 980, xxxvlll-xicxxix, came to the same conclusions 
about the meaning of the word in the Hebrew Bible ("roar, rebuke" / "to turn hack, drive out") and in 
Aramaic magic contexts ("to drive out"). I am thankful to them for that remark. 

53 Though it is not impossible that Marii knew some Hebrew, nevertheless, this particular example does 
not necessarily imply it, as the Syriac and Aramaic use of the word in this formula may have been 
known also to people who did know no Hebrew at all. It is of interest that the same Iranian verb was used 
by MSrii's arch-enemy Kirdffrin KXZ 13f., as was noted in MacKenzie 1979, 523; 1 Pm nhlwsty 
H WHd, "and I tormented them". 

54 Nd longer felt as such at a very early stage, as it was introduced into the present Biblical text of 
Deuteronomy 33.2, which, whatever the dating, is still older than the Achsemenld period. 

55 So, y 5 ma frCTna might mean "the day onwtiich one meets hisown daena". 

56 A special study undertaken by me has shown that there are many parallels between Marfi's and 
Kirde"r*s texts; my conclusion is that K1rde"rwas forced to use the parlance created by Marii. I hope 
to publish my results in the future. 

57 Cf. Sundermarei 1996, 418b: "Old Iranian -bara- 'carrying,' rather than ... &-bar- 'to bring.'" 



118 
The extant Syriac version was seen as departing considerably from the original text, due to its 
systematic catholicizing effort, thus "Bride" was replaced by "Church" in the Syriac version. 
However, if one substitutes the Iranian den for c eita /'lata and fj Kofm, both notions become 
synonymous.'" 

After these remarks on the vocabulary of ManTs Sahbuhragan, we will turn to a comparison 

i 
of several passages of this work with some Zoroastrian Pahlavi passages preserved in books 

whose final redaction is centuries later than Manl's epoch. However, the similarities between 
both groups entitle one to suggest that these passages were known to Mam and to his 

Zoroastrian readers/hearers" in some form, and, moreover, that MSrfi made efforts to 
make it clear that he refers to familiar Zoroastrian lore, with the aim to disguise his teachings 
and to pass them as a better exposition of Zoroastrianism. First of all, Manl's SSbuhragSn was 
entitled dw bwn, "two basest origins", and it is tempting to compare this name to that of 
Bundahisn (though this name and its age is problematic). Mini wrote in his Sahbuhragan 
(MacKenzie 1979, 504-5) A 10-16: 

h'nc 'w J wy5>n hnzps 3 d. w >wy zm'n k' >nd[r] Shr xyr <ynwn bw'd * 'Jygl 
pc zmyg w =sm>n =wd (x)[wr] »wd m'k w 'xtr'n [=wd] ['Istl'Irg'n wzrg 
nyS'n pyd['g] b[w]'d **, 

"...will also join himself to them. And at that time, when things'^ will be thus in the world 61 , 
[then] also on earth and in heaven, and on the sun and moon, and in the constellations (of the 
zodiac) and the stars, a great sign will appear". 

Though these ideas could be easily explained as taken from the apocalyptical fragments of the 
New Testament, nevertheless, it is plausible to suggest that M3ri1 did refer on purpose to 
Zoroastrian passages like that preserved in ZWY 6.4: 



53 Cf. Sundermann 1996, 416b, on the abstract Parthian denafiarfft, "understood as a collective 
designation for the Manichean church as a whole". 

59 Presumably, to SShpuhr. 

60 xy r Is a semantic caique from Aramaic sat", "thing; desire"; CBW (*sab_(j) was used in Pahlavi as 
an Aramaeogram for xfr, 

Gl As already mentioned, >ndr 3hr, "in the worid", a semantic caique from Aramaic c 31amS, 



119 



ka bS SySnd, Spitaman Zardu[x]£t, xvarsed nfizm niSSn nlmayfid, ud man 
az gOnag wardSd pad gehan n€zm ud tarn tarTgTh hawed pad asman nfSSnag T 
gdnag.gflnag paydag bawe~d ud bOm.candag was bawed ud wad stahmag.tar°' 
3ye"d ud pad g£h3n niyaz ud tangTh ud dusxvarlh weS dSdar aye"d ud TUglr 
ud Ohrma20 wad tar. an ray padlxSahTh rayenfind, 

"0 Spitaman Zoroaster! When they will come, the Sun will be veiled", the Moon will 
change color and there will be haze, darkness and gloom on earth, various signs will become 
manifest in the sky, there will be many earthquakes, the wind will blow stronger, much need, 
distress and misfortune will appear on earth, and Mercury and Jupiter will determine the 
sovereignty to the wicked". 

Sahbuhragan (MacKenzie 1979, 504-5) A 9-10 (w dynwr ky x[wy5] dyn ny 
wrw'd, "and the "religious" who may not believe in his own religion") finds its parallel in 
ZWY 4.S3 64 : u.53n pad nan l x v es de"n ni wurrflye'nd, "they will not believe in their 
own religion". 

SShbuhragan (MacKenzie 1979, 504-5) A r 17-18 (ps xrdyshr yzd h J n ky nxwst 
'wy n£ d>m, "then Xradesahr (the god of the world of wisdom) who first that male creation...") 
should be compare to Bd 1 a.6 [cf. APPENDIX li Fragan]: 

nazdist asman da"d, rfjsn paydag. T abeT duY*kanarag, xayag.dfis, x v 3n.3hSn 
T hast gflhr almast, nar. 

"first, He (0hrma2d, the "Lord wisdom ") created Sky, bright and manifest, with extremely 
remote boundaries, in the shape of an egg, of shining metal that is the substance of steel, male ". 



62 CereLi 1995, 141: stambajrar. 

63 With Cereti 1995, 160 n. 34. 

64 Thus assuming that this Zoroastrian passage not necessarily reflects latter vicissitudes of the 
Zoroastrian Church, but is rather an ofd literary topos. 



120 
Sahbuhragan (MacKenzie 1979, 504-507) A v 17 (41)-24 (48) indicates that the idea 
of "angels/ messengers" was not unfamiliar to Mini's Zoroastrian audience: 

>wd ps [xrdlyShryzd prystg'n >w [xwr a ]s>n >wd >w nwrnw'r [prystl'd w 
sw'nd =wd mrdwhm [=y dlynwr >b=g hy>r 5 n J * w h a n [dws"]qyrdg'[n] >z 
h>mkw(ny)sn>n [hmys pr'c 'w ' py]S xrdyShrfyzd n'ynd ? 'iw5 nm'c bend, 

"and then godXradesahrwill send messengers to east and west, and they will go and [bring] the 
religious with (their) helpers, and those wicked ones [together] with (their) accomplices, 
before Xradesahr". 

The meanings of New Persian for "angel", fe res te (Parthian f rys tg, Armenian hres tak) 
and for "messenger, ambassador" 63 , fereste (Middle Persian prystk/frystg, Aramaic and 
Syriac prystq') must antedate the Islamic period: two Arabic words for "messenger" cannot be 
good candidates, as Arabic m a 1 ■ a k is a loan word from Aramaic, having no etymology in Arabic, 
while Arabic rasdl is a caique from SalTria / ojioctuAocj though word-lists to Manichaean texts 
register f rystg/ rrys"t g as "apostle, angel", however, the contexts I was able to check do not 
support the meaning "angel". In fact, there is not much room in ManTs mythology for "angels". 
The only occurrence of the word in question in the sense of "angel" 1 am aware of is that found in 
SShbuhragan (MacKenzie 1979, 508-9) C v 5 (125): [gh]y prystg'n 'br 'wyS'n 
[dwlsqyrdg'n gwm'r(yd) >wSn [glyr'nd w =w dwjwx ] (bg)[n'nd], "then he 
(Xradesahr) appoints angels over those evil-doers, and they seize them and cast them into 
hell". 

We should remember that ManTs hearer/reader was no other than the King of Kings; ManTs 
personages should be familiar to him. Thus, Mini wisely refers to the god of the world of wisdom 
XradeSahryazd, "who first made that male creation", implying that SShpuhr would 
comprehend that Xradfsahryazd is, of course, the well-familiar "Lord Wisdom", who 
created, in the beginning, the male Sky. 



65 But also ferestade for rastrl, nabT. 



r 



121 
So. using here prystg'n, "angels", Mini could be sure that he will be understood by the King. 
And indeed, in a Pahiavi text, which, according to Boyce 1 985b, 473a, would be a Parthian Zand 1 , 
i.e., a text that already had existed about Marl's time, namely in Dk 7.4.74-78 (DkM 639.1 7ff.; 
Mole 1 967, 56-7), we read: 

74. frestTd cand dadSr T Ohrmazd Wahman, AswahlSt, ata[x]s 1 abzCnlg pad 

as't[ag]Th... 

77.0.5 guft pad nan T wlran gowiSnTh ataMS T Ohrmazd ktf: "ma" tars! cf.t 

ne abar tarsUn, warzSwand T Kay wUtSsp! ne\t fl man tarist mad he"nd 

aStag 66 abargar T paygambar T ArjSsp, d.t ne a man tarist mad h€nd do 

hawand^ 7 ArjSsp k€ sag ud baz x v ahfind d.t nS a manat tarist mad hffnd han T 

harwlsp tarwEnldSr duz 1 x v ast3r gadag 1 rShdarl 

78. se he"m fcS.t man tarist mad hfind: Wahman, Aswahist, ItafxJSsz T 

x v ad§y T abzdnTg ...", 

74. Ohrmazd sent as messengers W a h m a n, AswafilSt and the bountiful fire... 

77. The Fire oY Ohrmazd said in a human voice: 'Do not be afraid! Because there is nothing for 
you to be afraid of, powerful Kay Wis'tasp! Those who have come to your abode are not 
messengers of Arjasp! Those who have come to your abode are not two similar to Arjasp, 
wishing tribute and revenue! Those who have come to your abode are not all-conquering (men), 
greedy thieves, or highwaymen!". 

78. We are three who have come to your abode: Wahman, Aswahist, and also the bountiful 
Fire of the Lord ...". 



122 

In § 77 two Pahlavi synonyms are used, aStag abargar and paygambar-; abargar 

probably reflects Avestan uparo".kairiia-, Vd 19,13, 16 (cf. Mole 1967, 187); the normal 

Pahlavi meaning of abargar is "god, divinity" (cf. Bd 18.16). It is possible that the semantics 

of this word were similar to those of Greek ayyEloc, or Hebrew mai j ak_. The point is that the idea 

i 

of a non-human being serving as God's messenger was no news to the King (both to w 1 s t a s p and 
toSahpuhr). 

Another fragment from MSnTs work makes a clear reference to a problematic Zoroastrian 
Zand. The fragment in question is Sahbuhrag^n (MacKenzie 1979, 504-5) A 1-9: 

pd dywri >wd ... ]bw[ ] ](c)[ ](p)tg (kw)[ ](.d) ] nd w gw'nd [kw *]mh [y]zd>« 
pyysgr hwm •** (..m...) pd <yn pnd 'yg s mti t] mrdwm'n pr=yst wypsl'nd] "ws'ri 
pd dwSqyrdg'nyth] q>m rw'nd, 

"... with demons and ... will ... and say, "We are the agents of the gods^ B . [You should go] in this 
path of ours". Mankind will mostly be deceived and will proceed according to their (the false 
prophets') will to do evil". 

The corresponding passage is included in Dk 9.32 (DkM 635-841; cf. West 1892, 252- 
60 69 ), which is supposed to be a commentary on the X v adamCd (X v ae~tuma1tT HaitT) 
f ragardof the Warstm3ns a r Nask. This fragard is a commentary on Y 32, the S[t]u"dgar 
and Bag Masks versions are given in Dk 9.9 and Dk 9.54 respectively. The beginning of this 
commentary in the War5tm3ns a r Nask version, being a very free paraphrase of PY 32, 
indicates that the Zandists defended fiercely the idea that the forces of evil who punish the 
transgressors are not Qhrmazd's agents. Dk 9.32.1-3 is as follows: 



66 Cf. Yt 19.46 (aSt-), where DaMta and SpitHura YlnU.karsnt-. "the one who sawed Yima" 
(cf. Bd 33.1, " dews who sawed Ym"), both Ahriman's messengers, are mentioned together. 

67 Or. XyOn, Hyonites; cf. West 1897, 68. 



68 ylzdSn payesgar, "teachers". 

69 Ok 9. 32.14-22 (DkM 838-20-840.1 2) transcribed and translated in Mol£ 1967, 208-9; Ok 9. 32.23 
(DkM 840.12-17) transcribed and translated in Mole 1967, 211; several passages were treated in Mole 
1 963. 225 (Dk 9.32.1 2), 227 (On 9.3 2.1 3), 228 (Dk 9.32.1 9) 



123 



l.nahom fragard X v adam§d abar madan 1 3 flSvi [51 frgftag ud labakkanh 1 
ohrmazd Kit pad han ISbag awSSan menSd ud mlzdfnad ud a zCr TSJn pad 
murnjenTdSn T dSmSn rasad. 

2. awfisan dewan az zufray ij burz 13bag ewSzTna ax v ard xayag "ewag ku 
x v §sTh 1 adrUJISn ud Swagaz ku wSlanlh T adrfjjisn ewag ku erma"nTh T 
adrGJIs'n had im guft pad en kd: "han menOg hSm ka x v e§ erman ud walan 
ewag abag did mlhr ne drBzend amah ne enaz k(J ne ab23r I to hem. Q.man den 
03d han [T] to" ud kamag T to" kunem ud ke to dost ayar ud ke to" du3man 
wizanddSr bawem [ud] ke tfl x v ahem gah 1 andar han T pahlom ax v 3n mlzd T 
mizd arzSnTgan. 

3. pasax v T Ohrmazd aweSan kti: *be duSax v 3g dwared a bun F han 
*aryandtum 70 edon smSh harwisp az dSw hed u tan az Akflmansz [hast] 
tohmag ku.tan tehmag az andh ku AkOman ud Waranaz T abesThlnldar ud A2az 
T hu.Obar 71 ud indarsz T kuSTdaT den T menflg T ahlamo-yTh ud fraz frebed 
mardom [T] gStTgipad huzlweniSn ud a.marg.rawiSnTh ud menlsn aweSan 
fradom be banded*. 



70 Spelled Aklwnd; Aklyy.ayre", stands far Avestan a-yrya-; Middle and New Persian arjand. It 
seems, however, that the passage Is derived from PVd 1 3.47. where one finds 5 bun T ax^an T torn 
ke erang DuSax v , with erang standing for Avestan arayatfl. On ttiis basis, it would be proper to 
emend our Dfc passage and to translate it: "to Hell ... to the source of the wicked [of] darkness (*erang 
«T *lom)". 

71 Zaehner 195S, 171:Szai T anhanbar, "insatiate". 



124 

1 . The ninth fragard, Xvaetumai tl, is about the coming of three deceitful demons, and their 
lamenting to CJhnmazd,- that He, through this lament, should consider and reward them and join 
(Himself) to their power to destroy the creatures. 

2. These demons *vomited 'saliva by clamourous supplication from the abyss 72 upwards, one 
that he is the family that is undeceitful, another one that he is the community that is undeceitful, 
and of the third one that he is the clan that is undeceitful, saying that, namely: 'We are that spirit 
when the members of a family, a community, a clan do not break promises, one with the other 
are we not really Thy tocte? Our religion and law are Thine, and we do Thy will; we assist those 
who are Thy friends, and we injure those who are Thy enemies; we are those who ask Thee of a 
position in the best existence, the reward that is a reward of the worthy*. 

3. The reply of Ohrmazd to them was thus: "You rush out to Hell, to this most horrible source, as 
you are all from demon(s) and your seed is really from AkOman (Evil Thought), i.e., your seed 
is from there where AkOman (Evil Thought) and Waran (Lust) the destroyer and also A2 
(Greed) the Swallower, and 1 n d r the Slayer, too, (are), the spirit(s) of the religion of heresy, 
you deceive the worldly people as to good life and propagation of immortality and you first tight 
up their minds'". 



72 Cf. I Enoch 10:13, abyss of fire as place of punishment; OrgWId 126:22-23, 34 (the "gods" » 
abortions are to be cast down to abyss), Tartaros below the Abyss (HypArch 95:12); Earth as prison of 
demons in Traite manicheen, cf, Chavannes & Pelliot 1913, 514-5, 526. 



125 

The unnamed demons complain that, although they do Oh rmazd's job and will and are his tools 
(abzar), they do not get, nevertheless, their reward. They go on and complain that rjhrmazd 
does not add to their power to destroy (His, presumably, wicked) creatures, who later implicitly 
are called fjhrmazd's enemies; they also tell that they are of CThrmazd's Religion. No, answers 
CThrmazd, you do it on your own, it is your evil nature that pushes you to the destruction of your 
own Evil Realm. From Otirnnazd's answer it is dear that the three unnamed demons have some 
specific links with Wa ran, Az, I ndr, who are also mentioned in the S[t]tfdgar commentary 
of Y 32, namely Dk 9.9. V, they could be even identical with these. Their sin is described as 
leading astray as to "good life" and "immortality" (tiuzTwenisn ud a.marg.rawlSnTh). 

The Dk account is supposed to be based on PY 32.1 , which reads: 



AJtnac~? x v ae"tus y3sat ahlla vsrazSnam mat arllamna 
ahiia daeuua manmT manai ahurahlia unjuazama^ mazda 
east dfJtirjhS arjhama tSng dSraliS yS1 va dalblsantT. 



Compare a few translations of this passage: 

"And (for bliss) from him shall the nobility beg; from him the community with (its) sodality; 
From him, (even) the dafva-adherents {dae"uua~I - on my terms tmahmT manffl 1 , tor bliss 
'uruyazama"] from Ahura the wise. (People:) Let us be messengers IdOtSiJho'l for (your) strengthening 
{©Sffil; for restraining those who are-hostile-to you (Wilkins Smith 1929); 

"(id the gods). At my insistence {mahmT mano"i), ye gods, the family, the community together with 
the clan, entreated for the grace of Him {uruujzamal, the Wise Lord, (saying;) "Let us be Thy 
messengers, in order to hold back those who are inimical to you" (Insler 1 97S); 

"The family entreats, the community along with the tj~be (do so) in my recital "mahm? manffl^ 4 !, 
youDafvas, (entreating) for His, the Wise Ahura's favour. "Let us be "Vhy households 
{etfli dfjtarjhs 75 anhamal. Thou breakest up (the groupings of) those who hate You"" (Humbach 
1991); 

"In my recital, Dae~vas, the family and the community along with the tribe ask for His, Mazda* 
Ahura's, favor (by praying): "Let us be your people. You scatter those who are hostile to 
you""(Humbach & Ichaporia 1994); 

"Of Him have they sought - family, community together with the clan. 
Of Him, o false gods, at my inspiration {mahmT manGI]; His, the Wise Lord's blessing: 
■Hay we be Your messengers, to hold back those that hate You!"" (Schwartz 1986, 339). 



73 Schwartz 1986: "vrSzama'. 

74 mana being a technical term (Humbach 1591, II, 77). 

75 Generally connected With Vedlc data*-, "messenger", but must be equated with ddd, dudag, 
"smoke", hearth, family" (Humbach 1991, II, 77). 



126 . 
Its Pahlavi version is as follows: 

h3n [gyan] T awe pad x v esTh x v ast han T awe walanTh 76 abag eTmarVifi 
[han mizd T rjhrmazd x v Ss de~wan pad En ku waian ud errnan 1 to hem s.san oh 
x v 3st] 

han T awe" dewan pad man menisnlh [kfjrnari menlsn SdOn frarfin ciyOn 
Zardu[x]5t] han T Ohrmazd urwahmTh la.San oT> x v 3st] 

to gowag 77 bawem [kd rayeTildar 1 td bawem] awSsSn dareTn me Smah 
befenfnd [kd.san az Smah abaz darem]. 



76 This word (translated by West 1892, 252: "serf, serfdom") means "community etc."; it translates 
(cf, Dhabhar 1949, Glossary, 168) varazjna- (which was differently rendered: warzlgn, wSlanth, 
cf. AiW 1425; New Persian has barzao); it was. frequently confused (cf. also Dhabhar 1949, Glossary, 
168) with gal, gaiaTi, according to Nyberg 1974, BO, "the gang, the villains labouring on the estates of 
the king", Old Persian garda^. "servant, worker" (Elamite kup-taS, Aramaic grd[*L Babylonian 
Lu gar-du), Old Indie grha "servant", Khotanese ggald "family", -> Pahlavi gal (only Plural), 
"attendants, followers, household". Cf. KNAP 10.8 (Tafazzoli 1990, 51-2): gSlSn T Kirm hamGyen 
xeT ud x v 3stag ud bunag 6 drubustTh 1 diz T *Gula"ran nlhad, "the attendants of the Dragon 
deposited alKtwir property , wealth and baggage in the c'ltade' of the fortress QjlaYSn". ga" t 2 (Nyberg 
1 974, 80) in AyadgaT T ZarSrSn 25 , should be read dSr "blade" (Tafazzoli 1990, 51), 

77 Probably, an Did emendation for the original *dffdag, "household". The reading is problematic: 
Dhabhar 1949, Glossary, 154, 197: *dffw3g, "messenger, etc."; do"w3g, in PY 32.13, this word 
translates manerarUS ddtlm; AiW 749 supposed »go"wa"g; the gloss r3ye"nTdaT supports the meaning 
like that suggested by Bartholomae and Dhabhar, rather than the original *du"dag, "household". It is not 
impossible that labag in Dk 9.32.1 is a distortion of the same word here. 



T 



127 

That [the life] asked (to be) His own, that of the community (together) with that of the 
elan [this reward of Ohrmazd Himself, the demons, in these (words): "we are Thy community/ 
adherent(s) and elan/friend(s)"; so they asked] 

his demons in my mind [J.e., our thinking is as righteous as that (of) Zoroaster] this joy 
of a h rmaz d [so they asked] 

We are thy speakers [i.e.. we are Thy arrangers], we hold (back) 76 those who hurt Thee 
[/.«., we hold them back of Thee]. 

The Avestan tew of Y 32.1 was translated in the Pahlavi version mostly etymologically, word 
by word; it seems, nevertheless, that the text remained obscure, perhaps, on purpose. Dews, 
meaning here, perhaps, "gods", not "demons'' (compare the translations by Insler and Schwartz), 
is clearly Vocative. In Y 32.1a, axllSca was analyzed by the glossator differently from ah 1 13, 

for reasons rather graphical than textual (i looks very much as x v , so the glossator of 
[gySn 7 ^] confused it with ax"), the grammatical cases of x v a£tu5 .7. varazSnam mat 
ari I amna" were misunderstood (nan T awe p_ad x v es"Th ... h3n 1 awe walarsTh abag 
ermSnTh), but the general sense of 32.1a and 32.1c was grasped; the problem is, however, 
with Y 32.1b. One point of importance is that ahlta" daSuua mahmT manCI (the daSva- 
adherents - on my terms; at my insistence, ye gods; in my recital, you DaSvas; o false gods, 
at my inspiration) was rendered as h3n t awe dewan pad man meniSnTh, "his demons by 
my thought", which seems to be, by the Zandists' standards, a rather faithful translation. It is not 
impossible that han menCg hem in 9.32.2 is an echo of this Zand. 



128 

Compare Dk 9.32.2: awisan dfwan az zufr3y o" burz tabag ewS2Th3 ax v 3rd 
xayflg *ewag ku xY- £sTh T adr-CjjIsn ud ewags2 Ku walanTh T adrdJISn ewag ku" 
eTmanrh T adrOjisn had am gurt pad en ku: "h3n menSg hem Ka xJJ es erman ud 
walan ewag abag did mlhr ne drfizend ..., etc. 

This version should be compared with that of Dk 9.9. 1 B0 : ' 
has"tom fragard X u adamed abar pahrrJz I az fziSn T Sannag MSnOg ray 
an.astflwan 1 Den ud han T az ezisn T Indr ud S Sawar ray an.ebyanghan.dad 
ud h3n T az Szisn 1 Tawric ud Zairlc ray ew.mflg.dwarisn, ud dan az (JziSn T 
Akatas ray dus nigera"ygar, ud han az ezisn T hamSg Offwan ray 
am5r.gan.d3d mardom ud snayenTdan madagwar, 

The eighth fragard, X u adam(Jd, (is) about the avoidance (care/abstinence 81 ) and special 
propitiation of people of non-reliance on the Avesta, because of (being involved in) the worship 
of the Stinking Spirit (namely) because of (practices like) the worship of Indr, and of 53war, 
practicing being ungirdied with the sacred k:QstTg-girdle; because of the worship of Tawric 
jd Zairlc 82 , (daevicatly) walking around with one shoe; and because of the worship of 
AkataS, who (the demon Akatas" is the) producer of bad observance; and because of the 
worship of all the demons, practicing being without the serpents-killing-mace. 



78 The infinitive dSratlo", "to push back, zuruckzuhalten", rendered well by sense, especially in the 
gloss, but grammatically wrong. 

79 An interesting glass, no doubt, af some age; there are more examples for rendering axM3c3 by 
gy3n, cf. Dhabhar 19-19, Glossary, 140. Cf. also Dk 9.32.3: fraz tTebSd mardom [T] gStTg pad 
huzTwaniSn ud a.marg.rawls'nTh, "You deceive the worldly people as to good life and propagation 
of immortality ". 



80 Dk 9.9: DkM 792.17-794.4; DkS XVII, 13-16; DkD missing folios 147.7-150.1; West 1892, 181- 
185. 

81 !n a similar double sense the verb is used In Ham's SahDUhragSn 131 (MacKenzie 1979, S08-9): 
[=Jwd k> xrdyshr yz[d] 'w Jhr ohrvz'g. "and when god Xrades*ahr wiil care for the vrorid...*. 

82 OnTere€ (Taric) in Esther, and Haman's wife, Zeres" (Zarlc^, cf. Shaked 198S, 518; cf. also 
Duchesne-Guillemine 1953. 



Like in other cases (e,g.. Dk 9.6 as compared to Dk 9.29), it is the War§tmSns 3 r version, 
rather than that of the 5[t] Jdgar Nask, that preserves the older material, while that of the 
S[t]u" dgar Nask underwent serious censorship, exactly because being originally of mythological 
character, was entitled to be more popular. 

We do not know who are these three demons or what their names are [cf. APPENDIX III HSrat 
wa Marat]; they represent themselves as *ewag k(J xy _e"s~th ? adrQJIsn ud Swagaz Kd 
walanTh T adrGJlsn ewag ka £nnsnj_h i adraj i sri, "one that he is the family that is 
undeceitful, another one that he is the community that is undeceitful, and of the third one that he 
is the dan. that is undeceitful". 

It is tempting to find under the terms xJLsjTTh, walanTh. ermgnTh another, older stratum, 
such as the (partly synonymous) sequence "man, "wis, «zand. Indeed, the sequence is found 
further in this fragard (Dk 9.3Z.23) 83 . I believe that the terms in question are connected to the 
terms found in ManTs Sahbtlhragan, who, in my opinion, used while composing this work, 
Zoroastrian Zands similar (rf not close till identical) to X v adamSd fragard and *Proto- 
Bundahls'n. In ManTs SShbuhragan (ef. Sundermann 1979a, 777), Spiritus Vivens 
("rfjha hayya) was called Mihryazd, while in all other languages used by the Manichaean 
tradition, the name was simply translated. His five sons are called in the SahbuhragSn: 
rnanbed, "head of the house" (Atlas, S b 1 '); wished, "the head of the clan" (Adamas of Light, 
•drnws nwhr J ); zandbed, "the head of the clan" (King of Glory, mlk' Swbrj'); dahybed, 
"the head of the country" (the Keeper of Splendor, gpt zyw'); pahragbed, "the head of the 
frontier post" (the King of Honor, mlk' rb' d'yqr 5 ), cf. Sundermann 1979a, 7BO. 
Sundermann argued convincingly for the Middle Persian names being derived from a Zand to Tt 
1 9.1 8 or Yt 1 0.1 1 5 (Sundermann 1 979a, 784-5), with a single deviation; the Zoroastrian 



S3 eg ha"n x^adayTh be" barand ke" pa'dlxs'ay he"nd kay ud karapan hanaz T 

dus*x v adaytoTn ke pad den abar 6" awe "E hux v ad3ytom andar man ud wis ud zand ud 

deh. Eg har dG wang barand ke nan T hux v aday ud hanaz ke han [r] (juSx v aday ud 

zanThEd han T du£x v aday ud 5 awe T hux v adaytom x v 3dSyTh be aoesparThSd, "Then they 
will remove this rule, whose sovereigns are the frays and the karapans, these the very worst rulers who 
are in the (and, unto whom who is the best ruler in the house, in the clan, in the tribe and In the country . 
Then both will raise their voices, this who is the best ruler and even this who is the worst ruler, and the 
worst ruler will be smitten, and the rule will be transferred to him who Is the best ruler*. 



130 

clerical dignity of zardulxjstrfftom was replaced by pahragbed, "the head of the frontier 

post". Moreover, Sundermann 1979a, 786, has observed that in the SShbuhragan the order of 

the five sons of Mihryazd corresponds to the order of the ratus found in Zoroastrian texts (as in 

the case of Dk 9.32.23 and, according to my identification, also in Dk 9.32.2), while in other 

Manichaean texts the order is different. To these should be compared another Zoroastrian text, 

i 

though a much later one, namely GrBd 29.1: gowrJd pad DSn ku: han Sa§ radTh [T 
kiSwaranl, har ewag e"w rad Sw hast, "He says in the Avesta: "those six 84 (spiritual) 
rad-ships" [of the continents] 85 ; (it means that ) each (continent) has a (spiritual) rad-". 
There are two ways to explain the deviation in Dk 9.32.Z from the normal rendering (*ma"n, 

"wis, »zand > xY -gsth. walanTh. SrmanTh): 1) another, peculiar, probably, local 
tradition of Zandists; 2) secondary and conscious substitution of the older *m3n, "wis, *zand 

by the newer xY -esTri. wa~lanth. eTmariTh. when the older sequence became tarred with 
Manichaean connotations. 

I find an allusion to (Manichaean?) unauthorized distortion of Zoroastrian Zands in Dk 
9.32.20, where heretics are blamed for their reliance on the A vesta and Zand, but having actually 
robbed them: 

awesanaz gOwend k6 §d T te De"n T Mazdesnan Ssmurend. awe"53n ZarduIxJSt 
az to hanaz T rayisn ud wlndisn e"d ku apparend ud tar ea T ts yazlSn menend 
ud tar niyfyisn. ud tar h3n T bar do wabarTganTha menend Ablstag ud Zand 
ke tfl man fraz guft kg menogan abzSnTgdom horn. 



"These, too, say that they recite this Mazda-worshipping Religion of thine (0 Zoroaster!). 
° "They, Zoroaster!, rob from thee that which is to be arranged and found, and 87 they scorn thy 
ritual and cult They scorn these two truthworthinesses, the Avesta and Zand, which I have 
spoken out to thee, I, who am the most bountiful of all the me"no"g beings!" 



84 As Sundermann 1 979a, 780, has observed, sometimes the Manichasan pentad of Mihtyazd's sons is 
accompanied by the sixth member, whom he Identified with the god Call (Xrus*tag/X v andag). 

85 It should be noted in passing that the Zoroastrian seven continents may have influenced, at least 
partly, the Manichasan idea of eight Earths. 

86 Mole 1967, 209: "ils emporteront meme ce qui vient de ton heritage [rexn]". The translation of 
West 1892, ZS8, differs considerably; the word read as re"xn by Mole and rgyls'n by me, was 
apparently read "reSenend ("those whom thev hurt ") by West. 

87 Mole 1963, 228: "et ils s'opposent a tes sacrifices et a ta priere, et ils s'opcoserit aux deux 
prescriptions, P Avesta et le Zand, que je t'ai dites, moi le plus saint des esprits"; Mole 1967, 209; "ils 
meprisenont tes sacrifices et ton culte, mepriseront les deux documents, I'Avesta et le Zand, que je t'ai 
donnes, moi le plus saint des esprits". 



131 
One finds a reference to M5rfl inserted in Dk 9.39.13. this particular chapter, namely Dk 

9.39, being, supposedly, an abbreviation of the Wars'tm3ns a r version of V 46. The chapter 
has little in common with the Pahlavi version of the Yasna in question; it begins: 16-om 
fragard ka*mnme"z. abar franaftan T a kadaraz e bam pad nog x v 3h1s"mh I 
x v arrah, "The 16th fragard kSmnmez. About departure to any [and whatever, in the new 
search after x v arrah". It is worth noting how different is the wording in the extant PY 46.1a: S 
kadsr zamTg anamom (sic!), "to which land should I bend?". The reference to Manl (Dk 
9.39.13) is as follows: abar nisan T druz T xastag T MSnT ud druwandan Ts 
niyfjxsag zanlSri "IS az awe i dahyped mad, "about the mark of the smiting of the druz- 
demon, the crippled Man and his auditors, which (smiting) came from the lord of the country 88 ". 
There is nothing in the Pahlavi version of the Yasna that would support this mentioning of Manl; I 
believe it was rather the context, with a series of "trigger-words", namely, x v ad, Srman, 
ham ham.haxag (Dk 9.39.1 ) 69 , felt as having something to do with Manl. that has 
provoked this insertion. 

In the latter Zoroastrian tradition, Manl was seen as the zandTg, "zancf-maker", par 
excellence. He was set together with the worst enemies of the Good Religion, cf., eg., Dk 5.3.3 
(DkH 437.9ff.); West 1897, 1Z6-7; Bailey 1943, 217, 154; Hole 1967, 110-113: 



namcistTg cisSn T andar zamanagTha pas mad ud rasTd 1 azas" wizand.kSran 
dyGn Aiaksandar T A-yrSrae zaciar Mahrkrjs ud Dahag ud abar-Fg zand.karan 
wirrdyls'n.wSlanaz MaSth ud ManT ud abarTg SwamTha ciyfln pdlSwden ud 
ahan abar *xak gumffxt abarTg den arastaran wTnardaran awurdaran ciyfln 
Ardaxs€r Adurbed Xusraw ud Pe"$yo"tan Hffsedar Hffs'e'darmSh So"s"yans 
abarTgan, 



88 de Menasce 1945. 240 (F): "allusion a I'execution du maudit Mini et de ses pervers auditeurs, qui a 
ete i'muvre de ce souverain"; also in Jackson, Modi Memorial Volume. 34-6 (nan vidfl- 

89 Which sends the reader back to Dk 9.32.1-3. 



"namely, matters to come in the later times, producers of harm, such as Alexander the smiter of 
A7re"rae, MahrfcGs 90 and Dahag and other makers of Zands, such as Jesus and M3n1, and 
also other epochs, such as that of steel and iron mixed with earth, other restores, organizers and 
introducers of the religion, such as Ardaxs'er, Adurbad, Xusraw, PSsyfJtan, Hosedar, 
Kdsfdarmah, SGsyans, (and) others". 

His teachings were known to Zoroastrian polemicists centuries after his death: Dk 3.200.4(3) 
(Olsson 1991, Z77, 282): ewag padlrag hSn f anlayTh arastar Adurbad weh 
mehman padTrirtan handarzenld, druz xastag MSrsT m&naz. hanas mehman 
andar padTrisn bawe"d asyanas dawist, "contrary to that which the restorer of 
righteousness, Adurbad, declared, namely, to receive the good as guests, the crippled demon 

MSnT clamoured that even his touse 91 was for the reception of those guest of his, i.e., his nest", 
which is paralleled by Dk 3.200.12(11) (cf. Olsson 1991, 281, 283): 
swag padlrag han T ahiayTh arastar Adurbad yazdan pad tan mehman kardan 
handarzffnTcl, druz T xastag T tianT yazdan pad tan mehman ne" bawed be 
andar tanbastag hast dawist, 

"contrary to that which the restorer of righteousness, AdurbSd, declared, namely, to make the 
gods guests in the body, the crippled demon Ma"n T clamoured that the gods were not the guests in 
the body, but are fettered in the body". 

One point of the Manierwean iore seemed to be especially provoking to catch the eye of the 
Zoroastrian compiler of SGW (SGW 16.51-2, cf. Jackson 1932, 180-1; de Menasce 1945, 
254-5): 



90 Avestan MahrkJsa-, the evil winter, later became the name of The flood rain Malkffs'. no doubt 
(cf. West 1897, 108 n. 1) being identified with the Hebrew malqcTs", "autumnal rain", cf, Dk 7.9.3. The 
Hebrew word is a frequent one, as it appears in the Jewish prayer read thrice a day. 

91 An obvious play on words in an attempt to etymologize Warii's name; cf. Shapira 1 999. 



did e"n ku h3n dfj "bunyastan^ hamSgTha ffstiinlh ham.wlmaridTha ab3g bOd 
clyOn artao uO sayag tf.san ne ead hSc *ntyam 93 ud wlSadagih miyan, 

"Again, (the Manichasans say that) these two "original creations/principles" exist contiguously 
having common border 94 , just as sunshine and shadow, and they have no interval or void in 
between". 

We cannot know whether an actual Manichaean text was quoted or what we have here is a piece 
of oral lore; we cannot know whether this idea goes back to Mam himself, but it seems to be an old 
notion, because many old authors, like Ephrem and Augustine, refer to it On the other hand, it is 
impossible to tell, whether the Zoroastrian notion, which was just the opposite of the Manichaean 
one, was there in existence in MSnl's times, or it was coined as an antithesis to the belief held by 
Manichasans. 

For this Manichaean notion, Bd 1 .2-1 [APPENDIX IV TEXT I] could serve as the background, 
though no textual correspondence is suggested here. 

The terminology of ManTs Sahbuhragan is less "Semitic' than the terminology of any other 
Manichaean Iranian group of texts; Jesus, so prominent in any other Manichaean tradition, 
including those of the cultures almost not touched by the Christian impact, appears in a heavily 
Zoroastrianized disguise. This is natural, as M3n1 composed this book for the King of Kings, as its 
name indicates, in the King's language, aiming at propagating his own religion in Erans*ahr, 
rather than for use of the already existing Manichaean community (cf. Sundermann 1 979b, 106). 
I think in the conditions in which ManTs Sahbuhragan was written one may see the clue for the 
explanation of several enigmas connected with the character of Manichaeism as such: this religion 
appeared as, basically, a Judso-Christian Mesopotamian Aramaic sect, but it was the attempt to 
convert the King of Kings that gave this religion its Iranian flavor. Mini was urged to present his 
religion in the form of a Zand (and, I believe, he made use of some existing Zands while composing 
his Sahbuhragan), in order to pass as a Zoroastrian. 



92 Or, »bund3h1sn3n7 

93 The text; n J Sam. 



But doing that, he had no choice but to make some theological concessions; having performed 
this first step, he was led, by the natural inner logic of the texts he himself has composed, to 
move in the "Iranian" direction. Of course, this assumption does not explain everything Iranian 
in Manichaaism; numerous Iranian traits were already found in Judaism and Gnostic Christianity 
as Maril inherited some of them, due partly to direct Iranian impact of many centuries on the one 
hand, and to some basic structural parallels between Judaism and Zoroastrianbm, on another. 

Sundermann 1979b, 108-9 et passim explained the discrepancy between the Middle Persian 
and Middle Parthian ManiclHean terminologies, an old problem in Manichsan studies, by the 
assumption that Mar Ammo, Mini's missionary to Parthians, had taken the religious 
terminology of his teacher in its earlier form, as it was prior to Marfi's composition of his 
Sahbuhragan. This explanation enables us to resolve many problems and makes possible to 
date several episodes in the early Manichaean history more accurately. But it also entitles us to 
suggest that ManTs Sshbuhragan was, actually, a sort of revolutionary development in ManTs 
religious thought. 



135 
IV 

Flra 



On the following pages I will deal with the textual history of some important Zoroastrian 
notions connected with Fire personified and with cosmogonical matters as far as Fine is concerned. 
I am not interested here with the deveiopmena of the Zoroastrian attitudes towards Fire as such, 
or with Fire worship, only with some Zands referring to Fire. It may be taken for granted that 
the Iranians before Zoroaster certainly knew some form of Fire worship, as many other peoples 
did, and Zoroaster himself referred several times elsewhere to Fire in his 6363s. 

Yasna Haptarjhai ti, "the Yasna of Seven Chapters" (Y 35-41; these are short prayers 
addressed to the jyazatas), though a part of the Ga"6as, is not, nevertheless, generally regarded by 
the majority of Western scholars to be Zoroaster's ipsissima verba. One of these Yasnas, Y 36, 
was addressed to Fire, and these are the textaul ramifications of this Yasna that will be analyzed 
here. 

Y 36 (for the Avestan text and its English rendering by Humbach Si Ichaporia 1994: [TEXT 1]) 
was misunderstood by the Za«d/st(s) on some crucial points (while grasping accurately the sense 
of the others), thus conceiving new ideas, later reflected in subsequent Zands. 

Already PY 36-1 [TEXT II] introduces the stress on "action", warziSn, glossed as "care and 
propitiation / Ga"6a"s", being a misunderstanding of the Avestan texts. This stress on "action", 
kuni sn, is obvious in Dk 9 passages derived from PY 36 (where echoes of PY 36.4, and not only 
the wrongly interpreted PY 36.1, played a role). PY 36.Z (and PY 30.2c) presents us with 
"greater work through the constitution which is of/in the Body to Come", yah- being generally 
rendered both passSxt and ka~r, which were quoted in two slightly different versions in Dk 
9.35.12 [TEXT III] and in Dk 9.57.15 [TEXT IV], and with a personalization of urw ShmTh, Joy, 
derived from Avestan uruuiz- (Y 36.Z), cf. Dk 9.35.11 [TEXT 111]; 9.57.13 [TEXT IV]. The 
same PY 36.2 took a stand of reciprocity, perhaps having been influenced by PY 36.5, clear 
echoes of which could be heard in Dk 9.35.13; 9.57.13,15-16 (Dk 9.57.15, which uses the 
verb z<Jre"nTdan, "to invigorate", seems to represent better the original understanding of 
Avestan 1s0"d I ISmafu, than PY 36.5 with its a"b3menTdan). PY 36.Z clearly misunderstood 
the indeed difficult Avestan huue naa ya"t3Iia, which it rendered as B awe mard pad 
tuwa"n. 



136 
Unlike many proper 638ic passages which were analyzed in their Pahlavi version while 
dividing the text into small units, with the fuller context frequently remaining obscure, the texts 
of Yasna Haptarjtia 1 1 i were comprehended by Zandists, on the contrary, as an inter-referring 
unity. Beside the already mentioned, though trivial, example of "action", PY 36.3 contains a gloss 
"1 will take away from it (the Fire) the spiritual and corporeal dung" which can hardly be 
motivated by the Avestan text. It should be an echo of enTgTh, "pollution", rhyming (in the 
glosses) with the more frequently found anagTh: , 

ke (J awe ffnrgih [kfj pad a"ta[x]s" anagTh kuned] hSnaz 5 awe enTgTh dahed [kd 
hSnaz pad awe anagTh kuned], 

"one to whom (there is) pollution [who badly afflicts the Fire], even to him He gives pollution 
[i.e., He badly afflicts him, too]", 
which translates 

yS a axtls ahmai yam axtoildi darjhe, 

"you who are pain to the one whom you seize for painful treatment" (Humbach & Ichaporia 1 994, 
55)/ 

"You who are taboo (=off limits) for him whom You have established as being taboo" (Schwartz 
1985a, 493). 

There Avestan axtay-, "Schmerz" (AiW; Schwartz: "taboo") was rendered by the Pahlavi 
version as enTgTh, "pollution" 1 ; in other cases this word was glossed, besides anagth, "evil", 
also as waltagTh, "sick", dard, "pain", and bemarT (ibid) in a New Persian version. 

It is this translation, namely enTgTh, that enables as to state that PY 36 was one of the 
sources of the glosses of Smaller STrffzag 9 (which is practically identical with Atas 
N iySyisn 5-7) [TEXT V]. There are two problematic words in these two mostly identical texts 
written in a slightly different way. The Pahlavi text reads there: 

ud b6£a*zenTdarTh menogTha zadaTTh *ahc"[g]3n.*gardSn az SpennS[g].Mc T n0g 

daman, 

"his healing is (his) smiting (of demons) m£nt?gica\\y and ...? ...? from the creatures of the 

Bountiful Spirit". 



1 For the semantics of Avestan axtay-, cf. the Armenian loan word a x t, 'pain; defect; blemish". 



137 
The problematic, and, no doubt, corrupt, words *3h<?[g]3n.*gardan were explained by 
Dhabhar 1963, 3Z0 (cf. also nn. 1Z-13) as "averting {gartan} infection l»a"hakTnis*rit 
(from the creatures of Spenak Mlno"]". Dehdasti 1363 h.s. (1985), 50-1 (cf. also nn. 4-S) 
read them as axvi sn dartan, translating "to carry away the material pain (from the creatures 
of the Bountiful Spirit)" (az bTn bur-flan- i dard ha- i maddT [az daman- i SeplnS 

r-irna]). 

The first problematic word in the version of Atas" Niy3yfsn 5 is written slightly 
differently; Dhabhar 1963, 69 (cf. also nn. 10-11) translated "averting pollution" . He quoted 
both the (Zoroastrian) New Persian version (bTmarg gar-dan) and Dhalla's reading and 
translation (unavailable to me) apparently based on it ahfJsn, "rendering unconscious". 

In my opinion, the first corrupt word goes back to PY 36.1, enrgTh, "pollution", which 
translates axtay-, "Schmerz", glossed anagTri, wastagTh. dard; the New Persian version 
of PY 36.1, bemarf, "sickness", is of interest, when compared with the also corrupt New 
Persian version of Atas Niyayisn, namely, bTmarg, "immortal" 2 . 

This example demonstrates that Pahlavi versions of the Gaea were used for drawing upon 
glosses into other Pahlavi versions of other Avestan texts. To the rendering of Avestan 
UTUuszls*to"anduruuaz<a>liaofY36.2asurwa"hmTh we will return later. 

The most important misunderstanding of the Avestan original occurs in PY 36.3: the Avestan 
sequencetffl namanam vazistm atara mazda ahurahlia" was rendered as awS 1 to" 
nam clyfln Wazist d 3ta[x)s T CThrmazd, resulting in the creation of a Fire of 
ahrmazd, whose name is wazis't. The emphasis on the name(s) of CThrmazd /His Fire(s) 
found in Dk 9.57.1 5 [TEXT IV], resulting in an error in understanding in Y 36.3, does not go back 
tothe extant form of PY 36.3. The error is reflected also in the Pahlavi version: "to this name of 
thee, which is wazis't, tothe Fire of rjhrmazd". In the latter Zoroastrian tradition in Pahlavi 
this is the name of a Fire, namely that of lighting. 



2 As to the second word, one has to read it perhaps not *ga.rdan, but "dardan, "pains", and to 
identify it with the glosses dard in the plural. 



138 
This misunderstanding was of upmost importance, because once it was made, another Fires 
were looked for, and, indeed, found: one of them, in the same Y 36.3, another in Y 36.Z. Both 
Fires newly found in the GSB'k passage became prominent in Late Sasanian metaphysics, but 
while their ultimate source was Y 36, it was not (I will stress again) Y 36 in its extant Pahlavi 
version ! 

The names of these two newly-born Fires are UrwgzlSt, the Fire residing in trees, and 
Spenist, the Fire produced by friction. To the Fire Spen 1st / abzonTg belong the fires 
known in our world, and the Sacred Fires of Zoroastrian Iran were of that type, while Spenis t 
andatalxls T Warhran were identified, to some degree, cf. Bd 18.6 [TEXT V!] and WZs 3.7B 3 
fTEXT VII] (the gloss mentioned the Fire WarhrSn in PY 36.3 is taken from a secondary source, 
most probably, from PY 17.11 [TEXT Vlll]). Their names, as in the case of wazis't, are just 
"learned" Avesticisms, Avestan names adapted to Middle Persian pronunciation, with no meaning 
in Pahlavi. 

However, the Pahlavi version of Y 36 does not have these namesl It translated uruuazisto, 
the source of Urw3zls"t, by urwahmTh, "joy", and spSnigtiJ, the source of Spenist, by 
abzdnlg. 

In other words, while wazist could have been taken into the later Zoroastrian literature 
from PY 36 in its present form. UrwazlstandSpeniSt couldnot 

So far, we met three "arch-" Fires, but the Zoroastrian tradition knew 5 (or, 6) 
"metaphysical" types of Fire, only one of them being the fire known to us ("in the world"), 
namely the above-mentioned Fire of the Spenist (or, abzsnig) type, "produced by friction" / 
"which is in the stones". 

The information about these Fires comes mostly from Bd 18 [TEXT VI] and WZs 3.78-86 
[TEXT VIQ. These "arch"-Fires include (the forms of their names are given as in Bd 1 8): 
BaraiT 5awang, shining in the spiritual world; invisible 
Wohu-Frlian, in the body of man and animals 
UrwSzist, in trees 



3 But compare WZs 3.BZ, where it was the Fire buland.Sud, whose x v arrah is inhabitant in the Fire 
WarhrSn. The reason for that change will be explained further. 



139 

Wazlst, the fire of lightning 

Spenist, fire produced by friction 

Neryrjsang, the fire in the body of kings and great ones. 



It is not entirely ciear what was the scriptural source for such a tradition; it cannot be PY 36 
in its present form, as only one name is found in it, and two others could be supposed to exist in a 
Pahlavi version of Y 36 which we do not possess now. However, all the six Fires appear in Y 
17.1 1 [TEXT Vlil], a secondary Avestan text, and one should suppose that this text was drawn 
upon several Avestan texts, in all probability, from Avestan commentaries to Avestan texts, only 
one of them being Y 36. 

However, PY 17.11 cannot, in its tum, be the source of the list of the Fires in Bd 18, as the 
names used in the Bd version are "learned" Avesticisms 4 , while the extant Pahlavi version of PY 
17.1 1, where the Fires are named and glossed, used only Pahlavi translations of their names, not 
the Avestan forms, as in other sources. 

HereBarazT Sava[rj]h/Birz Sawang is glossed bul and. sad, "of lofty profit", identified 
with the Fire of Wahram/ Warhrjn; Wohu-Frtlan, glossed weh.franartar, "the good 
propagator/confessor"; Urwazist, glossed over f r3x v .zTwisn, both of these analyzed by 
closeness of sound (cf. also Bd 1B.3-4. weh.f ran3ft3rVWohu- Fr1 i3n. anrjar urwa ran/ 
Urwa zist): Wazist, unglossed (but in Bd 1B.5 it is said Wffzlst nan T andar abr, "is 
that which is in the cloud[sl"; clouds do move, *waz6nrj, the verb used also in Bd 13.13); 
Spenist was glossed regularly abzOnTg. 

However, the sixth Fire, Ata[x)s Neryrjsang, that of the tings' race, apparently, 
identifiable to some degree with the royal x v arrah, does not appear in all the sources, and it was 
left unglossed in PY 1 7.1 1 . The order of the Fires is also sometimes different thus, the order 
given above is based on in PY 1 7.1 1 , which corresponds to the latter order given in the [New] 
Persian Rivayats. Shapur Bharuchi gives a New Persian list of fires (cf. Dhabhar 1 932, 59) as 
follows: 

"The first fire is Barzlsavang which is before Ohrmazd. 

The second fire is Vohu-F ry£n which is in the bodies of men and animals. The third fire is 
Orvajtst which is in plants. 



4 But note the Pahlavi glosses to the Avestan names of the Fires in Bd 18, wtiich correspond to PY 
17.11. 



140 
The fourth fire is v"3j 1st which appears from lighting and fight with Spenzaras"k demon. 
The fifth fire is SpeniSt which is manifest in the world and is in the stones. 
The sixth fire is Neryosang which resides in the navel of the kings". 

Two important lists provided in Bd 1 8 and in WZs 3 have a common feature: they omit the last, 
sixth, Neryrjsang Fire, that of the kings. However, despite this omission, both lists disagree on 
the order of the first and the last (the fifth, in their sequence) Fire. The order of Bd 18 .Iff. is 
the same as in PY 17.11 and the Rivayat, with Ata[x]s T BarszT Sawang / (3ta[x]s T) 
buland.sud on the first place andwith Ata[x]3 T Spenls"t / (ata[x]s T) abzfJnTgonthe 
iast, fifth, place, while WZs 3.78-82 put (3ta[x]3 T) abzCnfg on the first place and 
(3ta[xls T) buland.sud on the last, fifth, place. The order given in WZs is secondary as 
compared with other lists, especially with that of Bd 18, for in WZs 3.82 the Fire bul and.sud 
moved to the last place, retained the WarhraTnian nature of the last Fire, which originally was 
Spenist. 

Besides, WZs 3 used Pahlavized names (for three of the five Fires) as given in PY 17.11 
(though the number and the order are slightly different), while Bd 1 8 and the Rivayat used the 
"learned" Avestan forms. Thus, there were four groups of texts on Fires: 
six Fires five Fires "learned" Avestan Pahlavized 

PY17 8dlB Bdl8 PY17 

Rivayat WZs 3 Rivayat WZs 3. 



In WZs 3.82 we can still see why the sixth Fire was dropped: the Fire bul and. sad 
(*BarazT Sawang), "whose profit is lofty" and whose x v arrah dwells in the Fire 
Warhra n, was clearly seen as being of lordly nature, and this is why the royal functions of the 
Fire Neryosang were absorbed into it It is stated of the Fire bul and.sGd in the same WZs 3.8Z 
that his dwelling (rnehmanTh) in the Fire Warhr^n is like that of "the master of a house on 
(his own) house" (ciyffn kadag.x v aday abar xsnag); this is another Pahlavi translation 
of the passage on the Fire NerySsang in Y 17.11, but derived from a translation different from 
the extant PY 17.11 (which has the corrupt man manbed, cf. also Dk 9.1 Z.4). This absorption 
of the Fire Neryosang into the Fire bul and. sad (*SarazT Sawang) was, consequently, the 
reason why *BarazT Sawang was removed in WZs 3 from the first place to the last, that of the 



r 



141 
Fire Nerydsang. It seems that WZs 3.78.36 was based on texts very dose to, but not identical 
with those of the sources of Bd 1 8. The source(s?) of the WZs version was, as a rule, smoother 
that those of Bd 1 8, as can be seen, tg., in the treatment of the order of the Fires and in the 
midrashic story told in WZs 3.86 and in 8d 1 8-9. Here it should be added that midrashk elements 
seem to have been serving also in sources of Dk 9.12 [TEXT IX] and 9.3S [TEXT III], as Dk 
9.1 2.5; 9.3 S-1 3 use quotations from some extinct Avestan sources of legendary character. 

PY 36.6, especially its second half, departs considerably from its Avestan original, partfy 
because of the wrong grammatical analysis of the text it was not realized that I ma r ao castands 
in Plural, moreover, these two words were divided, with raocl taken as Dative, not Accusative. 
Besides, Accusative Singular barazls tarn was understood as an tare toraoca, resulting in en 
S h3n T rOsrilh, with en (for Avestan Plural I m 3) glossed over as ruw a" n, "soul". Thewords 
1mS raoca were taken in the scholarly literature as referring the Sacred Fires, while 
Gershevitch 1959, 293, explained them as "daylight". We must give more credit to 
Gershevitch's view on the meaning of the words also in the Avestan text for the simple reason that 
in the Yasna dedicated to Fires. Im3 raoca was not understood as referring to Fires by the 
Pahlavi version. This is also true because of the usage of kahrp- /karb, "body-form": the 
Pahlavi version makes it clear that these are rather celestial bodies than "form of fire". 

Passages like Bd 1 -44 s may indeed go back to lost Zands to the 6 a e 3 in question ("from his 
own selfness", az hSn T x v e5 xy -adfri. in Bd 1 .44 reflects perhaps the misunderstood ht I at 
of V 36.3, rendered as xY-ad in the extant PY 36.3), but not to a text we have here now. 

The problematic (ef. Humbach 1991, II, 123) barazamanamofY 36.6 was translated by a 
verb in 3rd PL, "they elevate", b316n3nd, coming up with "this [soul] they elevate to this the 
most high light [(high even) from what is open to the eye] there, which is called Sun". The result 
sounds rather "Manichaean": here karb and Sru win] stand in a parallelism "Good is this body- 
form (karb) of Thee ... [1 proclaim thus in the world(s) that this body-form of Thee is the 



1+2 
best]; this [soul] (ruwSn) they elevate to this the most high light ... ", recalling Manichasan 
absorption of accumulated 6 Light in *grrw 7 and transmitting it to the Moon and Sun (cf. PY 
36.6: rCsnth T ballst ... x v ars"e"d). That such interpretation of the PY 36.6 is correct can 
be seen from its echo in Bd 18.15, which thus must go back to a Zand of PY 36.6: after one's 
death, "the body mingles with the earth and the soul goes back to the me nflg" (compare also the 

non-motivated stress on the "Body to Come" in PY 36.2; Dk 9.35.12; Dk 9.57.1 5) 8 . One may 
(and should) elevate his own soul (cf. the gloss to PY 36.6) to the station of the Sun, cf. Dk 
957.1 8. This could be achieved by means of learning and teaching, wherefrom good deeds and 
other spiritual boons occur (Dk 9.57.13, 16, derived from a wrong analysis of cis'tGIs' of Y 
36.4 and from Y 36.5, both unsupported by the extant PY 36). 

It seems that the Manichsean "Light" took place of the Zoroastrian "Fire". There is an 
indication that Zoroastrian Zanos close to these studied here were existing about Hani's time^. In 
the Zoroastrian lore, the Fire Wa"zist resides in Cloud (abr), cf. Bd 1S.5, WZsS.ai. In latter 
Zoroastrian Zands, Cloud became so closely associated with Fire (of the WSzl St type) and Wind, 
whose function is to fight back the Assault, that Cloud (abr) became desintegrared from the Fire 
W3z(s t, was turned into an independent entity and the Fire Wa"zl3t, WSd (Wind) and Abr 
(Cloud) were seen as three elements, cf. Bd 2.1 5: 

ud miyan T nem.spihr gurnard Wad ud Abr ud Ata[x]s T WSzlSt, ku ka Ebgad 
rased, pad h3n T Ab menGg h3n T Tlstr Sb starred ud warSn warened, fl.s 
bandaz aweSSn ham g X v arS6d ud nah ud staragan Kard, u.s did 10 tlstr T 
X v ar3s3n spshbed, hamkar ud hamayar 1 Ata[x]S T wa"2lst ud WSd Ud Abr, 



5 Ohrmazd az nan T x v e§ x v ad1h [getTg rosnlh] ud az getlg rosnlh karb T daman T 
x v e§ rraz brenSnld T pad ata[x]§.karb T rOSn 1 sped T gird fra"z paydag, "Ohnnazd 
fashioned forth from his own selfness [material light), from material light He fashioned forth the shape 
of his creatures which was manifest in the shape of fire, bright, white, round" (tr. Shaked 1967, 232). 



6 Compare the gloss to PY 36.3: "[I will take away from it (the Fire) the spiritual and corporeal dung]", 
which clearly refers to refinement of Fire "in These Both" (Aid.), i.e., in the menffg and getTg aspects. 

7 Cf. Shapira 1999. 

8 Cf. Dk 9.30.1: menSg 1 ezlSn T awe humemdar t agah T d3n5g marc" tez abar gumexted 

9 han T x v arsed rSSnlh a k3mag hanjSmlh ud urwahm 1 Amanraspandan paywandSd, 
"the menflq of the worship (performed) by a good-thinking, intelligent, wise man is ouicklv mixed up 
with the light of the sun and attached to the completion of desirelsl and iovfsl of the Bountiful lmmorta< 
Ones ". 

9 Cf. ManT and S<wd 

10 Anklesaria 1956, 34-5: tag, "valiant". 



143 

"And among the hemisphere 1 ' He appointed Wad (Wind), Abr (Cloud) and Ata[x]s" (the 
[lightning-]Fire) wazist, so that when the Assault arrives, Tistr could take water(s), 
through the Water-"spirit"'', and cause the rain (to fall). He also tied them together to the 
Sun, the Moon and the stars, and again, Tistr the Chieftain of the East, is the assistant and helper 
of the Fire wazlSt, wad (Wind) and Abr (Cloud)". 

It seems that the traditions about Five Fires (not six) and that close to reflected in Bd 2.1 5 
were exploited twice in Manichaaan writings: 

1) H5n1 utilized a tradition similar to that of Bd Z.I 5 while identifying the First Son Of the First 
Man as "air/ether". This should be a reflection of the Pahlavl a b r; we cannot state whether Mini 
rendered abr as "air/ether" intentionally or perhaps he interpreted erroneously the Pahlavi 
word, because for him, it sounded similar to the Greek dnp (cf . Kurdish for "cloud", e ' w r, 
hewlr) 13 . 

2) Five Manichaean elements (Middle Persian: Mahraspandan; Syriac: hamSS elahe 
zTwSne"), the sons of the First Man, were called in Parthian pan] rosn, "five Lights", 
revealing the same tradition as in Bd 1 8 and in WZs; this Parthian identification was prompted by 
MSr Ammo, not by Mam. The Five elements include (Greek; Middle Persian; Parthian; 
Sogdian) "air/ether or breeze" (ofjp, fra*w a hr, ardaw frawardSn, J rt J w frwriyy) , 
"wind" (ctvEuoii wad, w't), "light" (tpffic, rOS"n), "water" (IXxop, 5b), "fire" (nfip, a"dur, 
"tr); it was the sonship of Fire (note that Fire is regularly called in Zoroastrian texts 
Ohrmazd.pus, "the son of CThrmazd") that prompted the inclusion of other elements, as there 
were five types of Fire presenting in the five stofchea (compare Bd 1 8.7). 



11 Z9.2, Bailey 1943, 148: nem.splhr, "hemisphere"; Kenning 194Z, Z33 & n. 3: mlysn zam<1g 
ud> spihr, "between the earth and the (lower) sphere". 
1 Z Henning: "with (the help of) transcendent water". 

13 Jewish Aramaic and Hebrew J wyr[*l, "air", is from Greek dfjp; Syriac farms are closer tD the 
original Greek word; so, the Syriac Anonym cf Rahmani (cf. Nyberg 1929, 238-241), speaking of the 
Zoroastrianism, us ed s * r, whom he called one of the Elements ( s stwks>), after Fire, Warer, Earth, who 
all four together are gods inferior (Mh< a'ytyhwn dz'wryn brbwthwn) to As'Tqar', FrasOqar, 
Zarflqar, ZurwSn. 



There is nothing uncommon in the fact that traditions going back to the Arsacid period (as in 
the case of lands presumably utilized by M3n1 and MSr Ammo) could survive into the Late 
Sasanian epoch, about the time when the extant Pahlavi Avesta was canonized. Boyce 1 935b, 
473a, observed that 3ta[x]£ t Ohrmazd T abzflnTg, "the bountiful fire of Qtirmazd". of 
Die 7.4 77 [TEXT X] (going, according to her view, directly to lost Avestan texts) is identified in 
Bd 18.14 as A"dur T Burzfn.Mlhr. As the notion of this Parthian Fire being the most 
important of all the fires must go back to the Parthian period, Boyee suggested that the Dk 7 
passage should be a remnant of a Parthian zanef. Another fragment derived from the Arsacid 
period must be Wizigard T De"nTg 43 [TEXT XI] 14 . 

It probably only remains to be noted that the Fire WS z i s t became so prominent that it was 
inserted into newer texts, together with the demon Spinjayr, cf. Vd 1 9.40 [TEXT XII]; PY 1 7.1 1 ; 
Bd 18.5 (and the quoted above Persian RivSyat); it is remarkable that the episode of the Fire 
wazlft and the demon Spinja-yr is not found in WZs 3. 

This short study shows, I believe, that some errors in the interpretation of the GaSic text 
were made at the pre-Sasanian (probably, Avestan?) stage of exegesis; that newer texts, 
including in Avestan, were composed at a rather late date; that some layers of pre-Sasanian 
traditions may be found; that features of the Zand known to Marfi can be revealed; that the sources 
of Bd 18 and WZs 3 were, though similar, not identical; that the source of WZs 3 had better 
readings; that the extant version of PY 36 is different from that underiying the sources of the 
commentaries on it as represented in Dk 9. 



14 SmSTrflzag 9, with its gloss 3ta[xlS 1 Daray, "the Fire of Dartus", may reflect an even older 
epoch, if the reading is con-ect. Daray, Darius, is mentioned in several Pahlavi texts, e.g., in Dk and in 
ZWY. An interesting passage is found in Bd 35A.Z (TD 2 236.15-237.1): ciyon »B3g andar SShpuhr 
1 Ohrmazdan Mobedan MGbed bud ud KSd andar D3T3y Wuzurg Framaar (sic! note that the 
spelling is identical to that used by Arabic authora) bud, "As *Ba"g was the (IGbedSn Mated under 
Sahpuhr son of Ch-mazd, while (his ancestor) Kad was the Prime Minister under D3ra"y". 



145 
CHAPTER IV 

MyKhelsgisetlen ®f HlJterjf snd Pslltlcsl Uss of Zaad 

The sources dealing with apocalyptical and esehatological themes in the Zoroastrian Middle 
Persian Tradition include, i.a., the apocalyptic passages in De"nkard [Dk] 7.B-11, edited and 
translated in Mote 1967; Greater (Iranian) Bundahisn [Bd] 33-34, edited and translated in 
Anklesaria 1956; several chapters and passages in Ayadgar T JamaspTg [AyJ], edited and 
translated in Messina 1939; JamSsp Namag [JN] (=AyJ 16), edited and translated in Bailey 
1930-3Z and in Benveniste 1932 (cf. below); Zand T Wahman Yasn/Yast 1 tZWY], edited 
and translated in Anklesaria 1957 (cf. now also Cereti 1995); WizTdagTha" T Z3dspram 
[WZs] 34-35,. edited and translated in Gignoux & Tafazzoli 1993; Pahlavi FMvayat 
KtompanyingtheDSdistan T DenTg [PRDD] 48-49, edited and translated in Williams 1990. 
Someofthesecompositions,sucJiasBundahtSnor AyJdgar T jamaspTg, could be easily 
defined as texts based on material drawn upon the lost parts of the Late Sasanian Avesta. Some 
components of these texts go back to tlie Pahlavi versions of particular Avestan texts, including 
Yasts, while other components are originally Pahlavi works (sometimes of non-Iranian 
provenance) of the Late Sasanian period 2 . 

To the last group belongs the Pahlavi ZWY, a late apocalyptical work of a very composite 
character. The Middle Persian apocalyptical texts are closely associated with eschatology, both 
personal and collective. It was frequently stated that apocalyptics in general have their source in 
Iranian thinking, and that the Judseo-Christian apocalyptics were heavily influenced try Iranian 
ideas. It is also a well-known fact that it was in Muslim Iran that apocalyptics flourished. 
However, the evidence of the Zoroastrian, especially Avestan, sources is scanty. The text analyzed 
here is mostly ZWY, with its parallels. This composition, in its extant form, is of a rather late, 
while uncertain, date 3 ; in the MSs, it generally follows Bd. The text was translated into English 4 
in West 1889, 189-235, Anklesaria 1957, Cereti 1995 s . The division into chapters in the 
first and second translations is different The division given here is that of Anklesaria, followed 



1 As to the name, cf- now Gignoux 1996b, 233. 

2 It should be remembered that not 311 the religious Zoroastrian Pahlavi literature of this period formed 
part of the Avesta. 

3 Surely centuries after the (all of the Sasanian Empire. 

4 Besides, several Gujaratl and New Persian translations exist. 

5 And into Hebrew by me in 1 991 (unpublished). Besides, many Gujarati versions exist. The renowned 
Iranian author Sadeq Hedayat translated it into Modem Persian (non vjdfl- 



146 

also by Cereti^. 

The text entirJed Zand T Wahman Yasn/YaSt 7 is by no means a plain Zandof a supposed 
Avestan text, but rather a late combination of different apocalyptic and historical fragments of 
different length. The division into chapters made by Anklesaria, nevertheless, reflects, grosso 
modb, the original composite structure of the text and its different sources. 



Chapter 1 and the second part of Chapter 3 go ultimately back to two different recensions of the 
same Urxext, mechanically combined in the extant form of ZWY; Chapter 2 is a small 
interpolation going back to one of the redactions of the text, made under Xusraw I An s" urw a n. 

Chapter 4 goes back to sources common with JN (= AyJ 1 6), as does the first part of ZWY 3, 
although here the problem of sources is more complicated; Chapter 5 goes back to the original 
Pahlavi Zand of Qtirmazd Yast, the second part of which Ya3t, known as Wahman YaSt^, 
was also among the sources of ZWY; the last four chapters have more complicated source- 
history^. It is to be observed that glosses are not found at all in the three first' ° chapters: all 
the glosses in the text are to be found only in 4. 9-10, 13, 26, 40, 67; 5.. 6; 6. 2-3, 5-6, 9- 
12; 7. 2-7, 9-10, 19. There were scholars who argued that ZWY has a thorough Avestan 
substratum: so, Widengren 1967, 343, called ZWY "one of the most authentic Avestan texts in 
Pahlavi transmission". 



6 Also by me in my Hebrew translation. 

7 On the name, cf. Gignoux 1986a, ibid. 1986b; ibid. 1985-8; ibid. 1986-7; ibid. 1996b; Sundenrrann 
1990a. 

8 An Avestan hymn called by the tradition Wahman Yast, of which we have a very distorted Pahlavi 
Zand, is known as the second part of the extant Ohrmazd Yast, and, in my opinion, the Zand of this so- 
called wahman Ya St has indeed some clear affinities with the text known now as Zand T Wahman 
Yasn. Further, I shall try to prove that some ideas Df the ZWY were derived from the Pahlavi version 
(of this Avestan text) which was larger than the extant one; nevertheless, it is not impossible that the 
identification of this second part of the Ohrmazd YaSt with the Wahman Yast is of secondary 
character and is, actually, a relatively modem invention (a similarly situation exists in the case of the 
name of Zand 1 Wahman Yasn). However, it is plausibly to suggest that the "spurious" name of 
Zand T Wahman Yasn, and the source under this name quoted in ZWY, owe their existence to the 
"real" Wahman Ya3t. There is some correspondence between the order of the YaS"ts and the order of 
the days of a Zoroastrian month (cf. Geldner 1904, 7; Hartman 19SS; ibid. 1956; on the YaSt divinities 
and the STrffzag, cf. Wikander 1946, 229ff.). As Hartman noted, in several cases the name of a Yast 
has nothing - or, very little -to do with Its contents, and was given on the basis of the calendaric 
sequence. It seems that this is the reason why the second part of Ohrmazd Ya§t , namely, Yt 1.23-33 
(Darmesteter 1884, 31-34), got the name Wahman YaSt: the 1st day of the month is Ohrmazd, the 
2nd being Wahman; contrary to the view expressed formerly by Gignoux, all the Amesaspentas 
were supposed to have a special Yast, cf. Geldner 1904, 7 n.l, where Anquetil Dupemon is quoted. Cf. 
also Chapter I, pp. 17-19. 

9 E.g.. ZWY 7.19-27 derives from JN, cf. Kippenberg 1978, 66. 

10 And the last two. 



147 

Other scholars denied any Avestan substratum whatsoever, arguing for the extant ZWY being a 
late composition built from different fragments or the Zand (especially Gignoux 1 1 , who argued 
that no Avestan original of ZWY ever existed). 

ZWY 3.1 indicates as its source Zand of Wahman Yasn (with *Yasn emended into *Yas~t by 
West 1 z ). It was stated that no such Yasna was known, and (as demonstrated by Gignoux 1 985-B, 
71-2) even the emended name of ZWY is a modem invention' ^. 

But from a thorough study of the text it is clear that this is the most important Middle Persian 
Zoroastrian apocalyptical text derived from older sources, including those in Avestan; it is also 
evident that the text is a bit eclectic and mechanical 1 composition from some apocalyptical texts 
[compare the case of ZWY 1 & 3], a fact that implies the existence of a richer literature of this 
genre. 

ZWY 1.1-11 clearly refers to the S[t]CTdgar Nask (which ZWY itself quotes here as its 
source) as summarized in Dk 9.8 [APPENDIX I TEXT I]. The seventh fragard of the S[t!u"dgar 
Mask 1 5 summarized in Dk 9.8 was based on the GaSic Yasna 31. Dk 9.3.1 is an allusion to Y 
31.14 [TEXTs II, III, IV], the locus classicus of the Avestan apocalyptical revelation (cf. 8ayce 
1984b. 57), where the prophet asks Ahura Mazda to grant him the knowledge of the end of the 
times. The Pahlavi version of this passage is grossonwdo close to the original text, grasping the 
idea of the final reckoning prepared for the pious and the wicked ones. 

It is especially the last gloss in [TEXT III] that is of interest here: it explains the 
"completion", being a Pahlavi transcription of the Avestan for "reckon", as "the final judgment in 
the end of times". Contrary to the PY [TEXT III], the version given in the summary of the 

Wars"tma"ns a r Mask, Dk 9.31.18 [TEXT IV], emphasizes overtones of the personal, rather 
than collective, eschatology. This passage is rather moralistic; there is nothing apocalyptical 
about it, especially when one reads both versions against their ZWY parallels, and the most 



1 1 Gignoux 1986a; ibid. 1986b; ibid. 1985-8; 1986-7; but cf. now Gignoux 1996b, 233. 

12 Cf. Sundermann 1990a, 492. However, the -St / -sn /-sn variants are common in different forms 
of Persian, cf. Paper 1976. In the Dk texts, the variation Yas t / Yasn is frequently found. For both 
forms Wahman Ya§t / Wahman Yasn used in the same paper, cf. Gignoux 1 996b, 233, 

13 Similarly to the case of the name of Bun dahlsn or Zand T AcaMh, cf. MacKenzie 1989,547. 

1 4 Nevertheless, the composite structure of 2WY as compared to the sources of this text is of great 
interest and I will study it elsewhere. 

15 Wahman Yasn is quoted only once in ZWY 3, while S[t]udgarNask is both quoted and alluded to. The 
original Sttlildgar Mask spoke of overcoming of Dah3g by Fre"do"i\ and about the onrush of the 

nazandararian Giants onto X/Snlrah. Then the people complained to FredSn (Dk 9.21.8): "Why did 
you overcome him, as his servants guarded us from the Giants?", West 1892, 214. The episode is 
alluded to at the end of ZWY. 



148 
important thing about the last-quoted De" nkard passage is that there is no allusion to the 
ham.pursagf h, "conference", between Qhrm aid and Zoroaster regarding the fate of the world. 
This ham.pursagTh and the world history are the themes of ZWY 1 [TEXTV] and ZWY 3.19- 
29 [TEXT VI], The Tree Vision is presented in ZWY 1 [TEXT V] and ZWY 3.1 9-29 [TEXT VI] in 
two slightly different versions. It was the acknowledgeable common origin of both versions that 
prompted them to be put together in the same late composition, despite all the differences between 
them. ' 

ZWY 1 and Dk 9.8 are more closely related to each other than to ZWY 3.1 9ff., not only because 
both of them represent the scheme of four ages; all three of them place the golden age in the time- 
frame in which Ohrmazd and Zoroaster had a conference, while the two versions given in ZWY 
merge this age with that of Wis'tSsp; DK 9 considers Wis tasp's reign as the silver age. The 

silver age according to the two versions of ZWY is that of ArdaSeT/Artaxsaer, i.e., the 
i 

Sasanian ArdaSeT I / the Achaemenid Artaxerxes 1 * (representing, for that matter, the whole 
dynasty). From ZWY 1.9 it seems plausible to suggest that the figure of the Kayanlan king 
ArdaSeT represents a contamination of the Achsemenid Artaxerxes, ArdaxseY 1 Wahman, 
son of Sparidly3d/lsf andlyar, who is Cyrus the Just, called also Ar-da£e~r r 
SpandiySdan, with the Sasanian ArdasSr 1 Pabagan'^ (in the mythologized history, 
Artaxerxes and Xerxes are thus the same person 1 a ) . 

The Sasanians claimed to be descendants of the Achsemenids, this idea presenting also in 
Karnamag T ArdasTr T pabagan [=KNAP] 1 19 - It is possible that the name of D3r3y 1 
Darayan (known also from the Dk, AWN etc.) was derived from a non-Iranian source, although 



1 & Although the historical value of the Pahlavi orthography is uncertain, it is worthwhile noting that the 
second ZWY version (ZWY 3.24) uses the Late Old Persian / Early Middle Persian form of the name. The 
identification of the king of ZWY 3.24 with Artaxerxes seems firm as the king is called a son of « 
mythological personage. The proximity In time between this king to Vlst3spa-, indicated by putting both 
of them into the silver age, by different accounts, has some bearing on the "traditional date of 
Zoroaster". 

17 Cf. Mariorwrt 4 Messina 1931,103. 

18 ftceHintzel994. 

19 The chapter which otherwise contains [KNAP 1.6] an expression comparable to ZWY 1.8 (fl wirFg 
ud nlhsn rawlSnTh ffstad). 



r 



149 
it is difficult to tell from which 20 . But the pretension is obvious: the authors of the KNAP saw 
ArdaSer as the heir to the kings of the First Iranian Empire. 

Tabari's source described the blood-revenge "for his remote ancestral cousin Da"r3, the son 
of D3rS, the son of Bahman the son of IsfandiySr who has fought against Alexander" as an 
excuse for restoring the borders of the Empire, waging a war against the "Romans" 2 1 . 

Saripuhr II wrote to the Roman emperor Constantius: "/ Shapur, King of Kings, the partner 
with the Stars, brother of the Sun and the Moon, offer my brother Constantius Caesar most 

cordial greetings. That my ancestors held sway as far as the river Strymon and the boundaries 

of Macedonia your ancient records also bear witness; these lands it behooves me to demand. on 

a// occasions the right reason^ 2 is my chief concern... Accordingly, ft is my bounden duty to 
recover Armenia together with Mesopotamia, which carefully planned deception wrested from my 
grandfather ... ". 

Frendo 1 993, 61 , noted that the territorial claim is the same as that attributed by Dio Cassius 
toArdaSfr some 1Z7 years earlier, "he would recover everything that the ancient Persians had 
once held as far as the Greek Sea, on the grounds that all this too belonged to him through his 
forefathers". Sahpuhr also claimed for the restoration of Iran (5KZ MP 21-22): I'Pn 

> AHBNjc [K]BYR st[ry B'YHWNst], "and We claimed (x v 3st) many other lands". 

Yarshater 1971, 519, spoke of "historical amnesia" of the Sasanian Iranians, having stated 
that all recollection of the Achsemenid era was lost, but in fact the Sasanians were very effective 
in using "historical-based propaganda", not-unknown from some kinds of modem nationalism; 
their historical remembrance was selective, but real, as they knew what was the actual 
territorial extent of the Achsemenids 23 , whatever the source. 



150 

No Book Pahlavi source known to us earlier than the KNAP (the 6th c. CE Z *) claimed 

Achaemenid descent for Sasanian kings; the great Sasanian inscriptions used terms such as AW W 

gyhr /W y'2tn or bgy where the Achaamenids used their tribal/familiar name 25 (ef. also 

Sundermann 1988, on Syhr MN y'ztrr, S3sa"n used as a divine name 26 , bgy). It seems that 

the earlier kings claimed to be of divine origin, while the later ones claimed Achaemenid descent, 

■ 

perhaps under the impression of the propaganda of WahrSm T Cohen's loyalists, who 
maintained that ArdaSeY had robbed the kingdom from the Arsacids. 

It seems that the source of the legend about the Achaemenid descent of the last Zoroastrian 
dynasty was a foreign one, namely, Greek or Syriac (from Greek); after all, Da ray 1 D3r3y3n 

was to be understood as *Darius III Codorpan, from the famiry of Darius the Great 27 . The only 
significance of Darius III Codoman was that he was killed as a result of Alexander's invasion and 
that is why his name was kept in the Alexander Romance of Pseudo-Callysthenos'. Though the 
evidence is too limited to determine what was the real extent of knowledge of the Achaemenid past 
in the Sasanian epoch, nevertheless, 53hpuhr's letters to the Byzantine Caesar reveal 
substantial historical memory. The fact that Alexander was once identified in ZWY E.5 as YffnSn, 
against the normal *Hro"m3yTg ("Byzantine"), might indicate 28 a pre-Sasanian source of 

some parts of the composition 29 . 

The Sasanian rock-inscriptions reveal affinities with their 700-year-older pendants in Old 
Persian and their contemporary Manichaean texts, both drawing upon a common source of the 
formulas of the older literary language, which may be even older than the Old Persian 
inscriptions. J.R. Russell 31 pondered upon the possible literary antecedents of K1rde"r's 
inscriptions, which have no Sasanian parallels; the most fertile around for comparison, according 
to Russell, is offered by Xerxes "anti-Daiva" inscriptions, with its belligerent overtones. 



20 The phonetic form of the name DSrJly] may go back ta the Greek Aapeuoc. Not so does the 

alternative form DSrab surviving, e.jj., in SahrestanTha t ET3n § "52: Sahrestan T Darabglrd 
Daray T 0ar3yan kard, "the city of Daraboird built Oara"y son of D3r3y", cf. MarVwart & 
Messina 1931, 93^1. 

21 Cf. Frendo 1993. 

22 *payrn3n; on the concept, cf . Snaked 1 937a. 

23 Frendo 1993, 62. 



24 Cf. CunaKova 1 987, Vvedenie. 

25 Cf. Skjasrvo 1985, 594. 

26 Now, also Livshits 19B4, 2G; MacKenzie 1986, 114; Gionoux 1990b, 142 [cf. Naveh & Shaked 
1985, 35], cf. Gignoux 1990c, 235 [a different explanation in M. Schwartz in BAJNS 10: non vidi]. 

27 Cf. Bd 3SA.2 (TO 2 236.15-237.1): clyOn *Bag andar Sahpunr 1 Onrmazdan Mffbedan 
MObed bud ud K3d andar Daray Wuzurg Framadar (sic!) bffd, "as *Bag was the MObedan 
MObed Under Sahpuhr son of fjhrrnazd, while (his ancestor) K3d was the Prime Minister under 
Daca"y". Cf. Chapter III.IV, p. 144 n. 14, and n. 20 above. 

28 Cf. Cereti 1995, 141, 160. The reading is, however, uncertain. 

29 Cf. Eddy 1962, 19. 

30 Cf. SkjasrvB 1985, 603. 

31 "A Parthian Bhagavad Gita" (forthcortiing). 



151 
ZWY 3.24, which states that "Artaxerxes" "separated de" ws from men", could be a real echo of 
Xerxes' 32 adam aivam daivadanam viyakanam uts patiyazbayam: "daiva ma 
yadtyalSal", "and I made proclamation, "the demons shallnot be worshipped!"". 

So, it is not impossible that under Artaxsaer / 'Artaxerxes" of ZWY 3.24, who "will 
separate the de"ws from men, restore the whole world and propagate the Religion", some 
remote memory of Xerxes was actually preserved. 

In this regard, it is not without interest that the Sasanians used to 
engrave their monumental inscriptions, after the Achaamenid model, mostly in the first decades of 
their long rule 33 , i.e., shortly after the "restoration". Thus, the shattering of daevc images 
attributed to Wis" t5sp in ZWY 1.8 does not necessarily represent the later Sasanian iconoclasm, 
but can indeed be an old literary Epos. 

ZWY 3.25, immediately following the ArtaxSaer fragment, is of great interest as well: it 
identifies the brass age with the Sasanian dynasty, naming first Arta[x]s6r, spelt differently 
from the name of his Achsmenid name-mate (the same occurs also in Bd 33.15). This 
corresponds to ZWY 1 .9, which calls the silver age that of Artalx is"e"r "the Kayaniari", the 
epithet being taken from ZWY 3.24. In Dk 9.8 the silver age is that of Wis'tasp, standing for 
something (Areacids?) which was de/iberatery omitted (the ZWY accounts put the ages of 
Zoroasterand WIStSsp together, which makes good sense). 

2WY 3.25 enumerates in the silver age also SShpuhr- (clearly, SShpuhr I, son of 
Ardas"e"r), and AdurbSd, who underwent the brass ordeal. Obviously, this refers to the 
Sasanian period up to Xusraw AnSsurwan. ZWY 1.10 a.nd Dk 9.8.4 seem to blend together the 
period of this king and of Aflur-bad. These two sources call the period that of steel, while ZWY 
3.25 names it that of brass, perhaps, under the impact of the rffy - ordeal (ZWY 3.28, too, 
knows the period of Xusraw AnB5urw3n as that of steel). 

ZWY 3. 26 puts the copper period in the times of a Arsacid king, absent from the ether two 
versions; the chronological order is, of course, wrong, but brass, being a more noble metal than 
copper, caused the new dynasty to be placed under this metal, instead of the defeated Arsacids, 
adding thus to this the above-mentioned impact of the word rffy. This passage thus indicates that 
the original order was different, and it goes back, in that form or another, to pre-Sasanian times. 



32 XPh 37-9, Kent T9S3, 151. 

33 This while the claims to the Achaemenid origin begin, as was previously noted, only towards the end 
of the dynasty. 



152 

However, the passage was textualized anew in the Sasanian times, as it defines Alexander as 
"ecclesiastical". i.e., Byzantine-Christian, On the other hand, AyJ 1 5.1.8 puts *Wa I3[x ]$, the 
king called "Arsacid" in ZWY 3.26, after Wahram T GOT (r. 420-38), Yazdgird II (r. 438- 
57), Peroz (r. 459-84), but before Kawad I (r. 4B8-96, 498-531). 

Actually, *Wa la"[x Is is a restoration, though a safe one, ir) the text This was the name of 
the 1 4th Sasanian King who ruled for 4 years (484-8). If a Sasanian king was meant, it makes 
perfect sense chronologically. The problem is, of course, that the text implicitly has here 
ASScanan, "Arsacids", and, as we know from the De"nkard, the Arsacids were indeed mentioned 
in the tradition of Zandists. We have only to suggest that the passage speaks indeed of the Arsacids 
and that it belongs to an earier redaction and is displaced. 

As to accuracy in knowledge of Sasanian chronology and the names of the kings, cf. GrBd 
36. 9 34 : ArdatxlsTr T pabagan ud 53s3n3n *a-/nar, "ArdaSfrsonof PSbagand the 
counttess Sasanians". In AyJ 1 5.5-6 it is said that after Alexander the rule will pass to 
husraw Partaw3n, "the renowned Parthians"^ then Iran will pnosper, and, as it is at odds 
with the standard Sasanian slander of the Arsacid rule, a Parthian transmission of some of the 
material was suggested". 

However, Waiafxjs" was still honored even under the Sasanians for his service to the 
religion 37 . There is no doubt that the information about Wa 1 a~[xK found in various Pahlavi ■ 
texts goes back to the Parthian king-lists? 8 on the other hand, the Sasanian Iranians were not 



34 Cf. Anklesaria 1956, 307, TOl 103r.3. DH 230r.ll. 

35 Pas 32 nan Alaksandar 7 HrSmayTg sejdan sal. Pas be E tShmag t *Ariag rased, 

S husraw Partawan rased, darend dowist ud haStad ud d5 sal, pad awe£2n x v ad3yan 
sar T anagjh andag andag, pas aye"d newaojh spurrlg ud klSwar andar SbadanTh ud 
abe"bfm1h ud mardom andar kSmag iTwisnTh dast Sstad baw end, "after that, 13 years (of 
rule) for Alexander the [Eastern-] Roman (Byzantine; the translation depends on the date of the passage). 
Then it (the nile) will pass to those of the seed of *Ars"ak, it will pass to the renown Partisans, and the 
will hold it for 282 years, during which the rulers will turn towards so much evil, then the complete 
goodness will come and they will keep the country in prosperity and without fear and the people in the 
desire for living". Cf. Bd, ibid., ASkanSn 1 pad ahlSw x v ad3yTh n3m barend, "the Arsacids, who 
are renown for their righteous rule 1 *. 

36 Cf. Boyce 1987b, 127a. 

37 Cf. Boyce 1984b, 72. 

38 Parthian fragments exist in other Pahlavi sources as well; thus, e.g., in AyJ, Ja'ma'sp is given the 
Parthian title of bidaxs. 



153 
ignorant of their own history^ 9. 

It was frequently stated that the knowledge of Alexander possessed by the Sasanians and the 
Iranians of the Islamic period came almost entirely from the Romance of Alexander 4 " It was 
legendary 4 ^, if not mythical, and it seems that Alexander became one of the heroes - or one 
should rather say, anti-heroes - of the Iranian Epic. It is plausible to suggest that seeking more 
information about Alexander, Iranians even turned to the Greek tradition. 

It was earlier supposed that the Syriac version of the Alexander Romance was translated from 
Pahlavi 42 ; however, this view was later rejected <cf. Frye 1985 43 ). But there existed indeed 
two Iranian traditions, a learned one reflected in Dk 5.3.3; 7.7.3,7, KNAP 1, AWN 1 etc., and a 
folkloristic one, which made Alexander a scion of Achaemenid kings, thus, an owner of x v arnsh, 
only that may have justified in the eyes of the common folk the sorrowful fact that the throne of 
the King of Kings fell to strangers 44 . As to our text, ZWY 3.26 4 5 states that the Arsackte were 
those who liberated Iran from the Greco-Macedonians, which is historically correct 

It was argued that Iranian apocalyptic texts, of which ZWY is the best representative, were 
largely composed under the impact of the "Oriental" opposition to the Hellenistic cultural 
imperialism. Under this aspect, it is important that ZWv 1 .10 & 3.29 depicts the enemies of 
Iran as "having dishevelled hair". Although this expression is an old Iranian one (cf. below), it 
was Eddy 1962, 13, who rightly connected the parallel locus in the Sybilline Oracle with the 
known portrait of Alexander displayed in the Temple of Artemis at Ephesos, whose copy was 



39 Thus, e.g.. Sahrestamna I E"ran S 32 informs us that: 9 satires tan andar zamTg 1 Gaztrah 
kard ffstffd T AmtSs T Qaigar bradar-zJd kard, "$ towns in the Jazrrah were founded by 
Amios, the nephew of the Caesar". AmtOs is probably Aurehus Verus, cf. Markwart & Messina 1931, 
82. 

40 CF. Hanaway 1990,95. 

41 Cf. SahrestanThS T t"ran J 53: s"anrest3n T Gay gujastag Alaksandar T FHifXOs> 
kard manls'n r YahOdan anffh bad T pad xvad3yVh Yazdglrd T Sahpuhran burd az 
yvjhiSn I 5o£anduxt TS zan bad, "the city of Gay (^rjMn) was built by the accursed 
Alexander son of Philip, there was a dwelling of the Jews there, whom Yazdglrd son of Sahpuhr 
brought in his reign, according to desire of SGs'anduxt;, his wife", cf. Marquart 1903, 48ff.; 
Markwart/Messma 1931, 104-5; ibid., § 12: s"ahrest3n 1 Marw ud Sahrestan 1 Harat 
gujastag SGkandar I Hrama'yTg kard, "the city of Marw and the dty of HarJt were built by the 
accursed Byzantine Sdkandar [-Alexander]", The form Sdkandar may reflect a hint to the tradition 
about Alexander's burning [*sdk-j of the Avesta. 

42 Cf. Noldeke 1B80, 12-15. 

43 Frye 1985, 1 B5-B, esp. p.188, with previous bibliography. 

44 Alexander descended from the Egyptian Pharaoh Nettanebus/Nictobanis in the Syriae [and Hebrew] 
versions, compare Alexander described as Mus.rrg. minis' n, "dwelling in Egypt" in AWN 1 . 

45 This tradition is absent from Bd 33. 



154 



preserved at Pompaaf 



46 



As to the tree symbolism, an anti-Macedonian text 4 ', Sybil ill, 388-95, makes reference to 

the tree of ten branches 4 ". It is to be observed that here the tree of ten branches seems to be 
associated with the period of Alexander, while in ZWY the ages were named after the Iranian 
dynasts, and only the last age, surely a later addition, is that of the Arabs. This seems to prove 
that the notion of the tree whose branches symbolize ages was known as early as in the post- 
Achaemenid period, when the idea of the subsequent kingdoms has not yet developed. On the other 
hand, already in this Sybilline fragment one finds 3 link between the future compositions of ZWY 
and awn 1: as Eddy, ibid, has noted, this Sybilline text describing Alexander as going to Hades, 
has a similarity with AWN 1, which says that Alexander, after having wreaked havoc in Iran, 
flees to hell. Swain 1940 has shown that a Roman author, Sura, writing prior to 171 BCE, when 
the Romans still knew nothing of the Jews (with their Daniel scheme), already had the developed 
theory of the sequence of the monarchies in the East (Assyria-Media-Persia-Macedonia). At the 
Achaemenid court there was a golden plane tree kept as a permanent fixture, decorated with a mass 
of jewels, and ft was "worshipped and hymned by the Persians, and it was under this tree that the 
king held court", cf. Eddy 1 962, 27 49 , a fact that most probably indicates existence of the tree/ 
age symbolism. 

As Olsson 1 983, 28-9, has noted, phenomenological parallels to the notion of the four periods 
represented by the four-metals scheme are known not only from Hesiod (7th century BCE), 
Daniel and ZWY, but also among the Mayas and the Aztecs. Having many common traits, and, 
basically, not necessairily having been derived from the same source, these apocalyptical 
features are not unique and are to be found even in cultures not affected by the Mediterranean 
Civilization, as in the case of native-American [and other Third World] Messianic movements. 
This observation was first noted by Flusser 1964, 85, while treating Jewish apocalyptics, in his 
Review of Eddy 1962, and later, independently, by Russell 50 . 



46 Hertzfeld, quoted In Asmussen 1968 (cf. also Asmussen 1969), compared the Old Persian expression 
as regarding Cambyses' death with x v ad. Skast duSax" dwanst, on Alexander, in AWN 1.2. 

47 Eddy 1962, 12. 

48 The fact that we have seven branches in Zara"tust.NSm2h, 1309, implies that the number of 
branches was not stable and new "branches" corresponding Co the latter rulers were added. On the other 
hand, it also implies that Zaratust.N3mah, 1 309, goes back to sources older than those of ZWY 3. 
Widengren 1983 saw the scheme of the 4 periods as original and old, connected to Zurvanistic 
speculations. Although one could hardly argue against the original and old character of the four-fold 
scheme, its "Zurvanite" nature is highly doubtful. 

49 On plane and vine trees fn the Achaemenid cult, connected Kith royalty, cf. Edoy 1 352, 2S-B. 

50 References to Native-American material (on Spartacus, Zealots and Ghost Dance) while dealing with 
Avestan and connected subjects were constantly made by J.R. Russell on different occasions, as in 
Russell 1993 (n. 17 in the MS version). 



15S 

Not having been derived from God's revelation to Abraham, as Christianity and Islam are, 
Zoroastrian Tradition has, however, amazingly vast numbers of common features with the three 
"Semitic" religions: there were, of course, numerous cases of mutual impact and influence, in 
both directions, but, the depth structures of Historical Judaism and Zoroastrian Tradition must 
be seriously taken into consideration when dealing with the nature of apocalyptics in these two 
traditions. 

As Flusser 1964, 86, noted, "it is no accident that in the period of antiquity a genuine 
eschatological Apocalypse arose amidst two peoples, the Jewish and the Persian; for the religion 
of both nations according to its innate structure and message is pointing towards the end of time". 
The case of the Biblical book of Daniel Is of crucial importance here. Scholars saw in ZWY 1 
perceptions comparable with Nebuchadnezzar's vision in Daniel 2.Z7-4S, and also with Daniel 7. 
It was stated, until recently, that these parts of Daniel were influenced by Irano-Mesopotamian 
ideas (Hurtgard 1979, 525; Olsson 1983; Boyce 1984b, 70-Z). On the other hand, Bickerman 
1 967, 68, 1 1 7, and Duchesne-GuiHemin 1 982, 758-9, argued for the direct dependence of the 
Iranian idea of successive world empires on the Jewish sources. Sundemnann 1 990a thought it 
possible to see the metallic symbolism of Daniel's "statue" as original. If Sundermann's view is 
correct, then we have rather a piece of common Iranian-Jewish mythological speculation. In this 
context, it is important to note that Daniel is a figure belonging to pre-lsraelite times. The 
imagery of the Book of Daniel contains many Ugaritic-Anatolian motifs, prominent also in the 
Qumran literature and in the Book of Giants. On the other hand, one finds some traits of common 
Jewish-Iranian lore also in the Hsrut and Martrt legends preserved in the Dffnkard 

account' '. 

Scholars who denied the supposed Iranian Impact on Daniel have argued that ZWY is a very late 
text, or that the 4-metals pattern derives from Greek sources 5 2 . As to the argument that ZWY is 
a "young" text (previously dated as late as the epoch of the Crusades), a similar claim was made 
in the case of another Iranian apocalyptic text, Qissa-ye Danlyai (a Judaeo-Persian 

composition which was also attributed erroneously to the same late epoch 53 ). 

As to the well-known controversy over whether the metals in Daniel were derived from the 
supposed Iranian tradition or from Hesiod, cf. Gignoux 1985-B8, 71, after Duchesne-Guillemin 
1982, rightly argued that the metals in ZWY, as applied to a tree, are clearly non-Iranian. 



51 I hope to treat these subjects elsewhere, 

52 Cf. Olsson 1983, 26 n. 33-1. 

53 However, the text of Qissa-ye Danlytf L, although brought to date, is based on very old Jewish 
sources, going back to the late Second Commonwealth period, cf. Shapira 1999. I will deal with the 
sources of this Judaeo-Persian text elsewhere. 



,156 
rt may be indeed an idea borrowed from India, together with other Indian teachings 54 , which 
became incorporated in the Sasanian A vesta. 

Regarding the chronological speculations of ZWY, it should be observed that the date of 
Zoroaster, whose tenth millennium is frequently alluded to in this composition, is a complicated 
business. While I have no intention to provide here my own solution to this old controversy, it is, 
nevertheless, to my opinion, that the date has a bearing for our texts. 

According to the Zoroastrian tradition, the Religion was revealed in 754 ECE, thus 232 years 
before Darius' accession to the throne, 970 years before the birth of Marii, thus Zoroaster's life 

span lasted from 784 to 707 BCE 55 . 

This was the reason why Marti considered himself as being HfiSe"dar, i.e., a Zoroastrian 
Messiah, having been bom 970 years after the revelation of the Mazdayasnian faith, according to 
Ptolemy Canon's chronology 56 . The years of his youth were full of tumult, including the fall of 
the Arsacid dynasty, which was seen as a fulfillment of Zoroaster's prophecy about the end of the 
millennium. Klima 1958, 560-4, proved that millennaristic expectations were current in Iran 
about Mini's time, a fact that presumably pushed Mam to believe that he himself was the 
H6s"e"dar. According to his own calculations, Maril was born 30 years before the end of the 
Prophet's millennium. Thus, aged 30, he introduced himself to the King of Kings' Court, at the 
NaurGz festival, as proper to Prophets. This is a very important trait, because his activity as 
Manahe"m, Haitreya and Paraclete he bagan some 5 years earlier, circa 240 CE, implying that 
he deliberately waited for the coming date of Hfls e"da r. 

After their victory, the Sasanians were interested both in calming down the millennaristic 
fears and promulgating their own Messianic role. It was at this time that the chronology was 
falsified. According to Mas'Udr's (ed. de Goeje 1894, 97) Kitabu- 1 1-Tanblh wa 5 -l- 
5 i sra"f, the Sasanian chronological forgery was, however, known in some circles, affirming that 
the forgery was "a religious and political secret of the Persians", wa huwa sirr d1ya"nT 
mulCkf m1n i asrSr<- 1-Furs. Perhaps this is one of the meanings of the word zand used in 



54 A comprehensive study of Indian material in Sasanian Iran is still lacking; many particular point were 
referred to by different authors; cf., e.g., Bailey 1943, 86; de Menasce 1949, 1-3; Tavadia 195S, 70; 
Shaked 1984a. 49-50. For the DeTikard allusions to Indian sciences, cf. DkM 4ZB. 

55 Klima 1 958, 563-4. 

56 Klima 19 SB, 562. 



157 

ZWT 2: one who claimed knowledge of the unauthorized chronology was called zandf g^. 

The chronological falsification was by no means made about the very end of the Sasanian 
Period, because Agathias, writing circa 550 CE, assisted by his Persian interpreter Sergius, 
already considered the Arsacid epoch as lasted for Z70 years onry 5 ". Actually, the five centuries 
and a half that had elapsed since Alexander {corresponding almost exactly to the beginnings of the 
Seleucid Era) till the establishment of the Sasanian dynasty were reduced to Z66 years by the 
Sasanian agitprop. 

It was made because about 850 years have elapsed since the "traditional date of Zoroaster", 
thus, almost no time was left for the new dynasty. The falsification was achieved by identifying 
the Era of Zoroaster, "traditional date of Zoroaster", with the current Seleucid Era, and 
ArdaSTr T PSbagSn made it to appear that only 566 years out of the millennium of Zoroaster 
had elapsed, thus aspiring to add some 434 years to his own new dynasty. Thus, the end of the 
millennium of Zoroaster was supposed to take place in 659 (225 + 434 = 659). And indeed, the 
last Sasanian king, Yazdgird HI, was murdered in 651-2 CE^. 

If we turn now to ZWY 3.1 -1 8 [TEXT VII], this is where ZWY proper, without the first two 
chapters added later, begins. Being an epitome of Ithe main source of] ZWY 60 (which I will call 
'the original ZWY", though bearing in mind the tentatfveness of such a name), this chapter, until 
ZWY 3.19ff, is modeled on "the original ZWY', while beginning from 3.19 an enlarged version 
of ZWY 1 is given. The next portion of the original ZWY begins from 7.3 until the end. The 
portion in between is taken from S[t]0dgar Nask, not from *Wahman Yas't/Yasn, asthe 
S[t!ffdgar Nask spoke of destroying of Danag by FredSn. 



57 Cf. 'An bin Hazm's Kltau - -' VFasl n-'l-milal «j-> l-ahwa"> {cf. Pines 1990, 43), where 
it wss stated that AnuSlrwan forbade the study [of the books] in any place in their country other than 
Ardaslr.Xorra and E£a M.n.dS Gird. Before him (the religion) was only studied in Istaxr, and this 
was permitted to special elite. Their book which remained after it had been burnt by Alexander, 
contained 23 sirV. Sahpuhr II, after Adurbati underwent, successfully, hi? molten trass ordeal, 
addressed (DkM 413.5ff.) "to all those sectarians who also study the tiasks and to the heretics", etc., 
abjg hamSg awr/San jud,*sardagjn ufl •Nask.o's'murda'naz ud Jud.ristagSn..., implying 
that study of the Nasks, le, the Zands, was regarded as containing a trait of unorthodoxy, thus it must 
be restricted. 1c is worth noting that the heretics are designated here as jud.*sardag5nartd 
jud.ristagan, not as zandtg. 

58 Kllma 1958, 563. 

59 Among the authors who dealt with the problem of the "traditional date": Taqizadeh 1940, Henning 
1951, Klima 1958, Shahbazi 1 977, Gnc* 1980, Humbach 1984a. 

60 Cf. West 1904 I94n. 4. 



158 
In the beginning of ZWY 1 and ZWY 3, the Prophet asked for four boons from the Creator, two 
of which are the knowledge of the future and immortality until the Resurrection 61 . The four 
boons were divided between Wfs"ta"sp, Jamasp, Isfendiyar and Pagutan (who took 

immortality with milk (PaSutan az an dar taraf Sir dad bix v ard u 'nayaw3rd az 
marg yad, according to ZaraduSt-NSmah, pp. 77 II. 1170). 

Later in the Zaradus't- Namah we are told that the Prophet asked for the immortality , but 
was denied, while (p. 84, II. 1286-7) : 

bTdadaS Xuday- I Jthan afarln 
yak! cTz marsandah- 1 angubTn 
ba Zartust guftS kih yak qutrah x v ar 
b1g5 Sncih blnT bama dar badar, 

"the Lord of the World blessed him and gave him something similar to honey. He said to Zoroaster 
"Drink a drop of it and tell Me what you will see around you! (or. in details)"", 

implying that a b.k 1 r b, "that which has the form of water" (ZWY 3.6) was changed to "something 
similar to honey". The same beverage, which WistSsp is supposed to drink, appears in PRDD 
139.13-18 as mang andar 6" may [kun!], "\m\<t\mang with wine[!]", while in Dk 
7.4.84ff. one reads abar horn ud mang amah ray bare" 6 Wistasp, "take for us to 
Wistasp haoma with mang" (cf. Widengren 1983a, 103-4). 

After drinking that beverage, the Prophet 62 , according to the Zaradus't- Namah, 

bldanast £and ast bar gGsfand zl moy u zi rang u zl con u zi cand, 

"He knew how much hair the cattle have, what is their color and manner", 

where a microcosm / macrocosm speculation is to be looked for. This counting of the cattle's 
hairs in the Z a ra" dust- Namah, H. 1292-3. reflects the same tradition as that of ZWY 3.9, 



61 In my view, this particular tradition goes back to the very close circle of the Prophet: while 
Zoroaster was still alive, he believed, like Jesus and Muhammad, that the Kingdom of Heaven was at 
hand, to use the language of another religious tradition. 
6? P. 85, i. 1292-3. 



159 
where it is set in the context which speaks of ages symbolized by metals. It is relevant to refer 
here to an Iranian myth preserved for us by BTrunT, though, it seems, in a distorted form. 
BTrGnr 6 ^ quoting al-Ba"bll r, informs that according to Persian savants, Jam (Yima) has seen 
Kaicn (*Kay- 1 611?) in the form of a man containing all the colors, riding a bull. The bull 
was of 7 substances: gold, silver, yellow copper/brass (s,ufr), (red) copper (nuhas), iron, 
!ead (rasas), brass/lead (>anuk). This bull symbolized the fare of the world, according to the 
explanation given by BTrdnr himself. This piece of mythological information is of great 
importance, as it is not connected with ZWY 1 -3, while sharing common features, thus proving 
that the motifs of the seven metals found in ZWY 1-3 and the vision of Zoroaster in which (ZWY 
3.9) the hairs of animals/cattle are referred to were not combined mechanically, but rather 
reflect a lost myth. 

Lt is obvious that this mystic rapture of Zoroaster who drank the wisdom in the form of water 
and beheld the future is a very short and somehow distorted and incomplete 6 * version of such 
well-known soul-journeys as those of Klrder or Arda Wtraz 65 . But unlike the soul- 
journeys of KtrdSr or Arda WirJz (and that of Zoroaster in ZWY 3.15-18), whose aim is to 
provide a proof of the veracity and benefit of the Zoroastrian faith, the prophetic dream of 
Zoroaster in ZWY 1 and ZWY 3.19-29 serves a different purpose, namely to provide consolation 
in the times of hardship: if the first part of the prophecy predicting the coming of evil times in 
the end of Zoroaster's millennium (ZWY 1.11, 3.29) is fulfilled, so should be fulfilled the 
prophecy concerning the coming of the Savior and the future redemption. The rest of ZWY, 
beginning with ZWY 4, is dedicated to an elaboration of both parts of the prophecy. 

The short chapter 2 of ZWY [TEXT VIII] seems to be an independent unit taken from some 
secondary compilation (of the type of Bd, WZs, MX etc.). In my own opinion, ZWY 2 is a genuine 
verbatim quotation from earlier text[s], though it was supposed (cf. Czegledy 1958, 34-35) 
that the reference to different texts - (the ZandT.s of) the Wahman Yasn, Xurdfd Yasn and 
Astad Yasn) as containing the same statement, together with naming of several known 
authorities, looks suspicious . Nevertheless, Widengren 1983a, 10Z, 104, took the existence of 
the three sources for granted. 



63 Khalirtov 1959, text: 159; translation: 167. 

64 Cf. Gignoux 1 986a, 58. 

65 The expression u.m Ine") burzlSnTg sanist repeated in ZWY 3.15-18 Is typical for AWN, cf. 
Gignoux 1966a, 58-9. 



160 
It is of importance that ZWY 7.24 also mentions the XurdSd and AmurdSd Yasns. The 
Pahlavi text there runs as follows: ... pad ham.zfitlh yazisn fraz s2ze~nd, barsom 
fra"z wlstarend ud yaze"nd XurdSd ud Amur-dad Yasn, pad ne"rang ud 
NeTangestan T denTg, "... with joint invocation they will prepare the Yazisn ceremony, 
spread forth the barsom twigs, and celebrate the Hurdad and Amurdad Yasns with 
ne"rang-incantations and the Avestan Ne" rangestsri". In the parallel passage (ZWY 8.7) the 
reference to these texts is absent It is impossible to decide whether the reference to the X u rd 3 d 
and Amurdad Yasns was provoked in ZWY 7. 24 by ZWY 2. As to the XurdSd Yasnand As"t3d 
Yasn proper, they are known, but they are short and based on other texts. No eschatological 
information would be supplied from their Avestan form; to this must be added that the 
apocalyptical material of the Sasanian Avesta belonged mostly to Damdad, Cihrdad, Spand 
andSItjiJdgar Nasks (cf. Widengren 1983a, 155). Again, one could easily note that the first 

three chapters of ZWY contain themes and vocabulary which ZWY shares with AWN 66 . The 
religious authorities mentioned in ZWY 2 appear also in the Sayist ne" Sayist, 
NeTangestan, PhlVd, PY and Ok; they were studied in de Menasce 1983 and in Gignoux 1986a 
and 1 986b. This evidence indicates (hat ZWY could have been drawn upon sources other than the 
quoted in ZWY itself. 

Widengren 1 983a, 90, noted that all the redactions of ZWY were made as a result of some 
coliision with other faiths / heresies. This is the reason given for this text being composed, and 
such a situation might be an explanation for some discrepancies with religious teaching known in 
public previously (to., "the real teaching was unknown as the teaching were of secretive 
character"), or, rather, for the text itself being previously unknown ("it was kept in secret to 
conceal the truth from the heretics, but now it became revealed"). 

However, it could be taken for granted that the era of the struggle against the heresies must 
have left some impact on the literary activities of the clergy. What is sure is that the text of ZWY 
2 cannot be dated prior to the epoch of Anflsurwan (cf. Gignoux 1986a, 58). 

Dk 9.6.2 [TEXT IX], ag., probably refers to Mazdak, while trying to play down his religious 
rank^ and accusing hrm (?) of "foreignness" (it is to be noted that no accusation of 
"foreignness" was turned on Man!, cf. Chapter 111.3). On the other hand, it is absolutely 



66 Even the textual traditions of ZWY an AWN have some cross-points: one of these could be, e.g. r the 
use Df the strange expression e"w bar, "one time", "once", which appears in ZWY 2 and in AWN 1 . 

67 Mazdak, as is well known, was a religious authority of the highest rank (mdbadan.mdbad). 
Nevertheless, some texts could have been unknown even to him, because, r.a., sometimes Avestan texts 
were better known than the Zand, cf. Shaked 1969a, 190-3, esp. p. 192. 



161 
Impossible that such an event as the fall of the Empire after the Islamic invasion left no impact on 
the literary activity of the Zoroastrian priests and scribes. 

Bd 33 is a composite text of mostly mythological character in the middle of which a passage is 

inserted taken form the X v ada"y N3mag, the passage in question being perhaps the only 
surviving authentic Pahlavi fragment of this Sasanian chronicle; its style is dry, objective and 
narrative, and is amazingly close in tone to the style of Arabic re-workings of the X v ad3y 
N3ma 9. In order to illustrate this point, here are some short excerpts in translation (Bd 
33.Z0-Z1 [TEXT X]): 

And when the reign came to Yazdgird, he ruled for twenty years, then the Arabs rushed into 
Iran in large numbers: Yazdgird is not flowering"" in the battle against them; he went to 
X v ar3san and Turkestan to ask there for support in horses and men, and they killed him 
there. The son of Yazdgird went to India and brought a large army; before its (the army's) 
arrival in X v aras3n, he went into exile and this large army was disturbed and the Iranian 
Realm remained in the hands of the Arabs ... . 

The impotence of Yazdgird and the abortive attempt of Yazdgird's son PeTflz to reconquer 

Iran^ 9 , described with a sort- of bitter criticism which still could be sensed in Bd 33.20-21, 
provoked, nevertheless, Messianic expectations (ZWY 7.7,14; 8.1 [TEXT XI]): 

When the Kay will be thirty years of age ..., the armies with innumerable banners, the Indian 
and the Chinese armies having up-raised banners [for they will raise the banners aloft], having 
erect banners, having erect weapons, they will make razziahs upto Wehro d ... . For the support 
of the Iranian countries, there will be the innumerable troops of X v aras3nians having erect 
banners ... . About Wahram T Warzawand it is manifest that he will come forth with 
fullness of x v arnah ... he will re-establish these Iranian countries created by Me, Qhrmazd. 

This is a combination made up of different sources at a late date (cf. below), while the Bd 
passages following those quoted above represent a slightly older version, though also of a 
composite character (Bd 33.24-27 jTEXT X]): 



68 Or, "triumphant", Skffhect historical present. 

69 For 3 T'ang account about the last decades of Sasanian Iran and PeYffz's activities, cf. Chavannes 
1903, 170f., esp.p. 17Z. 



16Z 

"A multitude will come with red ensigns and red banners, and wilt seize P a rs and the districts 
of the Iranian Realm upto Babylon, and. they will humiliate the Arabs. And then, from the 
direction of the East, one bad man will come; he drives away those of Padlsx v 3rgSr; he will 
establish his wicked rule for several years ... . 

After that, the Turkish army will rush into the Iranian Realm in large numbers and with many 
banners, will desolate this prosperous and sweet-smelling Iranian Realm, will disturb many 
thriving families, will perpetrate much harm and violence to the men of the Iranian Realm, and 
will eradicate, disturb, and seize many mansions, until God will have mercy. And when fhe 
Byzantines will arrive and rule for a year, at that time, one will come from the frontiers of 
Ka~bulest3n, in whom there will be x v amah, of the lordly family, whom they call Kay 
Wahram, and all men will support him again, and he will rule even over India, Byzantium, 
Turkestan, over all the frontiers; he will remove all impious beliefs and having restored the 
Avesta / Religion of Zoroaster, no person will dare to come in public with any other belief". 



ZWY 7-B treats the events of the 11th Zoroastrian century, that of the future Savior 
HCsfdar. Two are preparing the coming of H6s"e"dar: Kay WahrJm and PfsCtan (compare 
Bd 33; Kippenberg 1978, 64). The history of the former is to be found in the Younger Avesta, 
where he appears as a mythological (pre-Zoroastrian?) divine royal hero. Already in the third 
century the name became popular among the members of later Sasanian dynasty; five Sasanian 
kings bore this name, from WahrSm I, Z73-6, to Wahram V, 421-439. This seems to 
reflect eschatological tensions of the approaching end Of the Prophet's millennium; the Sasanian 
kings, who pretended to be of divine origin, began adding Kai- to their names 70 . 

The restoration of the older Iranian traditions as found in full in the S3h- Namah was not only 

"the Iranian answer to the West"^, but also a part of the "system pressure", as exemplified, 
i.a., in arising of the codified "Sasanian Avesta", with the renewed interest in older traditions 
which naturally accompanied the process of the codification. If the figure of Wahram in the 
apocalyptical fragments arose from remnants of the Ccbenian agitprop (cf. Czegledy 1957 and 
1956) and under the impact of the Flight of the last Sasanian prince to China, the figure of 
PffsCtan (rfie priest who is the immortal son of the first Zoroastrian king), who will join 
forces with Wahr-Sm T WarzSwand to rescue Iran, should be seen, in the same apocalyptical 
fragments, in the context of the Late Sasanian political and religious situation 72 . We are told that 



70 Sundermann 1 992; Yarshater 1966. 

71 Cf. Sahpuhr's letters quoted above, compare Yarshater 1971; Bivar 1993. 

72 I hope to treat this subject at length elsewhere. 



163 
then Mithra will fight Pe"s"fjtan's battle against the demons who ruled a thousand years more 
than was allotted to them {these fragments describe the 7 J tft century of the millennium); thus, 
being perhaps an indication that the text was arranged afterthe Sasanian period. 

However, a thorough analysis of the passages enables us to date at least some of them, though 
for the most part the references to constant wars with the neighbors are not helpful. 

Wahram V GOT fought Byzantines, Chionites and Hepthalites; Yazdg ird II fought White 
Huns (Chionites and Hepthalites) and the Christian Armenians; Kawad I fought Byzantines and 
Huns; his son Xusraw I Anos"urw3ri fought Byzantines and Hepthalites, who were finally 
defeated by Turks and Xusraw circa 558-561 ; Ohrmazd (Hormizd) IV fought Byzantines and 
Turks; then, of course, there came the revolt of Wahram I CBbtn, the Crusher of the Turks, 
and the Byzantine invasion led by Maurice, who seized Armenia in 591 and gave her daughter 
Maria as wife to his client, Xusraw II. After Maurice's death, however, hostilities with 
Byzantium broke out again and it was Xusraw II who gained the most success against the 
Byzantines. However, in 6Z3 TUrktito-Khazars and the Byzantine armies of Heraclius invaded 
Iran. Under Xusraw II Parwe"z (590-628) the Triumphant, the Third Iranian Empire almost 
reached the extent of the Empire of the Achaemenids, after this king conquered Jerusalem and 
Egypt (614) and was about to capture Constantinople (626); this seems to be the rule referred 
to in Dk 7.40ff. (on Caesar and Khagan) [TEXT XJi] 73 . 

This king was killed as a result of a conspiracy which involved his own son, SeTffye", who 
ruled for half a year as Kawad II. As the name Kawad is a shortened form of Kay Kawad, 
there is no doubt that the Kay of ZWY 7.6, "whose father's life will come to an end" ' , is no other 
but Serffye" and "the father of the Kay is Xusraw II Parwe"z. Thus, ZWY 7.6 is to be dated by 

6Z8 CE 75 . 

In the following, It is stated that "they will bring him up with the maidens of the king"; to my 
opinion, a different monarch is meant here, not SeTflye (whose rule was short-living), but his 
minor son ArdaSSr III. 



73 MX 21.25-6 refers to Sasano-Byzantine wars (Tafazzoli 1992, 555): ku AnerTh T HrCmTgan ud 
TurkSnaz abag eT3naga~n be" az han ken bud IffSji pad tfzadan T Eric krlst ud ta" frasgird 
name paywandrjd, "the cause of the Byzantine end Turkish enmity towards the Iranians is that they 
(the Byzantines and Turks) killed Eric; it will last until the Renovation" , thus leaving a room for 
reconciliation. 

74 Note the euphemism for patricide! 

75 The gloss contains some chronological information: "in the month AbaYl on the day Y/a"d". 



164 

Then, "a woman will be the ruler", obviously the Queen BfJrSn, a daughter of the ill-fated 

i 
Xusraw II Parwe"z (less probably, her sister Azarmeduxt). 

Thus, we have here traces of rather late redactions going back to the last decades of existence of 
Sasanian Iran. In ZWY 7.1 2 [TEXT X] we have, according to my interpretation, the references to 
battles against the Invading Arab Muslims; in 636, the battles of aklisr and Q3disTyah were 
fought, then the bloody battle at J a 1 u i a ' • opened the way to the passes through Zagros, and the 
battle atMlhawand that followed enabled the Arabs to penetrate the heart of the Iranian plateau. 

Now we turn, in order to establish the scriptural sources of the escfiatological fragments, to 
some terms typical for these texts. As to "uplifted", or "erect", "banners / standards", or 
"spears" 77 , it is impossible to provide a more precise translation for the simple reason that in 
translations from Avestan, Pahlavi words may retain the meaning of their Avestan etymon, their 
"dictionary value" thus being different from that used elsewhere. The original text in which the 
notion had its origin seems to be the TTr Yas"t (Yt 8.56) [TEXT Xlll], with its uzgarapto" 
drafs rj; unfortunately, we do not possess a Pahlavi version of this text. Yt 1 .11 (Ohrmazd 
Ya St, being a secondary text) [TEXT XTva] elaborated the notion taken, supposedly, from Yt 8.56: 
psrseu drafSal lla aradwrj.draf s"a11a uzagaraptD.drafsalla xruram drafSarn 
barantalla, "with many spears, with the straight spears/standards, with the spears/standards 
uplifted, bearing the spears/standards of blood". 

Here araftwg .draf Sana uzagarapta .draf §31 la are used as synonymous 78 terms 
("straight/uplifted"). The Pahlavi version of Dhrmazd Ya*ft has non-etymological stf/ndag 
drars" for araoWO.drafsa and etymological ul grift drafS for uz[s]garapto.draf s"a. 
One may be almost sure that the source of the notion in our extant Pahlavi texts was not the 
SrffS YaSt, where similar expressions appear twice, for the reason that the Pahlavi versions of 
these passages are different. Y 57.16 has yS vTspam ahdm araoVia snaiei Sa nipaiti, 
Pahlavi: kg harwlsp ax v 1 astdmand abrgst 79 sneh be payed [kd sneh Ew 



76 The restoration in the text is mine. 

77 "Banners" (dgl) appear already in Elephantine Aramaic Papyri; "banners" were important in the cult 
of Hatra (smyf) and still are in the Mandsean religion (drarSa). 

78 As etymons of the Avestan arsftva-, AiW 351 quoted two Ossetic forms, uidig, urdag, "Steilweg". 
This etymology is correct: yupnur: "KpyTotf ckjioh, ykJion. oTiec"; vupfl ur nasvvuH. "crosTb noBMo" . 

79 in PhlVd 1.6 the same word is the epithet of Sactna "with erect banners" (Baxat abra"st drarS). 



165 
abrast], "this one who protects the entire corporeal existence with upraised weapon [Ae., he 
raised a weapon]". 

Y57.Z5 hasnfj... nlpalla... palrl drvatat aesmat pairi *drvatb116 
*hae"n5bi16" yi us xruram drarsam garawnan aes"mahe parff draomSbilrj yl 
aesmd duidadravallat. mat vT93tao£ daeuuS.datat, 

"may you protect us ... from the wicked Wrath, from the wicked armies which raise the 
bloodstained standard, from the deceptions of Wrath, which the malignant Wrath causes, together 

with the demon-created VT3atu" eo . 

This is rendered by the Pahlavi version as follows: 
... amah be p3yS ... be az awe druwand XeSm be az awe Cruwand tien [T 
dus"man] ke pad uirh *xruwTg 81 drafs naved pad peSSbayTh T xesm O.san 
XfiSm T duldanag dared uSan abag WTdad 1 dewan.dad, 

"... may you protect us ... from the wicked Xesm, from the wicked army [the hostile], which 
leads aloft the bloody standard under the leadership of Xes"m; xeSm, the ignorant, keeps them 
and the demons-created WTdad is with them" . 

As one can see, pad ulTh *xruwlg drafs nayed is a far cry from ul grift drafs", 
though it should be noted that the choice of *nTdan, nay- for the Avestan u s ... garawnan 
seems surprising (*ul grlftan, gTr- is expected). As to us xrOram drafsam 
garawnan, "which raise the bloodstained standard", it has its parallel in Yt 1.11 with its 
xruram drafsam barantalla. "bearing the spears/ standards of blood", which comes 
immediately after "with the spears/standards uplifted" (uzaqaraptB .drafsaiia). 



80 This translation is based on Kreyenbroek 1 985, 51; the translation of the almost identical passage 
found in the Mihr-Yast (Yt 10.93) given in Gerehevitch 1967, 119, is different on several points. 

81 The hapajr*xruw rg (for xrtrram, related to Slavic words for "blood") is almost unattested in the 
US tradition, cf. Dhahhar 1927, 117.3 n. 13; Dtiabhar 1963, 219-2Z0, nn, S-6; Kreynnbrcek 1985, 91 
n. 25.7. 

82 This translation is, basically, adopted from Kreyenbroek 19B5, 51 , 53. 



166 

This Avestan xrtfram drafSam barantalla was rendered, with right, as fce pad 

wlxrffnTh drafS barend [pad res' kardan C mardomanl, "who cany the banners with 

bloodshed [with wounding people]" (Avestan xriT- Is always rendered by wtxrfJnThandglossed 

i 
re's, cf. Schwartz 1982; cmp. AiW 539). The expression xnrra drafsa (Y 57.25, Yt 1.11; 

AiW 539), "bloody standard / spear" seems to be a Late Avestan misinterpretation of an older 
Avestan term. This is the Yastic expression xrv T.drav- (AiW 540), "with a bloody club" 8 ^, 
a frequent epithet of Xe"sm; as to semantics, "spear", besides "standard / banner" of drafsa 
(standards were tied up to spears), is fairly close in meaning to "club". In Pahlavi Zands 
xrvf.drav- was transcribed as huwldlws or huldlpS (read: xrwidrus" or xurdrus, cf. 
MacKenzie 1971, 94), with the second spelling demonstrating that the term was sometimes 
analyzed in Pahlavi as containing the word for "banner / spear", not for "club". 

Later, it was misinterpreted as *ul. drafs", "with raised banner" (MacKenzie 1971, 94), 
andul grift drafs became used beside xrwfdrus / xurdrus' (compare ZWY 7.18, 7.26 
fJEXT X], ZWY 4.Z6 [TEXT XV] forxrwtdrus"/ xurdrus" and ZWY 6.6 fJEXT XVI], ZWY 7.7 
[TEXT X] for drafs ul gTrend 84 ), The contexts lite the quoted above u_5 [=ul] xrOTam 
drafSam garawnan [=*gTrend] demonstrate how easily this could be misinterpreted. 

The 5[t]udgar Nask of the Sasanian Avesta contained mostly midrashic interpretation of 
the Pahlavi version of the Ga"6a"; a shortened version of the Kamnamez f ragard of the 
S[tlu"dgar Nask still survives as Dk 9.16 (DkM 803-6). There one finds (DkM 805.9), 
among other motifs unsupported by the extant PY, a description of the mythical fortress 
Kangdlz located somewhere in the Iranian East (Dk 9.16.15) 85 [TEXT XVII]. In this Late 
Sasanian version, serious mistakes were made by compilers] of redactors], who, in my opinion 
(cf. my notes there) misunderstood *stendag drafs of their Zand original which goes back to 
Avestan *ara3wd drafSa, and created "Kangdizof hundred merlons / pinnacles AND a myriad 
banners /spears". 



83 It is of interest that Abu Misllm's (rjirizidan b.wlndad-Hurrnuzd, according to Ibn a l-A6Tr) 
partisans, donned in black, referred to their wooden dubs as "infidel-fellers", cf. ZarrTnkub 1975, 53. 

84 Quotations with similar meanings were drawn together in ZWY: compare abrgstag.ze'n in ZWY 7.7, 
from PY 57.16 (abrast sneh [US sneh 5w abrast]), found in ZWY In the same passage with drafs 
ul glrSnd, or abrSstagdrafS in the same passage (ZWY 7.7) and in ZWY 7.14 (from PhlVd 1.6, 
where the same expression is used as the epithet of Bactria?). 

85 This Ok passage and ZWY 7.2B go back to the same source. 



167 
tti my opinion (and it seems to be also the opinion of Tafazzoli 1971, 199-200, though his 
interpretation there is different - he emended the text in order to make it to correspond to PhlYt 
1 .1 1 [TEXT XIV]), this De"nkard passage goes back directly to the Pahlavi version of Yi 1.1 1. It 
should be also noted that the compiler did not realize that his source contains a passage derived 
from PhlYt 1 .1 1 (a much read text); he was not aware of parallels such as PhlVd 1 .6 (which is 
even more frequently read). 



Zands were used to demonize the adversaries of Iran and her rulers, as well as to provide 
consolation in times of hardship. In ZWY 6.3,5-6 we have mentioned together Se"dSsp, upraised 
standards / spears (drafS ul gTrSnd), KelesiyagTh. Se"d3sp (which appears in Dk 
7.8.47 [TEXT XVI11]; ZWY 6.3,5,6 [TEXT XVI]; 7.1 1 |TEXT X]) seems to be an Avesticism 86 , but 
it denotes unvariably Christian Byzantines 87 ; the term Keleslyaglri (the reading of Cereti 
1995 is Ki HsSyfg) denotes the same 88 , as is evident from the gloss quoted in the name of 
Mahwindad (MJhwindad guft ku hrJmayTq bawSnd); Byzantines were actually called 
"Romans" by the Sasanian Iranians and by many other nations, and so was their self-designation, 
too. It was not until Heradeus 89 , the last Byzantine contemporary of the Sasanians, that the 

ar\ 

Hellenic elements began to emerge back in Byzantium 17 ". 

86 On this term cf. also Widengren 1983, 116. 

87 West 1 897, 1 04 n.4, thought the woid in question - s probably a corrupt pronunciation of the name of 
some Byzantine emperor or general (such as Theodosius)..." . Widengren 1971, 116, wrote about ihe 
term in question: "Der Name S£t3sp ist aus der nationalen Oberlieferung bekannt, wo er mit finer 
Abstammung von Tur eingetOhn vuird. Die abstract-kollektlve Form SftfspTtl bedeutet wBrtlich "die 
S'e't&Spschaft'... Der Name ist unbedingt avestisch, hochstwahrschainlich *Xsae~ta~spa-, 'glSnzende 
florae habend'. I accept the opinion of Widengren, adding that an Aramaeo-lranian popular etymology 
perhaps also took place: Aramaic Seaa, "demon", was known in Iran (New Persian^ 1 fOg, "mad with 
love, demon". Kurdish fet r peterT, "teuflisch"), and it would be plausible to suggest the possibility of 
an interpretation of Sedasp as HG&3. "demon", + asp, "horse". If so, this usage of the term must be 
dated only after the shift of t to d in an intervocalic position, namely, dose to the end of the Sasanian 
epoch. As SSdasp was applied, for some reason, only to Byzantines, the supposed demonic semantics of 
this word overlapped with other terms for alien invaders, such as "those with dishevelled hairs", 
wizard. wars; buland peiag. "riders", in DkS.8.2 must stand for Sedasp. 

88 As to this term, one may think of *eKKXTpia, eKtAipiaonKoi, cf. New Persian {via Aramaical) 
katfsa (cf. Darmesteter 1883, 69, 335 n. 4); klsy'k was compared by Darmesteter 1892-3, I, 80- 
83 etc., and by Wyberg 19Z9. 53, also to Avestan Karasanav- of Hfim YaSt (Y 9.Z4; cf. AIW 470). 
On this term cf. also Widengren 1983, 116: Kreyenbroek 1963. 101-Z n. 6.10. 

89 Heraclius was the first Byzantine emperor who gave up the Latin title rmperacorand accepted instead 
of it the Greek paoii£UC also adopting, for the first time, Greek as an official language. 

90 In Pahlavi texts, Alexander was always seen as hrGmSyTg, "Roman", i.e., Byzantine Greek. Even 
later, the Ottoman Turits were called ft&mrty Central Asian and Indian Muslims. Much later, Mustafa 
Kema Ataturt considered for a while Ruml TOrk as the self-definition for the Anatolian citizens of the 

Republic. 



168 

These "Avesticized" enemies are said to be " the army of these dews with dishevelled hair ..., 
the army having the wide front of the Turts and the Karmrr enemy {know that they will have a 
high banner, for thev will hold the banner up ...], the leathern-belted Turks and the Sedaspian 
and KelesivSoian Byzantines " (spah T awes~an de"w3n T w Izard. warsSn ... hen T 
f rSxv.anTigl.dufmen, Turk [Ti KarmTr. [had ul clrafs -hend, ce drafs ul 
gTre"nd ...]. Turk T duwsi kustlg, HrflmayTg, Se"d3spTh3 T KelesiyagTha", ZWY 
6.6), " the army with the wide front of the two-legged creatures of wolves and the leathern-belted 
d6ws " (hen T frax. anTg ud d3m T gurg T do zang ud dew 1 dawai kdstlg, ZWY 
7.11); the enemies of Iran are described in ZWY 1.11, 3.Z9 and 4.3 as dewSn T 
wizard.wars 1 xeSm.tOhmag, "demonswith dishevelled hairs, of the seedof xeSrn". 

The expression xe"s"m.t6'hmag has a long history in the apocalyptic tradition of the Eastern 
Mediterranean, and is ultimately an Iranian motif (cf. Pines 1982^1); the idea that these 
demonic invaders have "dishevelled hairs", w1 zard.wars, goes back to the mairya- bands of 
pre-Zoroastrian paganism, whose threatening image later on has been strengthened by the image 
of the Turk. This expression is used in ZWY 1.11, 3.Z9, 4.3, 4, 10, 26; 6.1, 6; the 
eschatologicat invaders are designated as "leathern-belted" in ZWY 4.59, 6.6, 7.3Z, an 
expression that had perhaps some roots in the historical reality; however, it was used also in the 
Egyptian "Potter's Oracle", being there, in all probability, an Iranian import. The expression 
used in ZWY 6.6, 7.11 the army having the wide front of the Turfcs and the Karmrr" (he"n T 
frixv.anTg dusmen, Turk) goes back to PhlYt 1.11: " the army with the wide front [the 
enemies whose land is vast; there is some one who says: "fraxvanlg, with the wide front" 
means they have wide foreheads, being the TuTa"nian lurks]" (nenaz T fraxvanlg 
[duSman bdmaSan frSxv. hast ke gOwSti ed fraxvanlg kfl.San pesanTg fraxv 
Turk 1 TurTg]), where the later gloss refers to the racial characteristics of Turks equated 
with the Avestan Turanians. 

In Dk 7.6 different chronological layers can be traced: Dk 7.8.2 [TEXT XIX] ascribed to 
Byzantines "with dishevelled hairs" (wizard wars) "the transfer of the Iranian royalty from 

Iran, the disturbance of law, custom, rite" (hanjafisn T ErSn.x v adayTh az ETSn.sahr, 
wfsobisn T dad, Sw£n, rlstag); the most important features of this passage are: 



91 The idea that the demonic Race of Wrath is of a miscarriage nature is cleaHy Iranian. In Manichaeism, 
one has to emphasize the Iranian aspect of the teaching about the Fa/fen Angels; the Judaeo-Chfistian 
material [ultimately going back to kan] is less clear-cut in this respect. 



r 



169 

1) the designation of the Byzantines as KrtsyJnTg, closer to Xpicmav- /h^iyht^ and, 
supposedly, an older form than Ke 1 es I y a g T h; 

2) dating of this event by "the ninth and the tenth centuries", not by the eleventh century, as in 
the ZWYPe"3o"tan fragments; 

3) these events are taking place in "the now visible circumstances" (nan T nan wSn3bd3g 
eddnTh); 

4) it is stated that these events are prophetically (pes. kedTgTha) predicted in the Avesta. 

Thus, this passage can be dated by the last decades of the Sasanian Empire. Another passage, 
connected with the one quoted above, is Dk 7.8.40-43 [TEXT XII]. This passage, too, speaks of 
"passing over of the authority from the wicked ones of all the periods" (in this context, it is 
unclear whether "the wicked ones" are alien enemies or evil Iranian rulers); the text, however, 
clearly identifies the Avestan "ke"k and k a rap who are the most evil rulers in authority" (we 
will turn to this expression later) with "those who are in power ... people such as the Caesar and 
the Khagan". No doubt, the events of mid-620s are referred to. In contrast, Yt 11. S [TEXT XX] 
seems to belong to an earlier date, as it refers to Bylantines only. Dk 7.8.47 [TEXT XVIII] 
belongs to a slightly later date than Dk 7.8.40-43 [TEXT XII], as it speaks of "Turkic demons 
with dishevelled hairs, Arabs, and also the 'Christian *Byzantine Sedasp" (Turk dSwlhaz T 
wizsrd.wars T3zlg ud Se"d3spaz t KMislySg Hro"m[ay]Tg). 

Though Dk 7.8.40-43, with its political actuality, could be easily seen as a piece of 
propaganda, nevertheless, it is based on a Pahlavi re-working of a lost mioVasMe commentary to 
Y3Z. Another text based on the same lost Zand is Dk 9.32 (War£mans a r Nask) (another 
echo is to be found in Dk 8.35.13). Dk 9.32. 23 [TEXT XXI] is 3 combination derived from PY 
32.14a & 15a [TEXTs XXII &7 XXIII] (an old .Zand of these passages is preserved also in Dk 
7.8.2S [TEXT XXIV]. theme of Dk 9.32.23 is "transfer of sovereignty, whose rulers are the kffn 
and karaps t they who are the worst rulers in the land", cf. also Dk 9.31 .18, Dk 7.9.23. Ke"ks 
and Karaps are Pahlavi forms of older Iranian terms, which underwent the process of 
demonization in the Zoroastrian parlance. Ke"k continues Old Iranian and Old Indie kav 1- and is 
connected to Lyciankave- "priest", Hittite mukawar, mukessar, "prayer", from mugsi 
"to pray", Carian mukOVO r, Lycian mukssa, while the root of the word Karapan- survived 
in Khwarazmian (karb- "to moan, mumble"; "jammern, stttnen") until the Muslim epoch 



(cf. Henning 1951, 45; Mahlagha Samadi 1986,103; Schwartz 1970, 391), as ma karba! 
"don't talk nonsense!", karbfda, "go on moaning (mumbling)", in a religious context (of Koran 
reciting). 

Though the general sense of Y 32.1 5a was grasped by the Zandi$ts, their translation was based 
on the similarity of sound between unconnected Avestan and Pahlavi words; it was probably Z 
vT.njnasa" in this verse, rendered as an.be"n, "non-seeing, sightless", that aroused the 
equation of ke"k ud karap with fcarr ud koY, "deaf and blind ": in PY 32.14a [TEXT XXII], Dk 
7.8.60=Dk 7.9.23 [TEXT XXV], PhlYt 1.10 [TEXT XXVIb], kSksarjdkaraps are glossed as "those 
who are deaf and blind in the things of God" (pad els I Yazdan karr ud koY). The term was 
widely used by Sasanian Iranian for people whom they saw as wicked rulers and evil "non- 
orthodox" or non-Zoroastrian priests*^. The edict issued in the fifth century by Mihr-Narseh, 
the Sasanian prime-minister under Yazdgird II, and quoted by the Armenian author EiiSe" ("The 
War of Vartan", Erevan edition, p. 24) stated: "every man who does not follow the Mazda- 
worshipping Religion is deaf, blind and deceived by Ahriman's de"ws" (oc ounl zaurens 
denl mazdesn na xoul e" ew kolr ew dlvac hararnanoi xabeal, where Armenian 
xoul ew kolr corresponds to Pahlavi karr ud kfjr, cf. Russell 19B7a,l 36 n. 9O-90a). 

Now we turn to a late Pahlavi text of a post-Sasanian date known as "SJh Wahram T 
Warzaw and", which continues and develops, in an interesting form, many of the motifs studied 
above. The text is extant now in two different versions both containing numerous interpolations 
and glosses. It should be noted that from the linguistic point of view, the text is in New Persian 9 3 
rather than in Pahlavi proper. One version was edited and translated in Blochet 1895, 241-3, 
1-3; another version was edited in Jamasp-Asana 1B97, 1S0-1 and Bailey 1943, 195f.; it was 
treated in de Menasce 1947, cf. also Tafazzoli 197S 94 ; the poetic character of the text was 
treated in Nyberg 1928; Benveniste 1930; Henning 1942 (1944); Henning 1949-50, Tavadia 
1950; Tavadia 1955 (who noted that the text is a poem with rhyme), Boyce 1954; Tafazzoli 



92 Cf., e.g., Dk 7.8.30: kor awe5a"n druz hend Ke to ham.pursSnd ud anSgah sastaT. ud 
weYiSg awe Jans,: druz hend ks awelan harn.pursend, SgahTh menend ud anSgah lend 
ah 1 amor .... "blind are these druz-demons who Enquire you, and ignorant tyrants (they are), and even 
those are seeing druz-demons, who confer with them, they meditate (about) knowledge, but they are 
ignorant heretics ...". 

93 Judging from its New Persian vocabulary which Includes even some Arabic words; similarity was 
found with the text published by Henning 1950, 647ff. 

94 Aton vidi Jamasp-Asana Hadressa Jubilee Volume. 75ff. 



171 
1350h.s". (1971); Tafazzoli 1972; Utas 1975, 406; Shaked 1969 (1970); Shaked 1980 text 
XXXI; Shaked 1984, 58 n. 38; Lazard 1985. 

The text blends prophecies concerning the God of Victory with the tales of the heroic W a h r a" m 
T Cfiben", and with the expectations for the coming of a restorer of the Sasanian Empire. It 
was stated that the old Iranian Yazata Wahram was elevated in the Late Sasanian period to the 
status of the seventh Ama§a Spsiita (cf- de Menasce 1947, Dumezil 1970, 119 n, 11); 
indeed, the only Yazata mentioned in the entire Nam StaylSn prayer is Wahra"m invoked 
together with Ohrmazd"6, The name Wahram, popular, as was mentioned above, among the 
members of the Sasanian dynasty and nobility, was, as well, the name of Wahram T CGbe"n, the 
only person in the whole Sasanian period who dared insolently, claiming to Arsacid ancestry, to 
proclaim himself king. Passing as a legitimate sovereign, Wahram T C3be"n should possessthe 
Royal (KaySriian) x v smaln there existed a considerable body of Cflbe" nian propaganda^ 7 whose 
remnants were studied in Czegledy 1957 & 1958. The memory of such claims was so well 
preserved much longer that even the location in which the last battle between Wahr3m T 
Cohen and Xusraw's Byzantine allies took place was called "Wild-Boar (waraz) River" or "The 
River of Wahram"^ waraz being a carrier of xvarnah (a hint to Wahram ; Cffben's 
claims). Another story emphasizing the royal destiny of Wahram T COben was told in the 6th 
century and re-told in the 5a"h Namah" and in Ninayat" l-»irab 100 . on king's encounter 
with his daena . The onager (g<Jr) in the story represents the royal x v ama/i 101 , while the 
IKSbarHn-Mffbad who opposes Wahram T CGben explains the go"r as dew, instead of 
x v amah, and the girl as "a spirit bearing the name daena". 

The beginning of both versions of the "Coming of King Wal"ir3m" is almost identical: 



95 Cf. Boyce 1968,50. 

96 Cf. Russell 1991, 3. 

97 This practice, as other things seen by us now as Iranian, perhaps goes back to the Seleucids times; 
cf. Bickerman 1938, 123. 

98 Cf. Minorsky 1943/6, 247. 

99 Moscow VII. 399-405 (esp. v. 1494), cf. Shahbazi 1986, 169-170. 

100 Cf. Brown 1900, 237. What is amazing is the fact that the story has more in common with Kirder's 
account than with the Ha~doxt Nask, 

101 As in another composition, namely in KNAP Z, which Is the very dose in time; it is possible that the 
KNAP passage in question was influenced by the tradition about Wahram T Cohen 



172 
Abar madan T San T Wahram 
ka bawad ka payg ew aySd az Hindugan k3 mad han 7 53h Wahram az aad[ag 
T] Kayan ke pTl hast hazar ud abar saran hast pTlban 10 ^ ke arastag 103 
drars" dared 104 pad ffwffn T Husrawan 105 pes laSkar 106 barend 107 . 108 pad 
spah.sardaran mard ew basTr 109 abayfd kardan zTrag turgaman 110 . 



102 Blcchet has pe"rflza"n, "victorious", as a variant. It might refer to the supporters of PeT02 son of 
Yazdgird II!, who was put on the throne in 661 for a short period by the dehqa~rs of Toxaresta"r>, the 
Chinese Pds-su, "Persia". The area of Toxarestan / K3bulesL3n was regarded by the Sasanians as 
"India", but at that period it was a Chinese frontier region, hence the confusion between the terms 
'India™ and "China". 

103 As Blochet 1895, 241 n. 2, correctly noted, this word is a rendering of the Avescan 
a radwG.drafs'a, "with elevated standards", cf. also AiW 351a Vd 1.6 (on Balx), the version is as 
here), Yt 1.11. However, the general rendering of the Avestan word in question in ZWY is ul.grl ft 
draff, and it is only here and in Vd 1.6 that we have an attempt of etymological Zand - translation 
(a radw / ar3st). This usage was provoked by the mention of Balx in the vd locus, as Balx was the last 
stand of the Iranian Resistance, untif the city was finally captured in 707. 

104 Treated also in Tafazzoli 1975, 397. 

105 Cf. my translation. There is no need to presuppose the impact of the Arabic KisraTyl, as the 
lemma xusraw was used also in Lhe Mazdaxite source of Sahrasta"nJ where it could not mean 
"Chosroes", bin; merely "king", indeed, Blochet's text has here strd 3 r'n, sahrlyaran. 

106 Blochet: spah. 

107 Blochet: abar barfnd. 

10a Blochet has here: andar (andaro"n7) purr? ...gran mardag-ew abayed kardan, translated: 
"C'est alors qu'il faudra faire acte de vaillance au milieu du combat". The apparatus of "Pahlavi Texts" 
has no note here. 

109 Bailey 1943, 195 n. 1: Arabic -UasTr; however, "basTr is also possible. 

110 Bailey 1943, 195 n. 1; Syriac trgmn; "interpreter", hence Arabic*turjum3n; DkM 48.20. 
Blochet's text is corrupt: mardag-ew (mldky against GBL 1 of "Pahlavi Texts") abayed kardan 
dsnag ud hoSamand; but, as in the case of s'ahrdaran/s'ahrlyaran which explains the correct 
sense of xusrawan, Blochet's danag points in the direction Df the Arabic basTr, rather than basTr, 
and hrjs" ffmand is a fair substitute for turgaman. 



173 
On the Coming of King WahrSm 
When will it be that a courier will come from India, saying that the Sari WahrSm of the 
Kayanian family has come 1 1 ', having a thousand elephants, with an elephant-keeper upon each 
of their heads, who bears the raised standard. They bear it before the army in the manner of the 
Sasanian Kings 1 lz . To the generals a messenger / a wise man is needed, a skilled 
interpreter 1 1 3 . 



111 A reference to Zoroastrians in India is found in AyJ 8.4-5. Among the Parsoes, some expectations 
of the coming of WahrJm from India to liberate Iran from the Islamic grasp are current until this very 

day. 

112 Cf.ZWY 7.10, below, and my note there. 

1 13 We know that the Seleurids used Interpreters in their multi-ethinjc armies, cf. Bickemnan 1938. B3; 

it is not impossible that the Areacids and the Sasanians preserved this practice. 



174 
So far the two texts were basically identical. It is here that the differences begin - the version 
of "Pahlavi Texts" reads: 

kS sawed bs gawSd pad HlndGgan *ku amah ce did az dast 1 TazTgan abar 
Swag grCh 114 . 

When he comes, he will tell in India in one crowd / army what we have seen from the hand / 
from the power of the Arabs. 

Blochet's version is very different: 
k3 Sawed b£ e 1 ^ Hinddgan go'we'd kti amah c8 sahrlyaran amah abag 
TazTgan ud TQranTg ud Hrffm ud Clnestan ud d€wan 1 MazenTgan karezar abar 
burd "hem 11 ", ke" aweSan az sto"wTh Den 1 weh ud abezag ud parastiSn T 
Yazdan ud Amahraspandan ud ataMs" 1 suxr [ud] sozatg] padTrlft he"nd. ud 
az zaman T anSSag-ruwan ZarduExlst T Spltaman D6n T abe"zag ta 1000 s a" 1 
rawagTh sJzfd. ud nanaz Tazlgan T masx v ar ks xffy ud xem l mar darend... 

When he comes, he will tell in India, saying: "We 1 1 7 , who are the ruler, We fought the 
Arabs, the Turks, Byzantium, China 11 ** and thedemonsofMazandaran, (so) that they, having 
been overcome, accepted the Pure Good Religion and the worship of the Yazatas and the Holy 
Immortals and the red blazen Fire". And from the time of SpitamSn Zoroaster of Immortal 

Soul 1 1 9 the Pure Religion was current about 1000 years, but now, the mice-eating Arabs, who 
have character and nature of demons... 



114 Cf. Bd 33.24: grah ayend suxr.nis'a'ri ud suxr.drafS ud Pars ud rSstagfha T 
Eran.Sahr ta B3bTl ojrend ud awBSan TSzlgan nlzar kunend, "a multitude will come with red 
ensigns and red banners, and will seize Pars and the districts of the Iranian Realm upto Babylon, and 
they will humiliate the Arabs". 

115 Instead of pad. A form current in Early New Persian, cf. Shaked 1966a. 

116 The text has he"nd. 

117 Pluralis majestatis. 

1 1B Central Asia, cf. Blochet 1895, 241 n. 6. 
119 On the meaning, cf . Brunner in Enclr II, 98-99. 



175 
The M Jzandaran dsws are mentioned in a similar context also in Dk 9.21 . In my opinion, 
one of the reasons why they are referred to here is that this text was composed in T abares tan, 
one of the last strongholds of Iranian resistance. nearfiazandaran. nazatnlia 120 daSva, 
the druz-adherents of Varana 121 (cf. Ye 5.22, Yt 5.33. Vd 1.17 1 zz ), were frowned upon with 
such a mystical fear that it was in their land that the White Dew of nazandar3n was 
placed 1 2 ^. Occurring outside the Sah- Namah also in the Mediaevel Armenian Sasun Epic 1 , 
this daimon must be a blurred reminiscence of the pre-lranian "Aryan" divinity; dew meant, of 
course, "god", and its appellative, sped, means in Iranian, and, especially, in Armenian 1 . 
"bright, luminous" 1 2S . Thus, sped must be a rendering of the older name, *Dyaus Asura or the 
like. 

Besides these mythical considerations, the reason for grouping together of the Arabs, Turks, 
Byzantines, Central Asian tribes adjunct to China and the demons ofMSzandaranasthe enemies 
of Iran might be simply the fact that a!1 these were associated with exploits of Wahram T 
CObSn. In 588 (589?) Wanram crossed the Oxus and killed the Turkic king. After his 
victory, Wahram 1 COben was sent to the Caucasus to repel the invading Khazars 12 '. He was 
successful and opened hostilities against the Byzantines in Georgia 1 2 8 . After his defeat on the 
banks of the Araxes. Hormizd (Ohrmazd) IV decided to remove him, but Wahram answered 
with a revolt. This is the short epoch when wars were waged almost simultaneously with Turks, 



120 From mSsa-, "big", > MSzandarSn, dara, 'ravine", Bailey 1979. US. Perhaps the name of 
Medes [M3fla-J is connected tortJzana-. 

121 Indie Varl>U, OAortow> Pahlavl Varan, demon of concupiscence. Burrow 1973, 135. 

122 CF. Henning 1947-8, 52-3. 

123 On which cf. Noldeke 1904. 

124 Cf. Russell 1998. 

125 Being associated with angels, etc.; Prof. J.R. Russell, an oral communication. 

126 Compare *Dyaus, Beoc, Zeus etc., on the one hand, andYima xs'afts-, "luminous, shining", on the 
other. 

127 On Uiis invasion as reflected already in the XVaday NSman, cf. Noldeke 270 (TaJSrlb al-'Umam 
i, 219.7)i Czegledy 1958; Biro 1979, 177. tt can be, nevertheless, an anachronism, as it seems that no 
Khazars were yet around to invade. This topic cannot be dealt with here at length. It should be noted in 
passing that Bailey suggested two different emendation of a problematic word in ZWY 4.5B; Bailey 1 930- 
32c, 946: HPTL, "Hephthalites"; but Bailey 1943a, Iff.: HSL, "Khazars"-, cf. also Henning 1952, 505 
n. 2 and Bailey 1954, 21. The most recent editor of ZWY read the word in question Xadur (cf. the 
comments in Cereti 1995, 192). 

1 2B On his activities in Georgia, cf. Bir6 1979. 



176 
Khazars (?), Byzantines and Arabs. Bearing in mind the Caucasian connection of Wahrsm's 
activities, the demons of riazandaran could be perhaps identifiable with Georgians, Caucasian 
Albanians or with other Caucasian peoples (or "Turkiits"). 

Further, Biochet's text has: 

clyon sag_x v arend nan 129 , be stad he"nd pSdixSaylh az Xusrawan. 
ne pad hunar ud ne" pad mardTh ud ne pad zOT T xrad, be pad afsos ud be *an- 
3'Tnstad hend, 

Like dogs they eat the bread. They have taken away the sovereignty from the *Sasanians. Not 
by skill, not valor, not by the power of wisdom, but in mockery and injustice have they taken it, 

while the version of "Pahlavi Texrs" reads: 
De"n nizar kard ud be *6zad sahan Sah dyOn sag. x v are~nd nSn. be stad he"nd 
padlxSayTh T az Husrawan. ne" pad hunar, ne pad mardTh, he pad afsfls ud 
riyahr-Th 130 be stad hend, 



The Religion was ruined and the King of Kings slain like a dog 131 . They eat the bread 1 ^ 2 : They 
have taken away the sovereignty from the *Sasanians. Not by skill and valor, but in mockery and 
scorn have they taken it 

129 LHM=. 

130 Henning 1937, 87: Parthian ryl, "haughtiness, scorn". 

131 Cf. Bd 33.20. 

132 As the Russian traveller of the mid-19th century Khanykoff has noted, in M3"Z3ndaTari eating of 
bread was regarded as abomination. This may indicate the Tabarestarian provenance of our text, as 
Tabarest Jn was one of the last strongholds of the Iranian Resistance. On the other hand, Zoroastrian 
Persian com-e 5wa, Gujarati kutra-no" bak, "portion of the dog", consists of bread, as "for Iranians 
bread had long replaced meat as the staple of diet", cf. Boyce 1996, 468b, and bread is put on or by the 
corpse, to be eaten by the dog. It is net impossible that "they eat bread" is merely a gloss provoked by 
the word "dog", as "dogs" in Iranian speech are frequently evoked together with "bread". Cf. Sad- dar 
nasr, ed. Ohabhar, p. 24 (non viol), quoted in Bailey 1943, 165: 

kasl ki Avasta biyamQxta bad! wa a yad baz kardl ta angahl kl dtgar Dar zl bar 
kardr Qra nan Clnancl bi-sagan dihand dadandl wa jay i dlgar xvanda am ki nan sar i 
nlza bad-rj dadandl, "the person who had learned the Avesta and forgotten it, till the time that he 
had memorized it again, they gave bread to him as they give it to dogs. In another place I have read, that 
they gave him bread on the tip of a spear". 

However, it is of interest that Blochet translated *un morceau de viande" (Arabic 1 *! ah m, rather than 
Aramaic *lahm3). As to the knowledge of the real reading of LHHA, cf. the weil-known Arabic passage 
onHuzwarls'n given in Schider 1932, I, 207. 



177 
The version of "Pahlavi Texts" goes further. 

gtrend pad stahmb az mardoman ran ud x v astagTha T s"Tren, bay, 
boyestan. gazTdag 133 abar nlhad tiend, 66 Da)tt flSnd abar saran ab3z 
3sir[k:] 134 x v ast hSnd sag 1 gran, be nigSr ka Cand wad abgand flSn druz pad 
fn gffhan, ka nest wattar az awe wad. genan az amah be ayed, 

By force they take from men wives and sweet possessions, parks and gardens. They have 
imposted taxes, they have distributed them upon the heads. They have demanded again the 
principal, a heavy impost Consider how much evil those wicked ones have cast upon this world, 
so that there is none worse than this evil. The world passes from us. 



r 



178 

ft is how the version of the "PahVavr Texts" comes to Its end: 

nan Sah Wahram ^ warzawand az dOdag T Kayan be" awarem nen T TazTgan 
dyffn RSstahm 137 awurd gurz ken T genan asan mazgitTha 136 frOd hllem be 
nUanem atalxlSan uzdeszarTha be kanem ud pak kunem az genan t3 a- wen 
Sawend druz wlsudagan az en gehsn, 

We shall bring this Sah Wahram the worker of mighty deeds, of the KaySnian family, to 
vengeance on the Arabs (in the same way) as Retastahm bore the club of vengeance on the 
world. Their mosques we will cast down, we will set up Fires, their idol-temples we will dig up 
and purify away from the world so that shall vanish the spawn of the wicked one from this world. 



Blochet's version reads: 

ce" hef kas pad en SwSn pad stahmag ne stad ested ud dyfln dew.kSs darend 
ud dew-peSag ke" dad T wad.tar pad genan asakartar ud wenTh ud dad T 
rrarCnTh azeT zamTg nlhan kard hCnd. ud pad kar T wlnah.karih cer ud 
dOsaramlh pad w1n3h.k3r3n weh kunend ud beTn T do£ax v ud padifrah andar 
dil ne dargnd ud rOspTg ud rOspTg-baragfh 135 andar awSSan was hast- 
ud D§n T abe"zag ud kSr.klrbag ud dSd r x v arr[ah] nerang.gurtarlh ud 
ken.mentsnTh ud afsffs[Th] ud riyahrth ud stahmbaglh aSkar bud hast, 

That nobody captured [an empire] by such kind of tyranny. They have a demonic creed and a 
demonic conduct, they spread in the world a more evil faith and they conceal under the earth the 
gxd 1 36 and the Pious Faith. They are eager to perform sins and they love evil-doers very much, 
they have not in their hearts any fear of Hell and Retribution, and prostitution and sodomy are 
current among them. And they spread spell-casting, envy, mockery, scorn and tyranny [against] 

the Pure R eligion and the merits and the Faith of Glory. 

133 The word is Iranian, being a borrowing into Arabic; on this word, cf. Weryho 1971. Arabic 
Jlzyat-, Syriac gazltJ, Firdausi's gazTd/t. 

134 Arabrc-> New Persian mal I 'asll; on the expression cf. Jamasp-Asana 1897, 1 60; Bailey 1943, 
195, differently Tavadia 1955, 36 n. 32; Shaked 1970. 405 n. 37; Gil a Staked 1986, 820. 

135 In passing, it could be noted than this Pahlavi expression is typical also for a Judaeo-Persian 
apocalyptical text QigsalH Daniel, edited and translated in Zotenberg 1869 and in Darmesteter 1887; cf. 
now Shapira 1999. Compare ZWY 4.63. 

136 An interference with the FrJsyab tradition. 



TTie parallel concluding prayer in Btochet'$ text reads: 
amah pad ummed l madan T WartirSm T amawand pad stahmbaglh ud beslh 
T awesan xursandfha abar barem ku pad h3n zaman pad nereg ud ayyarlh T 
ahrmazd ud Amahraspandan hamag den dus"menan T wad.menls'nan ud 
uzdesn.parastan az bun bf kanem ud riamSg gffhan az wad.tarTh ud 
uzdesn.parastth pak. bawed ud Den T abezag ud rastlh ud frarOnTti wuzurg 6<J 
pad kSmag.wehdenan. frajaft, 

Under oppression, we are of hope in coming of the mighty Warhram, and we bear their 
tyranny joyfully, that at that time, by the might and assistance of Ohrmazd and the Immortal 
Bountiful Ones, we will eradicate entirely the religion of the enemies, those of bad thought and 
idol-worshipers, and the whole world will be clean of evil and idolatry, and the Pure Religion and 
the Truth and great piety [are] desirable [for] Zoroastrians. Finished. 



137 New Persian rstm/rtrstm ; Orait T AsOrlg 41 , cf. Unvala 1923, 657, and also von Stackelberg 

1901, 380. 

1 38 Arabic > New Persian mazgit , cf. Weryho 1971. 



179 

It is obvious that the structure of both texts is identical, and that they were composed, at least 
partly, from similar, if not the same, sources, as ZWY with its parallels. 

The references to the club, "to vengeance on the Arabs", to theSTstSnic hero Rdtastafim, 
compared to "STJh Wahr-am the worker of mighty deeds, of the Kaya~nian family", are 
interesting. Of course, both Varaerayna snr/Rustam carried a club, as many other heroes 
did, but this interference with the material derived from the post-Sasanian "Book of Kings" is 
nevertheless surprising, as neighther Rustam the Saka, nor the historic Wahram T CCbe"n, 
were of KaySnian stock, as seen from the point of view of Sasanian loyalists. It was. another 
pattern that vrorked here 1 39 , that of the epic of the Eastern Iranian frontier. 

If we turn now to the AyJ material as connected to the "Coming of SSh Wahram" text, we 
find there interesting remarks referring to Chinese, Indians and others. As this text (AyJ 15.7- 
27) contains the Sasanian king-list up to Yazdgird III, the arrangement of the text could be dated. 

The reconstructed Pahlavi text of AyJ 8 reads as follows: 

1. pursTd WlStasp sati kO" awesan mardoman T pad HindOgan ud CTnestan ud 
Turkestan ud TazTgan ud Barbarestan jud jud dad ud rawis'n c€, Q.san 
zTwandagTh ud nSwagTh ciyon, ka mTrend s ku" abganend u\s"an ruwan s ku 
s*awe"nd. 

2. guftas jamasp T bfidaxs kd HindOgan Sahr wuzurg, hast I sard, hast r 
garm, hast T tarr, hast T huSk, hast ku dar ud draxt, hast ka da£t T saxt 
hast kO wySb. 

3. hast kf.5an zlwlSnTh az brinj, hast ke" az STr T gaw, hast ke" <az> tohmTha 
x^arfnd. 

1. The king WiStasp asked: "those people who are in India, China, Turkistan, Arabia and 

Berberia, what are their respective religions and behavior, and their ways of life and goodness? 

Where are they thrown when they die, and where do their souls go?*. 

Z. JSmasp the viee-roy said him: "India is a vast state. In some places it is cold, in some places 

it is hot, in some places it is wet, in some places it is dry, in some of it there are trees and 

shrubs, in some of it there are heavy deserts where. 

3. There are some whose living is on rice, there are some whose living is on cow-milk, there are 

some who eat <from> fruits (eggs) " . 

139 Cf. Davidson 1990. 



It is interesting to note (cf. Boyce 1987b, 127) that "there were Zoroastrians among the 
Hindus, AyJ 8.4-5, and Turks, AyJ 1 2.9". In AyJ 12.8-9 we indeed have: 

Turkestan wuzurg gya"9 ud hama"g sard, wffgag bawfd, u.s*3n draxt T 
barwar ud mewag T x v anSnTg ud *any els nlhang. Hast az awgsan ke" Mah 
parlstend ud hast ke jadQg he"nd, ud hast T Wen.DSn hend. 

Turkestan is a vast place and all of it is cold, it is forests, they have few fruit-trees and 
eatable fruits and [other eatable] things. There are some among them who worship Moon and 
there are some who are sorcerers, and there are some who are of the Good Religion. 



AyJ 1 2. 1 S: ' 

Warz 1 abSdSnln kunSnd ka mlrerid 6 wEsag abganend, ud hast 1 Wafiist 
ud hast T 5 Dusax v ud Hamdstagan sawend. 

The cultivate the land. When they die, they throw (their dead) in forests, and there are some 
who go to Paradise, and there are some who go to Hell and Limbo 1 40 . 



1 40 This Eext seems to refer to the Western (or, even to the Khazar) Khaganate rather than to the 
Eastern Khaganate, as the text mentions forests and the practice of corps-exposure in forests, similar to 
that described by Jon Fad 1 an with regards to the Volga Bulgars. As to the "Good Religion", there are 
other Arabo-Persian texts thai mention MajiJsT among The Western Turks, Khazars, Patzinaks. I will 
deal with that subject elsewhere. In other Pahlavi texts, Turkestan means the (and of Uigurs, cf. DkM 
25.15: ...clyffn ke"s T nS<! T az HrGm ud hSn T MdSe" azaz xazaran ud h3n T lianT azaz 
Turkestsn tagTglh ud cerTh TJan peS bad be burd 5 wadagTh ud obastagTh andar 
hamahian abyand nan T M3nT az HrSm ftlsrJ[k]rayThaz anart, "...like the faith of Jesus from 
Byzantium, and the faith of Moses from the khazars, and the faith of Mini from the Uigurs took away the 
strength and the vigor they had previously possessed, threw them into vileness and decadence amongst 
their rivals, and the faith of MSrii even frustrated the Byzantine philosophy 1 , cf. de Menasce 1945, 239- 
40; MoTS 1967, 237. This passage is seen as reflecting Uigur Manichaeism, cf. de Menasce 1945, 240, 
arvj as one of the few nan-Muslim sources to make wAe oi Khazar Judaism, cf . Golden 1 984, 1 40 n. 33. 



r~ 



181 
Our text speaks, however, of an ambivalent attitude towards the inhabitants of India, whose 
religious practices were indeed sometimes resembling those of Zoroastrians, due to the common 
ancestry and the Iranian impact, but sometimes were just the opposite of the Zoroastrian cult It 
is not necessary to assume that the huden in India means specifically "Zoroastrian"; the term 
may refer to mages indianisis, the Hinduized Magi of Mithra who settled down in India (cf. 
Humbach 1978 141 ). 

The Indians and Chinese were both held in great esteem by the Iranians of the Late Sasanian 
period. Indian wisdom was transferred into Iran as a part of the project of assembling the 
dispersed Avesta, and many "secular" works were translated as well 1 4 ^. 

4. fl.SSn ke"S ud d3d ud rawign was, ud hast T pad nemag T Otirmazd, ud hast l 
pad nemag T Ahriman ud jadagTh askSrag kungnd. 

Their faiths and religions and ways of life are multiplied, there are some who are in the (half-) 
lot of Ohrmazd, there are some who are in the (half-) lot of Ahriman, and they exercize 
witchcraft publicly. 

5. ud ka mTrend, hast ke andar zamig nigin kunend, ud hast ke" 0" 3D 

abgansnd, ud hast ke pad 3talx]5 be sCzend. ud harw ke ne huden o" dG5ax v 
5 aw end. 

And when they die, there are some who bury (their dead) in earth, and there are some who throw 
(their dead) into water, and there are some who bum (their dead) with fire, and everyone who is 
not of the Good Religion goes to Hell. 

6. ud Clnestan Sahr wuzurg T was.zarr ud was. musk ud was.gShr, mardoman 
V5 andar bawend klrrOg ud nezOman ud barTg wenis'n estad bawend. But 
parlstend, ka mTrend, druwand hend 

And the state of China is vast, having much gold, much muscus, much jewels, and the people who 
live in it are artisan and dextrous and of thin complexion, they worship the Buddha, they are 
unrighteous in their death. 



141 Mithra was widely worshipped in Bactria, it is true (but the "reconstruction" of Humbach 1961 
caused much harm to exploring genuine Mithraic-non-Zoroastrian elements in Iranian religion). The 
Median pre-Zoroastrian cult of Mithva. xsa6rapati*as known In Egypt (cf. Boyce 19B2, 1S6 & 265, 
on a Mythraion used by Persian soldiers at the end of the Achaemenid rule, if not later) and the Near 
East, including Phoenician cities of the mainland, Cyprus and Carthage, and It is quite possble that 
Alexander used this cult in his propaganda against the Achaemenlds, the stubborn Mazdaeans {cf. Bivar 
1975; Bivar 1994, 69); in this context the burning of Avesta might make a better sense. 

142 So, Kalilah wa Dimnah, Tut* Namah, Sindbad Kamah were translated about 550. On Indian motifs via 
Sasanian Iran in Greece and Syria, cf. 5haked 1984a, 49-50. 



182 
This is a rather vivid description of the pre-T = ang China 1 43 . When Zoroastrianism first 
appeared in China in the early 6th century, it was spared of the general persecutions of foreign 
religions 144 . Buddhism became popular in China only after the fall of the Han Dynasty in the 
3rd century CE, although the penetration of this religion began as early as the 1 st century from 
Tibet Later on, Parthian and Kushan Iranians played an important role in bringing the Buddhist 
gospel to China, a Parthian prince *Arshak (An Shih-kao, An Shi-gao), a Sogdian K'ang Seng- 

hui and a Parthian merchant An 145 Hsiian (Xuan) being instrumental among them in this 
process. In the 4th century Buddhism became the state religion of China. At the end of the same 
century, Chinese Buddhism penetrated Korea, and about 552 this religion appears in Japan, via 
Korea. Li Shi-min, or the Emperor Tai Tsung, the founder of the T'ang (61 8-907) Dynasty, 
opposed Buddhism and promoted the teachings of Confucius, and during the Huichang (841-6) 
Period, many sects were suppressed in China. All this perhaps indicates a pre-T'angdate of our 
passage, namely, the epoch of the Warring States and the Sui Period (589-61 8) that followed it 

7. TazTgan ud Barbarestan s"ahr garm ud huSk wyaban, nest bar ud 3D tang 
iS.SSn x v ar15n Sir ud xrarstarSn ud mus ud mar ud gurbag, rObah ud kaftar 
ud abarTg az en Swen, uzdes parlstend O.SSn zlw'sn sz ustr ud cahar.pad, 
any cis nest. 

The land[s] of Arabs and Berbers is a hot and dry desert, it has no fruit and water is scarce, and 
their food is milk and xrarstras and mice and snakes and cats, foxes and hyenas and others of that 
kind, they worship images/statues and their living is on but camels and quadrupeds, having 
nothing else. 

It is fairly clear that this description of Arabia is of pre-Islamic origin; though the importance 
of uzdes (Arab stone-worship' Christianity?) for this dating is uncertain, but the tone is not 
hostile (as in the Zoroastrian texts from the Islamic period), and we are told nothing about *d3d 
T wad 1 Tazlgan, "the wicked law of the Arabs" (=lslam); Berberia could have been mentioned 
only during the short period Df the Sasanian occupation of the Western outskirts of Siwah and 
Fayoum 14 **. As it was in 618 that the T'ang dynasty, with its initial anti-Buddhist politics, 



1 43 Except, of course, the idea that the Chinese go to Hell, thus having no chance of salvation. 

144 Watson 1983,554. 

145 "An" means "Parthian''. 

146 For Sartaristan in the East of Iran, cf. Monchi-Zadeh 1975, 88-91. 



climbed to power in China, it is hardly possible that the Persians learned about this anti- 
Buddhist bias of the newly-established dynasty immediately, while, at almost the same time, in 
the spring of 61 9, Persian armies entered Egypt - and "Serberia". The conclusion should be that 
these two passages describing China, Arabs and Berbers are to be dated about 613-625, as in 
625 Heracleus and his "Tiirkoto-Khazar" ally YaijyuQa7an attacked the Sasanian Transcaucasia, 
sacking Tbilisi with its garrison of Persians and their Christian Georgian allies 1 47 . 

At least from the times of K aw ad 1 [Chinese *kia-ywa-ta] (488-96, 498-531), there were 
diplomatic contacts between Persia and China. The peak of Sasanian-Chinese relations was 
reached in the early years of the T'ang dynasty (beginning in 618 CE), the very last period of 
Sasanian Iran. Zoroastrianism (Chinese: X 1 a n, Hsien, *xEn, *rien, t Ian, "heaven") had 
existed in China, in some form, as early as the 6th century (prior to the arrival of the Sasanian 

refugees who fled the Arabs 1 4S ), having later attained, still in the Sasanian period, a degree of 
official recognition. 

There were four fire-tempies in the Chinese T'ang capital, and others in different parts of 
China, including the crty of K> a i-feng 1 ". Some of these temple were still referred to as late as 
the lZth century. In 638 CE, the last Sasanian king of kings, Yazdgird ill (632-651), Chinese 
Yi-si-si, squeezed by the Arabs and the Turks, sent an embassy to the B ayf u" r, "the son of 
Heaven", as the Persian called the Chinese emperor 1 50 . 

Yazdgird's son PeTffz, Chinese 8i-lu-si (unnamed in Bd 33.21), continued his father's 
resistance to the Arabs, seeking Chinese support. Compare two passages, the first taken from a 
post-Sasanian version of X v ad3y Namag and preserved in Bd 33, the second being a piece of 
Perez's propaganda preserved In ZWY 7. 



147 Cf. Dan Shapira, " Armenian and Georgian accounts on the Capture of Tbilisi by the Byzantines and 
Khazars" (forthcoming). 

148 Cf. Pulleybank 1992, 429a. 

149 Ibid. 429b. 

150 Cf. Bd 33.20: ud ka x v adaylh o Yazdgird mad west sal x v adSylh Hard eg TazTgan 
pad was maragTh e 5rSn dwanst hend Yazdgird pad karlzar 3b3g aw££3n ne" SkoTed 

ud 5 X^arasan ud Turkestan Sad ud asp ud mart ayaTlh x v a"st Q.San anllh Ozad, "and 
when the reign came to Yazdgrid, he ruled for twenty years, then the Arabs rushed into Iran In large 
numbers: Yazdgird Is not triumphant in the battle against them; he went to X v aras3n and Turkestan 
to ask there for support in horses and men, and they killed him there". Note that here Turkestan is 
used In the sense of the Chinese outer possessions in Central Asia; note also the matter-of-fact 
statement about Yazdgird's death and compare it to the versions of the S3h Wahram text: "the King of 
Kings was slain like a dog". 



184 
Bd 33.21: pus T Yazdgird o" Hind0g3n sad ud sp3h T gund 3wurd pes' az madan 
T <*fj X v aras3n uzTd ud nan spa~h gund wiSuft ud e"ran sahr pad T3zTg3n 
mand..., "the son of Yazdgird went to India and brought a large army; before its (the army's) 

arrival in X v aras3fi, he went into exile and this large army was disturbed and the Iranian 
Realm remained in the hands of the Arabs..."; 

ZWY 7.7: awe Kay ka sihsSlSg bawSd ... pad amar drafs span, sp3h T Hihdug 
ud Ce"nTg ul grift drafs hend fee" drafs ul gTrend], abrastag drars hend, 
abrastag zen hend, pad tszisn ul tSzSnd t3 WehrSd..., "when the Kay will be thirty 

years of age ..., the armies with innumerable banners, the Indian 151 and the Chinese armies 
having up-raised banners [for they will raise the banners aloftl, having erect banners, having 
erect weapons, they will make razziahs upto Wehrffd...". 

After 659, Pe"ro"z was recognized by the Chinese as ruler of Po-ssu, which is Chinese for 
Persia 152 , with his capital at Zarang (Ji-ling), 5Tst3n. PffrSz's own son, Ni-nie-shih 1 5 ^, 
was supported by the Chinese and the Turk rulers for about 20 years in I ox3rest3n, until he 
returned to the Chinese capital between 707-9. 

However, the Po-ssu - T'ang contacts remained stable until the Talas battle in 751 1 s *, as 
the Sasanian princes residing in Ch'ang-an kept up a pretence of royal diplomacy with the 
Chinese imperial court 1 5S . 

The puppet kingdom of Po-ssu maintained by the Chinese in the area of Kabulestan and 
known to Iranians as Hi ndflgan ("India" 1 56 ), seems to have disappeared only afterthe battle of 
Talas, a century after most of Iran was seized by the Arabs. . Nevertheless, the existence of a 
semi-independent Sasanian state in Eastern Iran under Chinese aegis for such a long period of 



151 A much later tradition is recorded in Mah T FrawardTn rO"z T XurdSd 28: Man T FrawardTn 

rflz T Xurdad WahraTn T Warz3wand az Hlnddg3n o" paydJglh SySd, "wahr-Sm r 

Warzawand will appear from India in the month of FrawardTn on the day of Xurdad". Cf. also 

below. 

1 52 Historically, far Parthia, cf. Watson 1 983, 542. 

1 53 The Chinese spelling suggests the pseudo-archaic **Nerosang for the name of the prince otherwise 

known as Harseh. 

154 Cf. Pulleybank 1992, 425-S. 

155 Watson 1983,547. 

156 For Persian (Sasanian and post-Sasanian) and Arar> authors, "India" comprised the territones now 
occupied by Pakistan and Afghanistan, rather than those of the Republic of India. 



185 
time must have made some impact on the loyal Zoroastrians of Western Iran; the notion of 
Kan u 1 e s t a n / "India" as the place wherefrom the Victorious King shall come can be dated to this 

Po-ssu period. Later on, as late as in the 9th century 1 ", after the kingdom of Po-ssu was 
liquidated, descendants of the refugees from the Sasanian Empire were still serving as Chinese 
soldiers at the Chinese capital of Crvang-an. Sasanian military commanders held high position 
in the Chinese army, as we know from the bilingual tomb-inscription of Ha (•Mariners'), wife of 
Su-liang (*FarroxzSd) from Xi-an (Hsian, Xi'an), Shan-xi province (874 CE); they 
retained their Pahlavi language, at least as a written one, for generations after the Islamic 
devastation of their lost homeland 1 5 8_ 

The existence of such "post-Sasanian" military troops in the service of the Chinese must have 
been well known in the Zoroastrian circles of Iran which became already heavily Islamized at that 
time. In the 8th century, the "Pang Chinese still held things Iranian in high esteem, though 
Iran itself had been taken over by the Arabs. 

Destree 1971 singled out in the Late Sasanian apocalyptic imagery the topos of a royal hero 
fleeing eastwards. However, even prior to Yazdgird III, this topos had a very real historical 
background: Kawad I found refuge with the Hepluhalites in 496-8, then returned to power, 
Wahram T C(Sbe"n had to flee to Balkh, to the Turks, his earlier defeated enemies. Many 
Wahramic traditions are found - and are to be found ■ in the Middle Persian apocalyptic texts, 
first of all, in ZWY and JN'59, Some pieces of Wahram's propaganda survived in writings of 
Mobads, and some measure of censorship was required to keep such texts concealed (ZWY 1 . 7- 
8). The Mobads, at first, supported Wahram having been outraged by Hormizd, but later 
Wafrram "got angry with the clergy who taught differently" 160 . The reason was, it seems, 
Wahram's claim to be of Kayanian origin, a tradition preserved by Muslim authors. 

In the consequence, WahrSm was defeated in ASarbayj3n by united forces of the Byzantines, 
Armenians (organized by Bistam, the uncle of Xusraw II, and by Smbat Bagratuni), Persian 
prisoners of war (released by the Byzantines), under command of Xusraw II. According to some 



157 Cf. Harmatta 1971a & 1971b-, Pulleyblank 1992, 426b. 

158 Cf. Sundennann & Thilo 1966; Harmatta 1971a & 1971b; Ecsedy 1971; Humbach & Wang Shlpfna 
1988. The exodus of Iranians to China was doubtless more massive than that to India proper. However, 
there were the unique conditions of India that made the Pareee survival possible. 

159 Cf. Czegledy 1958, 32-39. 

1 60 Simokattes iv 12, quoted in Czegledy 1958. 39. 



1B6 
reports, Wahram married the Xaqan's daughter 1 ^1; he tried to maintain a sort of continuous 
guerilla against the Sasanians, and was presumably murdered by Sasanian agents. Bistam, 
threatened by Xusraw's drowning of Bindoe, his brother, fled to Alburz and succeeded to maintain 
for a decade a small realm at Rayy, supported by Wahram T CCben's partisans. And some 
decades later, the last Sasanian King of Kings made the same treJr to the Turks. 

In this context, combined with the evidence of a semi-independent Sasanian state in 
Kabulestan / Toxarestan / "India", we can state that the expectation for Wahram T 
WarzSwand is actually a piece of Wahram T COben's propaganda adopted forthe needsof 
Pe r(Sz the son of Yazdgird IIP. The poor state of redaction of the Early New Persian in Pahlavi of 
the genuine Zand of Wahman Y as f (the second part of theOnrmazd Y aft, not to be confused 
with ZWY, cf. above) reveals that this tent was repeatedly re-worked, and it is not without 
interest that the name VaraQrayna- (WarnxSn/ Wahram) is glossed by Pe"r(Sz, referring 
thus, to my opinion, to PeTffz the son of Yazdgird 111. The two events, Wahram's flight to Balkh 
after his defeat by the "Romans", and the flight of Pffrffz, the son of the last Sasanian King of 
Kings Yazdgird III, in the same direction, were merged in later Zoroastrian epic and apocalyptic 
texts, and gave birth to Messianic expectations of Redemption from the East 1 e2 . 

The practical irrelevance of Wahram's claims to be a Kayanian in the Muslim epoch helped 
to assimilate the pieces of his propaganda into orthodox Zoroastrian texts after the collapse of the 
Empire, while they were re-used for the propaganda needs by members of the Sasanian House. 
After all, Kay Wahramof the propaganda pieceswasthenameof Var^erarna, the Dragon-Killer, 
and until this day, the Parsees expect the Return of the Messiah, Wa hram. 

This Redeemer Wahram must accomplish exploits generally ascribed to FredfJn, such as 
triumph over Af1 DahSg, and indeed, the two figures merged very early. One may suggest that 
the composition of KNAP with its strongly anti-Arsacid overtones was made under the impression 
of Kayanian claims of Wanr-Sm, an Arsacid; moreover, the link between the figures of 
Varerayna and Fre"dffn was, at least partly, responsible for the hinted description of the 
Areacids as connected with A?1 Dahag, in the disguise of Kirm in KNAP. 



161 Later, according to some other sources, these were the descendants of Wahram T CGben and hrs 
Turkic wife that became the Khazar rulers. Another tradition connected the ruling; house of SarTr with 
wahram T COoEn. Both traditions seem to be purely legendary. 

162 Cf. Destree 1971, 641-4; cf. also Bailey 1943. 196. 



187 

All those hopes and expectations made a considerable impact on the arising S T 'a h. As late as 
750, a "Mazdakfte" Sindoacl, deriving his teachings az kutub i BanT sassn expected a 
raj'ah of his Maftur, AOu" rruslfm, fram the latter's ya/ba/i in h_i$3r T az mis 
kardah 163 (Sfyasat Namah, quoted from Czegledy 1958, 40-41). 



TheJamaspNamag (JN) 2ff. (especially 19-30, 33-37, 40-41, 46-50, 71-72, 74- 
82, 97-106) presents a sample of a version similar to both the account of GrBd 33 (though 
having been interwoven with pseudo-historical prophecies exeventuand political propaganda), 
and to ZWY 7 & 9. Both Bd and ZWY have a similar character of recent compositions based on 
extensive quoting of Zand material, at odds with, say, WiZTdTg5r>3 r zsdsprahm (WZs), 
based on "second-hand" Zanoic material 164 . 

An independent tradition of elaborating both Zands and political pamphlets could be easily 
traced in JN; this tradition is similar to that of ZWY. The text of Jamasp- Namag exists in two 
recensions: 1) as Chapter IS of Ayadgar t jamasprgTSS (Ayj) and 2) as an independent 
composition 16 ^ under the name jamasp- NSmag, which was extremely popular among the 
Parsees. This composition consists of a prophecy about the end of the Zoroaster's millennium, 
accompanied by the coming of Pe"So"tan and HffsCdar; parallels with numerous passages 
preserved in ZWY are so impressive that there can be hardly any doubt about the common written 
Zand sources of both AyJ 1 6 = JN and ZWY; however, in M there are some peculiar details. 

Benveniste 1932 established the poetic 1 67 character of JN and linked it to other Iranian and 
non-lraian apocalyptical texts. As to AyJ 17, it exists only in Pazand, and is of similar 
character. 



163 Also called, after the place where wafirim I CGben fled to the Kragan, RSytn Olz, Oii-i 
RflyTn, Turkish BakTr Bally. 

164 In this respect, it is worth notice that the name of Bundahlsn / Zand T Agihlh (and, perhaps, 
of Zand T Wahrrtan Yasn) contain elements easily identifying them as Zands: Bun, Zand, Yasn. 
Even if the names are new inventions, it is remarkable that the Tradition has seen here Zands. 

165 Ayadgar T jamasptg exists in Pahlavi. PaYsr, translated also into Persian and Gujarati. but 
the complete text is in pazand; Pahlavi edited in West 1904, 97-1 1 6; various versions by Modi 1903; 

Messina 1939; reviewed by Pagliaro 192Z, RSO. 147-54 (nan vitji). 

166 This chapter was edited and translated by Bailey 1930-32, 55-85 & 561-600. with addenda, rto., 
822-4 & 948, reprinted, without the Addenda, in Bailey 1§81, Opera Minora I, ed", M.Nawabi, Shiraz, 
22-55, 57-76, and by Benveniste 1932, 337-80. Cf. also Tavadia 1956, 124-6; Utas 1975, 409-11; 
deMenasce 1983, 1194-5. 

1 67 There are still problems involving Pahlavi poetic traditions which cannot be treated hrsre. The 
relationship of Middle Persian epic poetry to Zands and vice Versa deserves a special study. 



1B8 

AyJ as a whole has various sources: chapters 2-3, e.g., derives ultimately from lost Avestan 
texts, similar to those that were among sources of Bd 1 6a . In 3.6-7 it is stated that Ohrmazd's 
creation of the six Amasa Spentas was like lamps being (it one from another, being an 
interesting tradition unattested otherwise. 

In AyJ 1S.S-6 (cf. above) it is said that after Alexander the rule will pass to husraw 
Part a wan, "the renowned Parthians", then Iran will prosper. As it is at odds with the standard 
Sasanian slander 169 of the Arsacid rule, a Parthian transmission of some of the material was 
suggested 1 70 . Other material is of Persian origin, notably the Sasanian king-list up to Yazdgird 
III in AyJ 15.7-27. 

Here the text will be given only in English, as the transcribed Pahlavi is easily avaitebte in the 
Bailey's and Messina's editions. The synthetic text presented here is not, of course, an attempt to 
reconstruct the "real Urtexf , but merely an attempt to demonstrate the different components of 
this composition. The borders between fragments are sometimes difficult to be established, thus 
there is some degree of overlapping in treating the different strata of the composition. 

jamasp Namag 171 
1- WIStasp asked, saying: "How many years will this Pure Religion endure, and afterwards 
what times and seasons will come?". 

2. JSmSsp, the viceroy 1 , said: "It will endure a thousand years 173 . 

3. Then those men who are at that time will all become covenant-breakers* 1 74 . 

This introduction is, of course, parallel to both introductions to ZWY, but the dramatis 
persons are Jfma'sp and Wistfsp, as in AyZ } 75 , not Ohrmazd and Zoroaster as in ZWY [cf . 
APPENDIX II Saxaisa]. 



168 Cf. Boyce 1987b. 127a. 

1 69 There are some remnants of Parthian traditions in Sasanian texts; thus, Sahristanlha 1 Eran §41 
has: sahrfstaYi T SLaxr Ardawan T PanlavTgan Sah kard. "the city of Staxr (or, rather, 
Persepolis?) built Ardawan the Parthian king". It is impossible that this passage was taken from KNAP 
1.2-4 (cf. Markvrart & Messina 1931, 91). 

170 Cf. Boyce, ibid. 

171 The translation adopter! Is that given in Bailey 1930-32, with slight alterations. 

1 72 J-Jmasp is given here the Parthian title of bi daxs. This fact can bear some importance for dating 
the text, adding some new evidence to the Parthian features noted by Boyce. It should be added that in 
the 6th century CE the title was applied to Sasanian commissioners in Georgia. 

173 Compare ZWY 1.6-1.2 

174 Compare ZWY 4.1 1: "They have no contracts, faith, truth and ordinance...". 

1 75 AyJ 1 .1 0-1 3 has a parallel in AyZ 35-8, Boyce ibid. 



189 

1 9. And the younger brother will strike the elder brother' ' *, and will take his wealth 1 ' ' , and 

for his wealth will make raise statement* ' ". 

ZO. And a woman will commit mortal sin against her own life 1 79 . 

21 . And the inferior and obscure man will come into notice 1 80 . 

22. And wrong and false witness and lies will abound. 

23. By night one with another they will eat bread and drink wine, and walk in friendship, and 
next day they will plot one against the life of the other and plan evil. 

24. And in that evil time him who has no children they deem fortunate, but him who has children 
they hold cheap in their eyes. 

25. And many men will go into exile and foreign lands arid fall into distress. 1 al 

26. And the atmosphere will be confounded, and cold wind and hot wind will blow. 

27. And the fruit of the plants will become less, and earth will be without fruit- 

28. And the earth will be corrupt and injurious and will cause much desolation. 

29. And unseasonable rain will fall, and that which falls will be unprofitable and bad. 

30. Clouds will gather over the sky. 

33. And every man who has little good, for him life becomes more savorless and more evil. 



For this section, compare ZWY 4.16: 
ZWY 4.16. ...the Sun's rays will be very level and much concealed, and the year, month and day 
will be shorter. 
ZWY 4.17. And Spendarmat the Earth will be very narrow, and the roads will be very 

intricate 182 . 

ZWY 4.1 9. And the plants, trees and shrubs will diminish... 

ZWY 4.42. And it will not be possible for a fortunate cloud and the holy wind to produce rain at 

the proper time and season. 

ZWY 4.43. A gloomy cloud shall benight the whole sky. 



176 Compare ZWY 4.15: "The affection of the father will depart from the son, and that of the brother 
from his brother...". 

177 Perhaps, a reference to Majdak; on Mazdak, cf. ZWY 4.21 and perhaps ZWY 4.35 (if not the Arabs 
are those *ho meant). JN 20 refers almost evidently to the Mazdakite excesses, and JN 21 refers, in all 
probability to WahrSm T CsbSn. 

178 Compare the oloss to ZWY 4.9: "that is, they will not do what they say". 

179 A fairly clear reference to Mazdakite excesses. 

180 Compare ZWY 4.5: "...their lineage will be not manifest". Cf. n.tO- 

181 tt is possible this paragraph refers to the post-Sasanian period. Compare ZWY 4.54; for contrast, 
cf. DkM 748,13-15. Shaki 1974. 334; abar madan 1 zamTg, xvastag ufl tls 1 aneTSn dSSt <r < 
w>a-spuhra9a-n xvffSlh T yak az ErSn, on the coming of land, property or anything, held by 
foreigners, into the private (absolute} ownership of one of Iran. 

182 Compare JN 2B. 



190 
ZWY 4.44. The hot wind and the cold wind will arrive and cany away the crops and the seeds of 
crops. 

ZWY 4.45. The rain, too, will not rain at the proper season; it will rain the noxious creatures 
more than water. 
ZWY 4.46- And the water of rivers and springs will diminish and it will have no increase. 

To JN again : 
34. A small house, being built, will pass for a mansion. 
3 5. A horseman will become a man on foot, and the man on foot a horseman. 

36. Slaves will walk in the path of nobles. 

37. Save through YazdaTi, nobility is not a guest in any body. 

40. The youth swiftly will become an old man. 

41 . And everyone who rejoice in his own bad deeds, they will hold in his privilege. 

46. And the men who are bom in that evil time will be harder than hard iron and brass, save that 
they are likewise blood and flesh they will be harder than stone. 

47. And mockery and defilement will be an ornament. 

48. And everyone will turn to strange ways and kinship with Ahriman the evil. 

49. And the covenant-breakers will work injury at that time. 

50. Swiftly and speedily their hands will be given to sureties, as the streams of a river flow to 
the sea. 

70. This too I will tell you that it is better for him who is not bom form his mother, or if he is 
bom, dies and does not see so much evil and oppression. 

71 . At the end of the millennium of Zoroaster they will not see the great conflict which must take 
place. 

72. So much bloodshed must occur at that time, of mankind one part in three parts 1 8 ^ will not 
survive. 

74. Then Spendarmat will cry aloud to CThrmad saying: "I cannot melt away this evil and 

badness. 

75. 1 am turned upside down and I turn mankind here upside down" 1 8*. 

76, Wind and fire injure men, by reason of the great grief and wrong they do to them. 



1B3 Bailey 1933-35, 582: §72. p. 582 and p. 588 to be corrected: pad 10 bahr e bahr, as in 
Persian Ja~ma~sp-N3~mag, Modi B5.18 (mardom andar E'rans'ahr az dan bahra bahrl 
namanand). However, cf. ZWY 9,15: "one-thini", 
1 B4 These two paragraphs seem to be connected to ZWY 9.1 7-1 9; it is strange, nevertheless, that the 

mention cf Spendarmat is absent from the parallel place in ZWY, while Waters and Fire are not mentioned 
here. Compare also the displaced JN 5 83. I will deal with this subject at length elsewhere- 



191 
77. Then Mithra and XeSm will fight together in that conflict. 

76. An evil spirit who is called Wad-Yawagan (causer of bad crops) was bound during the 
reign of Yima, but escaped from his bonds in the reign of Be"w a rasp. 

79. 8e"warasp had conference with that evil spirit 

80. Now the work of that evil spirit is this: he diminishes the crop of com. 

81 . Had it not been for that evil spirit, whosoever had sown one bushel would have received 4000 
bushels of com. 

82. 496 years Mithra attacks that evil spirit, and thereafter whosoever sows one bushel, puts 
400 bushels in his granary ' ". 

97. By the might of the gods and the Iranian Splendor of the Kavis and the Mazda-worshipping 

Religion and the Splendor of P3dasx"a"rgar, and Mithra and Sros and Ftasn and the waters 
and the sacred and domestic Fires they will wage furious battle. 

98. And he will prove better than them; he will slay so many of the enemies, that their number 
cannot be counted. 

99. Then SrflSand NSryCsang will stir up your son PSS6 tan by command of (Jhrmazd the 
Creator from the Kavian Kang fortress. 

100. Your son Pes'o'tan will come with 1 50 disciples, whose raiment is white and black. 

101. And my hand will hold the banner as far as Pa"rs to the place where the fires and waters are 

established 166 . 

102. There he will perform the Yas"t. 

103. When the Vast is finished, they will pour the libation into the water and will give the 
libation to the fire. 

1 04. The wicked and the demons and the XyfJ ns will perish as in a cold winter the leaves of trees 



of wither 1 e7 . 

1 05. The time of the wolves will pass away, and the time of the sheep will enter in. 

106. HOse dar son of Zoroaster will appear to reveal the Religion, and evil will be at an end, joy 
and gladness and happiness will have come. 



Another layer in this composition contains later additions; it seems there were several stages 
of glossing the old Zand, thus some pieces were deeply assimilated into the new framework: 



185 Compare ZWY 4.18. 

1 86 Though this paragraph does not, actually, belong to the original apocalyptical composition, but it is 
impossible to put it in any other place. 

187 An old YaSt fragment. "Die text of ZWY 7.16 is, actually, identical. 



192 

2. JSmSsp, the viceroy, said: "It (the millennium of Zoroaster) will endure a thousand 
years 188 . 

3. Then those men who are at that time will all become covenant-breakers. 

4. One with another they will be revengeful and envious and false. 

5. And for that reason the Iranian countries will be delivered up to the Arabs and the Arabs will 
daily grow stronger and stronger and will seize district after district". 

The reason for the fall of the Sasanian Empire given here is astonishingly not Zoroastrian, but 
rather a "Jewish" one (or channelled through Christian intermediary): there a linkage is made 
between the behavior of the Iranians and the transfer of their country to the Arabs, seen as a 
divine punishment. It is obvious that this particular passage was composed after the Arab 
onslaught, and what we have in these tnnse small paragraphs is a rare opportunity to peep into 
the changing mood of the post-Sasanian Zoroastrianism, 

it is, however, not necessarily a borrowing from the Biblical tradition, but simply a plain 
parallel development, demonstrating, one more time, the structural similarities between 
Judaism and Zotoastrianism, two religions of a similar historical fate. 

6. Men will turn to unrighteousness and falsehood, and ali that they say or do will be the more 
profitable for themselves. 

7. And from them righteous conduct will be distant. 

8. For their lawlessness, these Iranian countries wiH'come as a heavy burden to the governors of 
the provinces' 8 '. 

9. And they will store up the tale of gold and silver, and much treasure and wealth also, and all 
will disappear and pass out of sight. 

10. And much royal treasure and wealth also will pass into the hands and possession of enemies. 

1 1 . And untimely deaths will abound. 

1 2. And all the Iranian countries will fall into the hands of those enemies. 

13. And Ane"ra"n and E" ran will be confounded, so that the Iranian will not be distinguished from 
the foreigner; those who are Iranians will turn back to foreign ways. 



188 Note that, unlike ZWY1 & 3, here the idea of world-ages is not presented. As was mentioned above, 
here the conference is between the first Zoroastrian king and his vice minister (called here "viceroy"), 
not between Zoroaster and the Lord Wisdom. Another important difference is that JN knows only one 
Savior, 

1 89 It is difficult to interpret this passage in histohcal terms. 



193 

55 7-14 refer to the last years of the Sasanian Empire: Turkic invasions, Byzantines plunder 
the capital and the Royal treasure and the most sacred shrines, etc. It is the second part of the 
passage that refers to the Arab invasion, cf. § 52. 

14. And in that evil time rich men will deem the poor fortunate, but the poor man will not 
himself be fortunate 1 9 . 

1 5. And the nobles and the great will come to a savorless life 1 ' ! . 

1 6. And to them death will seem as sweet as to father and mother the sight of children and to a 
mother a dowered daughter. 

17. The daughter who is bom of her she will sell for a price 192 . 

16. And the son will strike father and mother and during his life-time will deprive him of 
authority in the family 193 , 

1 9. And the younger brother will strike the elder brother, and will take his wealth, and for his 
wealth will make false statement 1 94 . 

55 7-19 refer to events after Anffiurivgn, interspersed with some additions of older and 
younger character. §§ 31-45 refer to the earlier events - 

31. And the scribe will come with bad writing 1 ". 

32. And everyone will repudiate word and statement, covenant and agreement 

38. And the men of that Great House 1 " will turn to mockery and iniquity and know not the flavor 
of wealth. 

3g. And for them affection and love will be towards the despised man 1 97 . 

42. And the several districts and provinces and cultivated tracts one wfth another will struggle in 

conflict 



1 90 A topos gang back to texts about the fate of the soul in afterlife, like AWN. Cf- also ZWY 3.15-18. 

191 This particular passage refers rather to the Mazdak's extremism than to the Arab invasion. 

192 Compare ZWY 4.15: "and the mother will be separated from the daughter and will be of a different 
will". 

133 Perhaps the excesses of farced IslamrzatiDn are meant. 

194 Cf. note 13. 

195 5§ 31-3Z are undoubtedly criticism on written texts seen as unorthodox. Mazdakite literature, or 
the propaganda pieces by Wahra*m T CGbe"n or eschatological writings are meant. It seems to be no 
coincidence that it is the same text that accused scribes of composing wrong texts that states also that 
the real secrets as regards the eschaton shall be revealed by Mithra, cf. JN 88-89. 

1 96 The term used is ivrs; it refers perhaps to the Parthian royal family. 

197 If the view expressed with hesitation in the previous note is true, then ArdasTr is meant. 
However, Wahra'm T Cdbfln is a candidate as well. 



194 

43. And from another he will take a thing as plunder 1 9 ". 

44. And the contentious and greedy and violent man they will deem good, but wise man of good 
faith they will hold as demoniac 1 ^ 9 . 

45. And the several persons will not attain their desires according to their needs 2 ^. 

55 51-57 refer to the events of the post-Sasanian period: 

5 1 . And the fires of the Iranian countries will come to an end and be extinguished. 

52. And treasure and wealth will come into the hands of foreigners, and all will become men of 
evil faith 201 . 

53. And they will amass much wealth, but they will not enjoy the fruit of it 

54. And it will all pass into the hands of unprofitable governors. 

55. And everyone will disapprove the work done by the other. 

56. And the harshness and evil of those men will come upon these. 

57. They will hold life savorless and death of refuge. 

55 58-62 are a clear-cut piece of the antizWahraman propaganda: 

58. Then there will arise in the land of X v arSsan an insignificant and obscure man who will go 
forth in great power, and with him many men and horses, and sharp lances, and the land will be 
made his own by violence and dominion. 

59. He himself in the midst of his dominion will fail and pass out of sight 

60. The whole sovereignty will pass from men of the Iranian countries and will go to 
foreigners 202 . 

61 . And doctrines and laws and ways of life will abound. 

62. The slaying of one by the other they will consider a merit and the slaying of men will be a 
slight thing. 



198 In §§ 42-43, civil wars in the last decades of the Sasanian Empire are referred to. 

1 99 The Mazdakite movement is described here. 

200 This is a criticism against the MazdaVite interpretation of payman. 

201 Obviously, in §,§ 51-52, the Arab onslaught is meant. Compare §§ 9-10 and 13. 

202 The text of §§ 59-60 perhaps Is to be emended: *"He himself in the midst of his dominion will pass 
from men of the Iranian countries and will go to the foreigners", applying to Wall ram T CrJbe°nand 
making better sense. 



195 
S£ 63-6 tell us that a victorious king (Abarwez X^aday), obviously Pffrffz 11, will 
vanquish the Byzantium : 



63. And this too I will tell you that rt will be at that time: that victorious 203 king will seize in 
the land of Byzantium 204 much territory and many cities and will carry off much treasure at one 
time from the land of Byzantium. 

64. Then that victorious king will die, and thenceforth his sons will sit in sovereignty and will 

guard the land with bravery 205 . 

JS 65-69 confused the sons of P£r6z I with the sons of Pfrfrz It. 

65. And they will deal very fiercely and lawlessly with the men of the Iranian countries. 

66. And much wealth of all kinds will pass into their hands. 

67. Afterwards they too will perish and have no success. 
68- In that evil time affection and reverence will not exist. 

69. Among them the great will not be distinct from the small nor the small from the great, and 
they wilt not assist one another. 

A post-Sasanian passage again. 

70. This too I will tell you that it is better for him who is not bom from his mother, or if he is 
bom, dies and does not see so much evil and oppression. 

73. Those Arabs will be confounded with Byzantines and Turks and they will desolate the worid. 

Here follows a dislocated paragraph taken from a broader description of the Fras~gird . The 
parallel version, PROD 48.70 & 86, speaks, however, of Sahrfwar, the deity of metals, but it 
acts there in close association with Spandarmat : 



203 we have in this passage a piece of evidence for same eschatologlcal expectations connected with 
PeToz II. Sildamand perOzgaT, "Profitable Victor", is one of the renderings of the Avestan name of 
the Cominfl Savior. The usual generalized name of SOsyans, Avestan AstvaL-arsta-. is rendered in 
Dk 7.10-15-17 (Mole 1967, 100-1; cf. also Colpe 1981, 548) as SUdSmand PeTCzgar, thus being a 
translation of SaoSyani-. 

204 Cf. DkM 748.13-15, Shaki 1974, 334; afiar madan 1 zamla, xvjstag ud tis T aneTSn 
dast 5 <w>Sspuhragan xvSSTh T Swag az Eran, "on the cominfl of land, property or anything, 
held by foreigners, into the private (absolute) ownership of one of Iran". 

205 ceYth. Bailey has here "violence", having been influenced by § 6S. 



83. At that time Spendarmat will open her mouth, and will bring abundant jewels and metals to 
the light. 

Again an apocalyptical piece of and - Wafirs~mian hue : 

84. Afterwards a man will arise from the southern 206 quarter who will seek dominion and will 
have an army and troops equipped and will seize lands by violence and cause much bloodshed until 
his affairs satisfy his desires. 

85 . Then at last he will flee from the land of his enemies to Zabu 1 and go to that district. 

86. Thence, an army being equipped, he will return and thenceforward the men of the Iranian 
countries wilt fall Into grievious despair. 

87. Great and small will fall to seeking remedies and will look to a refuge for their own soul. 

The next two paragraphs were dealt with differently 207, To my opinion, the Last Things to be 
revealed is a military strategem for an eschatobgical battle. The setting of that passage (which I 
see as a kind of a Zand to V 48.3 208 ) in a context of war preparations, confirms this view: 

88. Afterwards in Pa"dasx v a"rgar, near the sea-shore, a man will see the god Mithra 209 and 
the god Mithra will tell many hidden secrets to that man 

89. And Mihr Yaiad will tell many hidden secrets to that man. 

The last portion is a part of a late Sasaman apocalypse arranged from different strata. It is 
almost impossible to single out different sources, as they became interwoven. 

90. He will send him with a message to the King of Padis"x v a"rgar, saying: "Why do you 
support that king, deaf and blind? Now do you too act as king even as the fathers and forefathers of 
you and yours have done". 

91 . That man will say; "How should I be able to exercise dominion, since I have not the troops and 
army and treasure and generals such as my father and forefathers had?". 



206 According to several traditions survived in Arabic, Wahram 1 CODSn came from Ne"mro"z, 
South, PaTs, cf. Czegledy 1958, 34 n. 6a. 

207 Cf. Messina 1939, 73, Bailey 1930-32, 584. Shaked 1969, 207; Russell 198B/89, 166 n. 19, 
took it as an eschatobgical passage; cf. Shaked 1 994, 74 n.5. 

208 Cf. Y 48.3: spsntff vTduua yaffcTi gazra sJrighSrjhS, "[the munificent holy Ahura], who 
knows even the secret proclamations", where the Pahlavi has abzCnTg 3g3h than herbed] ke" 
hanaz ninanlha saxwan [T arilamsglha a.s carag be" gowfd], "He will tell secret things 
concerning heresy and its remedy" (cf. Messina 1930, 80f.). In the Yasna, it is (Jhrmazd who reveals 
the secrets; however, in our passage, as in all the parallel loci dealing with the final smiting 
A£ i.Oahaka- it is Mithra, an old military deity, who plays a prominent role. 

209 As to the notion of seeing Mithra on a sea-shore, though differently explained, compare Arabic 
muhurqan, "sea-shore", not yet attested, to my knowledge, as an Iranian loan in Arabic. 



197 

92. The messenger will say: "Come, that I may deliver up to you the treasure and wealth of your 
fathers and forefathers". 

93. And he will show him the vast treasure of FrS sya"b. 

Trie treasures of FrSsygb may refer hem to the hot assembled by WahrSm r CffbGn from 

the Turks, but also to tfie eschatoSogtal idea expressed in other sources 2 ^ as "exposing the 
precious metals by Spendarmat". It seems that the last paragraphs refer to the existence of a 
small Sasanian kingdom of Pu-sso, under the Chinese aegys, some decades after 65 1 CE. The 
Sasanian king ruling there Is referred to as Pfs'fftan, the descendant of WistSsp, this piece is 
an example of how WatirSmlan propaganda was reworked to express "Messianic" hopes after 

the Arab onslaught ^ 1 1 : 

94. When he brings the treasure into his hand, he prepares the army and troops to ZSbul, and 
advances against his enemies. 

95. When the news reaches his enemies, Turk and Arab and Roman will come together, saying: "I 

will seize the King of P adt£x v aTgar and I will take that treasure and wealth from that man". 

96. Then that man when he hears the news, with a large army and troops of Zabul will come to 
the center of the Iranian countries and with those men on that plain, where you, Wist asp, 
fought^ 1 ^ with the White XyCns in the White Forest, they will struggle in battle with the King 

of Padtsx v 3"rgar. 

To resume: the Arabs as referred to in 12-19, 51-57, 73, 95; pieces going back to tfie 
WahrSrrian propaganda are traceable in 58-62 and perhaps in 39-43 and 94-96. Thus, 
mostly the same pieces underwent the process of adding new ma terial. 



Thus, in this Chapter IV some most important Pahiavi passages of [pseudo-]historical 
character, disguised as apocalyptic prophecies, but being, in fact, mostly political propaganda, 
were studied. As was demonstrated, these passages, as a rule, go back to some particular Zands, 
and in the bulk of the cases, a scriptural history can be traced; the passages in question- can be 
generally dated, more or less precisely. 



210 Cf. below. 

211 Cf. Czegledy 19S7 4 1958. 

Zl 2 The past tense form used indicates that the setting of that fragment is different from that given in 

AyZ, where the minister prophecizes before the battle. 



SUMMARY 



It is only now that the Zands begin to be studied systematically, and there is little doubt that 
Zand studies will become prominent in the years to come. 

Different attitudes of the Sasanian exegesis reveal remarkable similarities to some levels of 
Jewish (and Nestorian) hermeneutics, such as p s $S{, remez, m/cZraf aggggsh, etc., and I 
believe that a comparative study of these parallels in veins of interpretation of sacred texts is 
desirable. 

Zand underwent a long development from a word-by-word interlinear translation (in Iranian 
vemiculars older than our extant Pahiavi Zand) aiming to provide an auxiliary tool for grasping 
better the meaning of the Avestan "text" in times when Avestan was still comprehensible to some 
degree, until Zands became disconnected from their Avestan sources and began the existence of 
their own. The Avestan language became understandable less and less, and its manthric value 
became more prominent. The growing unintelligibility of the Avestan "texts" provided them with 
an additional dimension of sanctity, as the obscurity was ascribed to the fact that they contain the 
complete wisdom which cannot be grasped. 

In order to illuminate some of the aspects of this complete wisdom, three veins of reading the 
Pahiavi Yasna were developed, corresponding to the triple division of the Avesta and to the tree 
types of religiosity (which may, or may not, reflect the older triple division into classes). These 
three levels of possible reading of the Pahiavi Yasna were summarized in Dk 9. 

On the other hand, the Pahiavi Yasna itself became saturated with glosses, which in some case 
became integral parts of the Zand and supplied it with new tendencies. 

These two parallel and inter-related processes brought about actual drifting apart of the 
Avestan and Pahiavi texts; still, one should appreciate the accuracy of the Zandlc tradition. 



^isiubji pun 3iBo|opu| jnj yuqasjtaz HZ 

yeipspsaj) uaqasipugiuaBjon uaqKjnaa jap yuupsiiaz 5Maz 

9pue]ii36j0H sep apun> ap jnj yuifireqiaz JauaiM mmzm 

Gsioow 'Hwdoi^^ yanaad^ XHHi^ag KM 

Ajaioos |E3!6o|0|!hj am jo suoiioesueji. Sdl 

eoejueji eipms jus 

uipag ui usyeijJSuassiM Jap aiwapeiiV uaqasissnajj jap aiqDuaqsBunziis MVdS 

jsea am jo s?ioog paoES 39S 

HEiuayo ipms !|Bap ejSjAjy OSB 

sued 'suo!&[a)j sap 3jjoisih,| ap arwaa HHd 

sijed 'sauiiauiauuv saprng sap anAsy lluv3H 

SSW 

uiaiesruar 'u)E|si pub aiqejv mi saipms uua|esnjap lvsr 

uopjoi 'pue|aj| pue uieiug leajg jo faaiaos oiib[sv ieaoh aifl jo jEiunor SVMr 

saipnjs uaajseg jebn jo jewnor S3Nf 

uaAEH Man 'Aaiaos muauo ueouauuv J° |Eiunor SOVf 

anbijEisv |Biunop vf 

aiav |9J. 'sarpnjs [Euapo !|3EJS| soi 

lEUjnor UEiuej[-opui ril 

eiujojifED 'esaw eisoo 'eslubji eipsedojoADug jij 

(jsano.l ap 

sanbiiiwas suoi)d|j3su| sap ajieuojioia) suo;id|j3su| aljUJas WSM-MUon aitl jo Ajeuoijsia OS1Q 

sued 'sajna-i-sajag ia suoqduosu] sap anuapeDv.l ap sanpuaa saidwoo nfllVUO 

uunjEsinujas wnuoilduosui sndioo SD 

uopuon jo AijsjaAiun 'sajpms ueaujv p^e pluauo jo joouas am jo upsnng SV0S8 

uopuon jo AisjaAiun 'sapras |E3uauo jo 10043s aqi jo ujianng SOSB 

a)n}nsu| e:sv am jo uqanng |\/8 

uipaa ui uayEiiosuassiM Jap auiapW uaqssissnajd jap ua6un[puEqqv MVdV 

isadepng 'aecuE6jnH uiiuqiuajDs aEjujapew ei|E3uauo ewv HSTOV 

aeiuAEH 'Epiuapo ewv ov 

uijjag ' uej l sne ua6un|ian!n aqosiBoioenajv IMV 

BjnqssEJJS "qanqjaypM saupsiUEJiiiv "jUD '3EUJO|OiflJEa :M)6L aBUJOiomieg :*¥ 

!|odEN ip sieiuauo oiieiisiaAiurt auiiRsiii.pp ijeuuv NOIV 

isadepng 'aouEtJiinH uiruEquaps aaujapeav Enbnuv e»v HSVW 



II 



002 



5SEA/USE/, UElllLIEft L PUBZ AJWZ 

Sisa/vy Epmy i-pjEZ VXZ 

}SE*J. 

wejdspez i euiBepizimszm 

pSPlPua/Vi/pepipuaA PA 

3S6AfS su ise^es S"S 

epaAfiliAB 

eusEj, iAe|JEd Ad 

PEpipuaM/peP!P"3A!AElited PAd 

S1K31 lAEIHEd id 

8iuaa I uEisapeaaiy-)S'*X'ued'ujco3Es}BABA!a iAE|qEd aaUd 

jsea lAemed lAIUd 

peJX i Bpuau [1 UE)sap£a}XM 

uEBeqjd i. JlfEpjv I Beujeujem dVNX 

6euJEN dsEuuerNr 

usiqepung uejueji pgJI 

ujmEPung ueipui pgpui 

ujiqEpung jajeajg pgjg 

eue[uEs pje^ubq sia 

uepew pjEXuao W^a 

(g SM) uapsaja pJEijuaa ma 

pjEnuaaia 

Biuaa I ueisapeoao 

ujiqEPunepg 

6idsEujEr 1 jep6e*v r^v 

BeuuEN IfJiM MeP-IV NMV 

I 

s|sujnor pue S1K31 

lAElVEd 14d 
UE|UEJ| p|0 J]0 

ueisiad «3N dN 

UEisjaj aippim <JH 

UEiqjJEd aippiM UEasqaiueM qHdWuen 

UBlSJOd 3|PP!W UE82M3IUEM dWUEH 

ubiueji 3|ppjH J|W 

UESipiUEH USH 

(iu))sues 'ueipui pio=) 3!Pm pui 

uewaAVAv 

lejauas 

SNOIJ.VlA3il8av 
661 



201 
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yi)> rwi mm 'oDimn -npnn tuana yi>pj unman ^lawn r«>wi i>a ouino nai-w iti ircn laji tjt 
nsvn .ia™ onn >n anni nspiiMn noutrn piunn tram™ "W ,jt)iv> rwmn ,wiis n Nb in .tio-imm -i>™ 
inn'm-'N apy Npivn imp -py:> "WW inr raiu >ooi,><n oopon tto mnoi mna roam niww irotniNn 

Ji>aan tinann jw na^nn mii> nwip aw -jaB ia icu 
,intn ov .nuiw mnim OJiurn mm>a n b ipuyni *msbi>Nn ipana nwti nm jmrtn mo manan noun 
aaa IK ,iun lmw -on inborn noun ,ji>ooiiNn Nouno n'libnan Ktrnn bw mpiuiin aw nmnn runnon 
Dpini jpooiinn nam -nm 'Sya aw mfcrain □nmvnii nau oovforb \n cnao> unj N tmpn na-ina ,nm 
wibw uuiOTti pbi ,NoiniNn bv n>5 3 n nnann aw D>jwn CDamon won tnanb io>3 tn-mn .onmio 
in ,D>wa «3-uinw iftrovH pvpm inbnan noun oy irv nrown noun bw n«np bw mjnapn iipiaoN 

.man bw Q'mn ,mm 
Tjiwm) 0mm !w uopon prt> u»m:»m D»rtnji>n r a»n>D maino nouan iabn mbiaoNn linn ,-p 
,uih> idd ,OPimiomni) nmn>n mtnaa bw Dimon ouab ai yrm nbio jtondnot mjwTonw p.sb tr .uv> 
■1'pmpnD!Jn>iNnWJniTmni>ip?iun>jion;nNiiimi .iw n7JKmTo,ti3i 

inoNbp ji'ona .judoiin r >nbnaa nrnpo D'iOio mruo ,mjiw nma umiauTON tsoo nbbia mnyn 
.muaip .vmpoiD .mjuo ,npiny ji»h»to jmxbo ,mnno ,numN .ipjron ,nm» ,:nnini-n>oaDai 

jiura mora croi-ia soo-n inn oiNam n'sni'Saii 



mpm .D'Tjn annwDn oiiran bw nnbpaoNS Jiapmnn N>nw 'as nwimn nmooiro \\ n pnan 
m plan ,p wa .jmncko-uqd jKnmirainri juwoNon naipJU Q>«nri d'iiiwwi oioini) bn nn'ns 
□nji>i03ONni o"t>a>5pi3Nn D>yopn ^« m>po3 rrnio P"ian .o'lniNn D"i*nD Dioopo tsoo 13tniji 
irpion"iin nnnwj na Tn> ovosn i3iin k>t\ iwn nwvo inNb Si3>33 mNixn 11110 .n'Ubnati nrara 
.1U3H ian ^«i D>3isi> maw travail n'U'^ia n^mvno nmip'n D^'own n>vn oi mm ruion .nmotwib 
nw i )u> pn) > TJt ova iiaira myaiim ,iidw in ,jtio« nnion iw pa nsnn nwiwn nsiw plan Ji^nJia 
amn ijia'Ji-mmn nvpnn ina) .iiamn aw vimipnn pN Dn n* liaina o'Doisnn D'acin on ,n!«wi rami 
yv iiBjin lua mjnann nnnwan n*nn»in rira imann n> Sj niamon niniotwi maipn ina nvnon >v 
naa ,onaipm innw jnnM'jpraNn ni>3'x3 eiunc* d'jncnwj >w jpjiv->in nuian jikutid .pNiw 
^n naNun namna nam .piNo wiawoiNn nnon to( tupwnai yiin5 ,n>iDMai ,-inn djiu^v tin orob 
hhu'dS o'ormimn cooptia linn na T" 1 if" 71 jrauMfTn nDinna nyam .nONONon »n>3ibui-Qn ")tv 
nt wp .D>piiV wirnpDW iniNn nibna itiTi ,F.7Tgn 5W 33 p-ian w?P nmiio myom rnijon im3 jnnntn 
otjioiob 5Qia in yop nin'J .'iNONon "D'aNion noo" t jo«j 'KTi'n 5n oiiTOTio moon "iia'n? Tnw nw 
p>ab D'wnWDn o'raion .tktn ^aann "pnl? o>imo dtisuh a'tmian ,D"a"iin owy im"l?a miw i>v 
□'oopom iswnNn oiipn ,o'T3in Sn onian nwn ,d»doiin tuftipob O'TJin D'nip? D'anNni O'waisn 
™io Tff° mnriawi nwrrn nvnon jin a>nti"iii Cn'ji5it>30Nn-ni»>37i3Nn jmaon jhuh) 'siinsa o»Jwan 
iy ^la'aa miw-ia >u itiu nto>p t)"Oin!mi D"t»Man Dn>iMn !w nnst'iimn .n'Wbia rtnnyn ni'iy -ip"jny 

.NOOIWn *W D»N133 D'Wp 

,13 ;onnN o^nnvin a"Niaj-n>ioa D»oupoa os umaa p'j nniocn >o waraiainitn nJinyn >yop 
juDinoa-jrniNa naTDyn mnrt ym ."ciKini "pirn >v inu" ,namna mnnuD toiino-u >mw Tip TO'na 
ntww aw i'o mona ^ntn mma nnD otnyn 'i* naboon h^di nnx in>pnw D»)Nonon Dia>ron !jw 
jTrcotn jraiiiKin jTiNONon nnswi >yopa o>™ coya jii's-nDiwi i)inioo»n nTion"iin uwuiun .^Nn 
naN5 ,a> onpi >ya cipran 0131010* Dnp>a jowj ovhbki dm ia>n aiv trauo <a>Ta-s? >jv o^tm 
nNix aw nuyn noryn namwi >v □"aiomn-lTiDan oiyoprwi wva nt paaa .jibi> / )o> pni > TJt -a o"isnn 
>jwn 1T33 >raiovj a piaS »nv»n3nw" naon .D'aaNinD niwa D'aon □"ji'BN di TJia oinn n>oa'apion 
r\p>j\v irntija jpaNaoa oopo ,(n>tnaai manai) d»iodntiii qiddpo aaon )n vanun ion> on\n 

.nji'O la'na ,aia>aa ,cnp'm 



pi oyv '?> ouv* B>bD> uN pal to™ yo ij>nv>n -iaen aw -onon aw lima iaa v™ dhtin o>ara 
P'HD idti ,nN"un aaa ,Tl>s> napm aw n^w iapn aw liWNin trim -arm ,oipn aaD .nrvw-Nan jipttvd 
-'(ulm ,'w-nD-nniN ,im!m) nun rrt> Dm Naw cpoainn inn >aa ,jiisnp wiawa ipain cuatun a tw 

.ipm ninvn ?v tram nwiawa nymw evnn 
.Dn>mbi3pD unstfii DNSin Tm nviywn ay tw o>anci av main aw pnprra mnn vain nt pica 

t aj> 'OoiiKn owpun win 5w mniwnaa nixnnri iw Jimim w in omn ■ tjt aw lain" tqvi a pia 
u >a ,«io»w iinna aiwn nm plan .nX mniwTan lyjraon am mina cti»™i ,jip) van mnira vain 
p!w .jinN nnjotiK nrwlr atitr'non D'nianan o'pppwi ?a 7w taiva ji>;nr-» ™np av no'*' 'nan 
jinmrow ("jmi^nsn kjd>') «jp?n aw irmu'n unianan niiBMa tna .4S nivt> :pd.pd am plan aw Tivmn 
jpj im iron mvi) ,wiavn yan .nuTn aw »ywiin latn miunvuin rmunn vn!w jiinimn ,npara pi 
ncnm ,myia .o>aiawjJ> myu jTOcn-JTOtnaio'aTi aro ip^xajiwifi nou vawl ."□man"-? rm3D>aNi>an 
.Totmnn warn aw ramnitn .mibnan kjp* ma narrpn N'n mm tuivikii Niron >t> Sji iroiwn Tipnn 
nran .kipti mii™ 7wa n'iraiaiira i"W imn nc^an N>ni nimiH-Tpwrio n>n jpj Tj-rwco ?v uipii 
nm npt) nn'n >aiK ,ninNDt<p-T)*in jii'wuk jiniooa cnno-iiso wuo apj vfujra cryaiDn tra'Wiinw 

.INiiN aw noiaoiN ima ds ranH) nT>iw pai -mra nsiam 
lopiw oopD w iw Jimi>!ian nwDTin jh-ih iu cn^i ^s viiunw D'nnS tyu p-ian Sw «wn pinn 
>t> «jo" ^l «;p> bv ni'ixna jittow 'ivn pinn Taina .nr« mnun wp>Wj nipn pi yana -uwi inn bin 
'jnciin T3ta mnamiron nwDTin wiIjw Wj rvmniD f*an md) m mpm dj .n>jiniasTnjni ,"aipn piAvn 

jpj TjTimti ,jdj ipjKany7)n ,ara an "m on^nou] bn >y> vifunn nui* v"* ti^pto ^* 
n'OiB-wmn na'ira nsio nm "aiun Tioiwi" pm imnrcj ,dam ,nptnii aion iioiivn bv Nmsun 
as unwn .D'jaan Jiiwilai D'ja nmrtD ^vuio nana n>mn nwNDNtjn naipnn iipa wo ,cmH"i'N 5w 
5w TOm"> ,n'1ku5 iinD n'3ii>apn!' nmimiii iprnjH-ji'imun jpj TjTtnm pcni nun* via ram rnnra 
oraipm: ^i>>NinppiDin3 D'liaDnn cpobpd ,u"m ,ioin"n o>avnpnn D'oppun mil* ,aNm-"w ipirrn 
-lTios innDpNrm nmoo mm Tint Sv imj .aNSTT-"m "m wjan 'i*iira Tan ; in>Ta rm*< bn unitron 
rniupNnun jnrann So pn'n Sv m^iy >a» pian i™ .vJ'ni d>Swit wti'ai oni7i> mim Sii nviwon 

.DnsuS >ra!mn onoi iIjo avun Din>a cnNTNn iraimni irm usanS mniNDn ipjncnuti 



,"reon nn»a ,'ooiwn oppon Iw uain n>n nn -jitot nnaa ipjdviq asps Tns T3tn ipin ,jinn« D'S'na 
pin Km iaia jinnn iota bw iprrani imnKOii Jiiionn it' M> pin ton Tau ; bnn (rwrarmQ ranm? ifla 

tniiann nrn^non jiKirun join n> bw 
nnSwmn misa na Ssn immnb tth\) D'ntiNin :Jrow nnno 'jw wn>u aniSnarii D"OmiNn dhjpppti 
nunnani .nnnTn mawa nnnann jrawian pi .nnr* nyu Dnnn«n -iwio ,Dma n>n nm nijup oni'na 
-uira n-DWwn Jiranaori ,pao Nb>> wnaw Jiiinii) ni'jtna tinionn nn« pi ,npnjn Saa jus^n nntoan 

aim) bv \jriann noun JWiwi p-a^i iaini .flnam 
.irnnnonni ntaan DJian Jii'jio ,miinan >i> D'mpmri d'OSiwi "Qia nuiw iwiwn Jinpm tnnva 
o>ipn Dipm ,i>iaiaa ,-iotira mjpiwn y» onpn noisn n"iio ,"p3 jiiaron 'odiinh anan swatn nraic 
inpin itjoj^n 'f !w nodhwi bur nuanw JiniK bw imipn ,( ,l o'airan ittud" w ."O'liron in") iNVNa 

■lao launi 
nna n'nnvn ,p ma pfuinn 1;* mnn mniMas jiwstoi ,kuohk ,)^r ,Tjr ma iicnn tows "latm pro 
n>W< nonoD mipn 'iibil^a iin rum (Diiov 4) "reiou mm" nscvni nud!j .tidiw jiisipno nt Sw D'wsp 

.Niann qua 'rnminn 



("mnapO"> D'^p?' m™ "P'W rural >* yiown iopn Sn uaim inputi niinvn jiinioa p w pno 
□lraimiD a -iwn jTEDrm av movn -iaon am Cm pia) n-qdh pia Su a«J ntran ay imi p-ian .DnuunNn 
aaa ™j .maiap wftwa Ttttw m>apo mnm-ia jnpisn >j«i ipain ui»i .DiisoiiNn D'jcm 21 >a 
i™il7ir jdji am aaa niw aa hqjVi nrapm n> Tiarai aw ynwn iana capm -morn .o>aro niam naiap 
siniif nDaa tcottti aw iraw naw insom ,jj , TtuxawpTi ,7jtj/tp o'Jpjtt u"fi7 ,J"/w; jionn caon 
ao tjiinjin naon aa hn ooin Djam Tipni ,rDjTn 7WDna namna. Diraoumn catwi on n?N .iaaa 
nsannn-Tahnnw nan njnj TEortn )>1> n'V/en lotm natnro -inra nispiimn oiuanw tra pa .TTajnn 

.jvora iarmn misa Djain iin niuwa iwki liiasin 

Nino ,i«T;tjj ap*i aw uam iin namna. now napm aw n'nwn iaon av mnnnn-nnnnn ,inK mpna 

avp mpna pi .uniatian uicma in ,jimDiinn irnua yi mra yanu cnipan D'aran n too T»n>n aran 

laia JiupPD nan pipnai .najra. nn>3Dm untmon mnn r 't>cniNn "iipnn pa jnwna tatia' dton nm awn 

.TTaj'TD aw 'pnwn Tapn av Tuinn aw msnrnn jianan aw nnuoro 



K 

Studies in Zoroastrian Exegesis: in ni'Jm :D»iomrittn wnpm >an3 nuvnns tuipwo 

Zand 
vapn 
Tiara iDjrmnm ipiocmrum Jimman imam .iniSo ,ljm Jinatn Dnpno rmo jtou nmn mtnm 
maw i)i ,mpi» ,ioto« nti .np>i»ifi n>otniKn nana trripn tara Ssi Cu^na m) jpjisnN-Ji'tnsn 
.miiin win p>nyro laipns lncnis nS tfJijo mm o'ysinn onjupunn p?n ; itooiikii >nbrec o>uopB 
?v d>133J mpiiti 'Sun oinroi p'nyna cnno-ianm croi-fj ins .twin ouirai tiwnpa o>y>3W) ontiN 
□namnni myxtiNn jiidioi uira Snm nomiTifii icpnfi mnw ,tdjt bw >ywimi wnvn anocn 
'aj ,t>DHN7i iupn w 'nlinaj jranin n-npo d>ipo noro) Sw niwn onarci y w .nutn tinaia D>a.iwnn 
tpmi-tfinn cryop ,piNn unto ,o>mna™ p ma .nnnK nD-yni ipikckki naipnn >rt?«a jm> n'ii mw 
N>n jimaun rrrawi ,iwt3w lira .nvTipnn imvromnmm miam 'to rrrt & .jtmoiinti wnrat> cnibnan 
moy !>v (D>nstn) >jwn paa d>Wo >iuKn cmnmi tbSti p'tduu o>)n>m tnuppon an .niion rouwnn 
jiDjiono naai tjii oTnm oftaonn t»im !rt o»nmv ni-ipnn ma at S>ao uwi -pam .imin wpnn 

.iiiopinn ivray <yia jitotmiti 
mjHONDn FiDipnnn nnvioNrmn jmonn junnS rarty nu'im >Sy3 tin niwn □"nSnsn D>v>ppon 
:mriin" tivyj ijsa oniy Tiin ipln .wivin iDpn X> Tovbran NDian >y rnou Jmin jnicmn o ,jnnrNnn 
D'oopon ,mia ipnn m™ nnon inv nriN T iran3 fr>3N >riD >o nmna taN ,ira<nan iw tidW N3 mn 
'131B7I pinn .N'inua d'-itok oman iin"3i jNODimn npinb oj D'nwp'D tid-sipm cpuiu o"ODiwn 
o>oopon iin NiipS nnoj Nt>o™n -ipna ntw n^otw .nsoiiMn maiipn »> inm vnipDni (joi'd wuD 
imi ,in!i7iDn nauin niyxmu nodtikh iin hntp into ,ii>fi3Dn n-msm i^iw ontmon O'ouirei ']ia iMjti 
Sw ,nmnn iriTnai ,ir3ni>K-nmn npnn jin vnnnS niD>n n>jwn nSiKmn aiwiD ^1-11003 3-1 iidn raiu 
nw irapi milw<-o Tna mown 5*i D»nijn*rn O'aimin -ipm ,-pj nimsn avmn Too u>jonii .Notnwn 
D>DDp\p3 pi nIj lpnnS ttoi tTj'O josin nosy mnvn ,iu« fora .D"t>onNn D'oopon 'al?3 tw imnj 
naiynn 5y am rw>un wuiiNn owpvn >v owon hwdwo wio mavn njinpi .nodiiki di xim D»n!man 

.mutaiari iiibwtb Sw 
non>'iiD hIjn TUOTiMn oopun 7W 10*13 na5 onpin iu moon tdtoj pi n5 tiijou mop ni'va 
.Oiibno) c\3upDn wmo m tiawn ^w 'nwbn nnnnm nnan ato 01 n^n .nvuKii hjoiki mjinsii 
ND-on 13JH ,^37 iodi .Dran rt«n pnyMvo jinn^i mpnb iio' niimaii oopon shM kj ,p'ui>M'>ri 
.DDpon Juan !?y mvpni ii-dw maipin iSnww mn*u rwim nnay K'nw ,"iiNin otrpon "m ji'itaan 
mpsDD in ini TDjrm Sw lymin Taon inn vtdjww rivnw mnio ni^jo jimwio mmiaNiKD <oiro niD"p 
.na-n hdctinj Ji'miJTian mmn >«i nnnro inwra nptnrf; nia'Twu n-nani niMnp d'JiiJb 



li-i 
Iv-lii 



D»j»wn pwi 



wan 
torn nivn 



40-1 



8 11il'1-a tlMNtWWl KWlXfl >W V*"?W :0»»J ^1> t«3»t> T< pio 



83-41 



inn »w>ik upa inw i»>i»!«ia tutttn] nna twma ;i?r Jv isrr 'i pio 



144-64 

93-64 

104-94 

134-105 

144-135 



jwr-ntiwt* Aturaia tipn niifiai nwit> 'J pia 

nj»M nnv '« 

'jwmm w>w 'a 

WM '1 



197-14S h»id«i n»JMflMfln fl!»pm o»fliii'a J^9 fi'st'hflPpN :a>iiwm i^f "rpio 



nupvtn biw 



E00-19S 



241-201 



ti»iis»p 
rvowSa'a 



>-N 



»n>i I'spn 



Studies in Zoroastrian Exegesis: 

Zand 

Thesis submitted for the degree "Doctor of Philosophy' 

by Dan Shapira 

submitted to the Senate of the Hebrew University of 
Jerusalem in 1998 1 v>'Wt) 



APPENDICES 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTER 



1-6Z 



APPENDIX i 
APPENDIX II 
APPENDIX 111 
APPENDIX IV 



1-48 
49-54 
55-60 
61-62 



CHAPTER II APPENDIX 



63-116 



CHAPTER III 



117-187 



I Sleep and Sweat APPENDIX I 
APPENDIX II 5adw€s 

I I Arts andflahmf APPENDIX II 

1 1 ! rianT and Zand APPENDIX 1 Biblical Quotes 

1 1 1 nam and 2and APPENDIX II Fragan 

1 1 1 nan! and Zand APPENDIX III HaTut wa Marut 

I I I Man? and Zand APPENDIX IV 

IV Fire APPENDIX 



. 117-129 
130-133 

134-136n 

1 37-146 
147-151 
152-156 
157-158 

159-187 



CHAPTER IV 



188-238 



APPENDIX I 
APPENDIX II Saxaisa 



188-234 
235-238 



CHAPTER I 

APPENDIX I 
Dk 8.1: DkM 677.1-680.7; DkS XV.I, Iff.; DkD 52G.4-52B. 21; West 1892, 3-10; Mole 
1963, 61ff.. Careti 199?, 97-701: 
l.spas 1 Ohrmazd ud ntyayisn T Den T MazdSsn T Jud dew ohrmazd dadestan. 

2. haStom, abar hangfrdTgih T nan T andar NaskTha T Den T Mazdesn Jud jud. 

3. edar ayad T h3n T andar sadflrwSn T en namag abar OSmurisn 1 Weh Den S 
agahlh T wasan nlbist ud nlweyenTd 

az Zand [h3n t DSn] pad 3g3h dahiSnTh 1 I 5 M payram dastwar, pad x v ad 
ewaz T DSn niblSt. 

4. be pes az han, nibistan ewen abar OsmurlSn T Den T Mazdesn bazlSn, u.S 
bazisn, bahr, ud bahr brTnag nimOdan; GSmuMsn ne k3 hangirdTgtar padaS 
baziSn, hangirdTg pad bahr T§ bazisn, ud wistariSnTgtar pad brTnag T bahr. 

5. dSmurlsn T Den T Mazdesn bazisn 3: Gaesn T hast *abertar 2 
mencg.da'nlSnTh mfnDg.icarTh, Dad T hast abffrtar getTg.daniJnTh getTg.KarTh, 
ud Haao[n]J*la n er T hast abertar agShTh ud kir T abar han 1 mlyan ed 2. 

6. ud cfm T S DazisnTfl f Den dsmurlsn nigez hast -J wlsp.daniSn, (car ud 
ewenag T ham Den danis"n ud kunisn; Sd T 3 n1 bISt Ohaz Ahunvar T Den 
esmuriSn bun3 gah. 

7. han r fradom saeanTgTri, ud han 1 diqTgar Haa<SMJla n errgTh ud han T 
sldTgar DadTh aoer.tar mmayed. 

8. u\£ hat hend baziSn bahr 2-\ T x v 3nTh«nd Nask. 



1 There is no need to emend eg *a"g3ne"nisnTrr, "en/dizione", as Caret) did. 

2 Cf. Shaked 1963, 181- 



l. 1 Gratitude to Ohrmazd and praise to the Mazda-worshipping Religion, the Law of 

Ohrmazd, breaking off 3 with dews! 

2. The Eighth [book], about the summary of what occurs in the Nasks of the Mazda-worshipping 
Religion, each one separateiy. 

3. Here the memory of that which is in the pond 4 of this book concerning the categories 5 of the 
Good Religion was written down and announced, for the knowledge of many, from the Zand [which 
is Avesta (Den)] 6 , written as an authority for the commonalty in teaching the wisdom, by the 

[uttered] word of the Avesta itself' . 

4. But. before that, there is ordinance 3 to write about the division of the categories of the Mazda- 
worshipping Religion, to demonstrate Her divisions, parts, and the sections of the parts; the 
categories are more summarized in the divisions, summarized in Uib parts of the divisions, and 
more detailed in the sections of the parts. 

5. The categories of the Mazda-worshipping Religion contain three divisions: Eaeas, which is 
mainly the mfn&g knowledge and action; Dad, which is mainly the ^//pknowledge and action; 
Ha8a.Mar| 9r, which is mainly the awareness and action according to what Is between these two. 

6. And the reason of the triple division of the categories of the Religion is the exposition of 
Complete Knowledge, Action, and Ordinance of the knowiedge and action of the whole Religion; 
these three are written according to the Ahu nv ar, which is the source of the categories of the 
Avesta, in which there are three gah-s (metrical lines), 

7. The first [division] chiefly exposes fjaerc, the second is HaSS.fiarj eric, and the third is 
DSdTc [lores], 

8. And there are 21 parts of its divisions, which are called Nasks. 



1 The formula is found In nearly -the same way in Dk 6.1 , in a similar way in Dk. 4.1 , slightly differently 
in Dk 9.1, differently Dk 7.1, cf. Shaked 1979, 223. 

2 The order of words reversed in English to avoid ambiguity. 

3 Benveniste 1 970, 42. 

4 West 1392, 1: "[within the] compass [of this book]"; Moll 1963, G3: "dans le[ tepis (7) [de ce 
livre]"; Shaked 1969, 192 n, 46: "[within the] binding [of this book]"; Ceretf 1997, S/9 (and a. 30): 
"[compreso aH'intemo dello] specchio di questi iibri]". My translation is based on MacKenzie 1971 and 
the New Persian usage. 

5 Cf. Shaked, ibid.; I use the term in the sense of "status". 

6 I take it as a gloss. ■ 

7 My translation of the second part, after ";", differs considerably from that of Cereti. 

8 West 1B92, 1: "usage". I prefere to see here the meaning of arrangement/order, something like New 
Persian S s Tn. Both "ordinance* and "usage" are recorded in New Persian. 



$.7 Gaea'tug ud off a 63flan Kara §stea, O.ssn nam ha"n-T-Gaean7g-*Y3s't- 
nfrang 3 , T hast stdd Yast 4 ud S[t]ddgar > Warstmans a r, Bag 5 , WasTtag, 
Haacxt, u<J han T *<j 6 GaeanTg kard ested, Spand. 

10. ud 7 H3Sa[k]-Ma" n 6rTg nam: D3md3d 7 , "Nadar 8 . PSjag, 
Ratfi.dat.aetag 9 , Baris 10 , KaskTsraw 11 , Wlstasp.Sasc 12 . 

11. ud 7 DadTg ud c6 c dadTg kard ssted, ti.San nam hsn t dadTg: NTkatQm, 
Duzd.sar.nl Jad, HaspSram, SakaLGm, ud VendTdad 13 , ud han T <S da"d pad jud 
sTnamanlh kard ested, Cihrdad ud Bao.3n.Yast 14 . 

12. ud padtsaragsUJddgar, w"arstm3ns a r. Bag, oamdad, N3tar, Pajag, 
ftate.dat.aetag, Baris, KaSkTsraw, Wls"t5sp.53st, Wastag, Cthrdad, Spand, 
Bagars.Yas't, NTkatjjm, Duzd.sar.nljad, Hasparam, Sakatam, VendTdad, 
Ha8ffxt, StOd.YaSt. 

13. andar har 3 har 3 hast, andar 6385nTg H5&B IK}- MJneri g Ud DadTg, ud 
andar Ha"3o[kJ.rlan6ng 636anTg ud DadTg, ud andar DadTg eaeanTg ud 
H335[kl.rianerTg. 



3 I do not accept the emendation of Ceretl 199, 9B n. 27 and 99 n. 32. 

4 Coneti; Yasn. 

5 Ceretl: Bay; I follow here Skjaervo 1989a. 

6 ZK. 

7 The reading of the names of the Haste ft cm the second up to fifth ones In Mold 1 963, 6Z-3, are 
slightly different. 

8 Ceretl: HSxtar. 

9 Ceretl: Rad*1st3it I. 

10 The reading of the names of the Nasks from the second up to fifth ones in Mole 1963, 62-3, are 
slightly different. 

11 Cereti: KaSkaysraw. 

12 Ceretl: WlltSsp YaSt. 

13 Or, WWewdSd. 

1 4 CerMi: BaySn Yasn; I follow here SkjearvB 1 989a. 



9. Seven are G3eic, and those made unto the G3eas, and their names are those of the invocations 9 

of theGaeic worship, which are the 5t5d.Yas"t, the SUJudgar, warstmSnsar. Bag, 

Wastag, HSSaxt (Nasks), and that which was made unto Gaeic, theSpand (NasJi). 

10.AndthenamesofthesevenHa3a.Mai)eric are Damdad, "Nadar, Pajag, 

RaLO.dat-aetag, Barig, KaskTsraw, W1st3sp.Sa"st. 

T 1 . And seven are D3d f c {legal) and those made unto the D a d, and their names are those of the 

Dad, and those are the NlkSttSm, Duzc.sar.nljaq, HtfspSram, SaK3Lu"m, and 

VendTdad, and those which are composed for the law with separate propitiations, the Cfhrdad 

andBagan.Yast. 

12. Andthe sequence 10 is: Sltladgar, War§tm3ns a r, Bag. Damdad, 

N3dar, Pajag, Raio.dat.afftag, BarlS, KasfcTsraw, Wis£3sp.53st, Wastag, 

ClhrdSd, Spand, BagSn.Yast, NiKatam, Duzd.sar.mjad, HUsparam, SakatuTn, 

VendTdad, Ha8iSxt, 5t5d.ya3t. 

73. (n all three (divisions) all three are (found): in the 6361c are the Ha33.M3nerlcand 

DSdic, in the Ha33.M3n9r1c are the GSglc andDa"d1e, in the D3dic are the GaeSnTg T1 

andHaaa.ManerTg 12 . 



9 Pace Ceretl, who took this word (Ceretl 1 997, 99 n. 32) as "Iprescrizlonl rituall scritte] in pahlaul". 

10 MacKenzie 1971, 63, translated this word: "beginning, basis". West: "sequence"; Mole: "ordre"; 
Cereti: "ordine". 

n I.e., Bagan YaSt. 

12 r.e., ClhrSa-d. 



14. jud jud han T x v ad madiyanThS ud mSdagwarTha mehmanTg, ud hSn T 
d'd.bahrTg andar awurd mehmanTg, u.s dm: andar menflg getrg ud andar 
getTg menflg ud andar han T mlyanag T har 2 nar 2 hast. 

15. ud paywastan T friz 5 abdom T H36vj[W.M3nerTg *Wastag bahr az &583r> 
clysn niblS-t T andar paywand 1 fl abdom Haao[k].rlanerTg WlStSsp.SSst 1 5 . 

16. Ha3flxt ud Yast 16 pad paywand ^ B abdom D3d Vendfdad cim dahlSn 17 : 
getTg Dad, mlyanag HS8rjtk].l-ian8rTg menflg Gaean, ce menOg elm ud ax v 
ud bun 13 , ud getTg clmTg ud wlhanTg, ud bar nflsThfd 19 ; dmrg o dm ud 
wlhanTg a ax v , bar fl bun. 

17. ud frajam T Dad T hast *Hfim2° abaz ff Gaean T hast bun paywastan, 
nfrndnag hast T abar fradom merirjgTh SaeanTh abezag raySnlSnTh bVJd; 
abdomaz han bawSd getTg; ud ciyon az menog wtndThast, frfld 3mad 21 auaz a 
menflg paywastagTh. 

18. ud elm T zi bahrTh T 3 bazfsn T Den o'smurfs'n andar wtzTdag T az karaag 
paydag; Shaz 3 oah 1 Ahunvar 1 Oen SsmurlSn bun, hast 21 mang. 



15 Ceretl: WlS'la'sp 'fast 

16 Cereti 1997, 100 n. 34, identified it with 3 tffd YaSt / Yasn. 

17 West 189Z, 8 n. 3: dahlsnth.stTh.daa "the production of the wordly creation", another name for 
the Da"md3d, adopted by Ceretl 1397, 100 n. 33. Mate dahlsn, "-signifie Ja creation". 

1 B Mole 1963, 62: menflg elm ud wihan bun, and so also Ceretl, though the text does not support 

such reading. 

IS So West; Mole and Cereti: dahThe"t. 

20 Written HTm in PSzand, and so transliterated and translated by Wolfe and Cereti; however, West 
1892, B and n. 4), rightly emended to H0"m. The shift a (and 67) to *r was typical for Zoroastnan 
Persian of FaTs and is a commonplace in MSs, especially in Pazand, as here. Compare ahu in Dk 
8-46.2, written afiT. notes West 1B92, 170 n. 1, "as usual in Iran". 

21 Cereti eniended to az menflg *n1s"astan rrffd amad; "e discesa dal seggio spintuale". 



6 

14. Each separately hosts, especially and essentially, its own, and (also) hosts that what was 
brought into from other parts, and the cause for it is: that in menfjg there is gettg and in 
getTg there is menflg, and in what is between the two, there are both found. 

15. And the linkage of Was tag, a part of the 6393, to the end of Haaa.tianerTg, is because it 
is written in connection with Wis"ta"sp.5Sst, the end of Haaa.li3nerTg. 

16. The reason of the HaSffxt and [StOd] Yas"t having been linked to Vendidaa, the last 
Dadic Mask, is contemplation 13 ; getTg being DSd; HaSa.ManerTg being intermediary; 
Gaean belonging to menflg. as menflg is the cause, the vital force (a x v ) 1 * and the source, 
while getTg rseausad and motivated 1 5 , and the fruit is preserved 1 6 ; the caused (goes back) to 
the cause, the motivated to the vital force (a x v ), the fruit to the source, 

17. And the linkage of the end of the D a d, which is nam, again to the GSea, which is the source, 
is the symbol of the primal menogTh which was the pure G363nTh functioning; at the end it 
will be even getTg; and as it was obtained from menflg, it descended again to the linkage of 
menfig. 

1 8. And the reason of the twenty-one-fold partition of the triple division of the categories of the 
Avesta is evidentfrom selections from kardags; similarly, the three (gatss) of the Ahunvar, • 
which is the source of the reckoning 1 7 of the Avestai also have twenty one words. 



13 For dahisn , "reflection", from Avestan *dah-, "to teach"; dahm*-, "a learned person", cf. 
Shaked 1982b, 197ff.; compare also Old Georgian dahmsni, "kohn. Held", Middle Persian d s hm, 
"virtuous, pious; a full member of the Mazdean community, initiate", MacKenzie 1971, 24; D'hm'n 
s f ryn, The Blessing of the Holy ones, a god, Bestorter of Justice and Righteousness"; P3zand dahma, 
"pious, holy" (Aogm), Nybeig 1974, 38; New Persian duhman, "evening prayers", Bielmeler 19B5, 
37-8. The range of meaning of this Pahlavl word here is. actually, from "contemplation" to "prayer". 

14 On this word, cf. Shaked 1 974b (and p. 319 n.1-4). 

1 5 L adopted Cereti's understanding of this word. 

16 So West. 

1 7 This is the meaning of the word in this passage, as the passage deals with numerical value of the 
Ahunvar, and thus the word was rendered in Dhabhar 1932, 3 (who translated DV 8.1.170-21). 



19. clyfln Ahunyar ; T Den (Ss'murtsn bun, hast 3 gShTh T 3 bazf^nTh T Oen 
Osmurisn nimanag, o'ffn 21 marfglh 1 3. 2.1 bahrlh Sn 3 bazlsnTh nlmayed, 
ctyCn paydag Mi: 'brehTnld awe T wlsn.agah d3dar az har marTg e" sraw G" . 

20. "brTnag £ bahr cSyOn hat ud fragrad T andar NaskTha az Den gugahTh 
SgahTh [az yast .rravahr ZarduMs't caSlSn] 22 andar Eran.sanr )000 bad 23 
3sn3g. 

21. ud pas az wlScblsn az mar 1 dus.x v arrah xes"m.kard Alaksandar mad 
3295 £>Qd T goon absz ne wlndSd T pad dastwaf d35tan saySst he 24 . 

22. ud tian T hurraward Adurbad 1 Mahraspandan padaS passaxt kard ud bCxt 
asnag ta cak 25 andar macHySn T ErSn.sahr pad casfsri ud paSn daSt esteo. 

23. pas az ntblstan T jud jud Nask, tcii pad ce absrtar abar gOwSd, abar Nask 
Mask asmurlhfd, fl.s han. T andar nat hat ud fragard fragard o ayablsn 
rased, ce andar an ma"d1ysn *x v as.kunen 26 abaylsnTg gird drustag e" 
wizarmed. 

24. be fradom Nask Nask ud k(j abar ce gawSd niblst Swen edar nlwIsThed 
saman 1. ayablsn nS abdlh x v adth passazag. . 



ZZ I take the words in square brackets to be a gloss explaining Offn. 

23 Bailey 1943, 154, and Mole 1963, 63. read here "1000 sa"1" (Bailey) or "300 saT (MolS). "Tits 
text has dearly VHWWNtn, which Is, of course, similar to *SNT. 

24 My reading is closer to Bailey 1943, 154, and to Macuch 1987, 3Z1, than to that by Ceretl 1997. 

25 *D ck. Ceretl read ta-iz *nan. However, cf. Shaki 1977, 51 n. 17, who read hers cak, 
"endorsed document (true bilJ7)"; in Khw3razmian ck means jaxlda, dartaM nlvTsanda, cf. 
Benzlng 1968, 7, and in New Persian Cak means money order, written order, deeo; French cheque, 
English checque, Arabic s aKf; written document. 

2fi West TB9Z, 10 n. 5, read hGsiAttogiJiy, "auspicious", adding as possibilities fcnus&znrno, "beneficent", 
and anaskikorr-gCm, "unconfusing'. Hole 19 S3, 63, prefered not to transliterate this word and omitted 

the end of the passage In his translation. Ceretl: en madayan <T> x v as-gdne"n, "quest! libri eccelsi". 



B 

1 9. 1 8 As the Ahunvar, which is the source of the reckoning of the Avesta, is the pattern of the 
triple division according to the three ga"hs of the reckoning gf the Avesta, so is the twenty one 
words' character of the three (gahs). The character of the twenty-one-foid partition (of the 
Avesta) indicates its division into three, as it is revealed, saying: '7116 omniscient Creator shaped 
from each word a recitation" ' 9 . 

20. Sections of the parts, like hats and f ragrads which are in the Nasks, according to 
knowledge of the witness of the Avesta [i.e., from the teaching of Zoroaster of the venerable 
frawahr], were known to be 1 000 in the Iranian fands. 

21. But after the devastation that came on from the villain 20 Alexander of evil destiny, the 
creature of Wrath 21 , thereof such was not to be found that could be preserved through the 
dastwar[s] 22 , 

22. And those lAvesta Nasks] are well known 23 for the establishment of which the blessed 
AdurbSd 1 Mahraspandan subjected himself to the ordeal and safely endured it so that the 
authenticated precepts of the treatises of Eran.sanr be considered genuine exegsis by general 
consensus. 

23. After description of each Nask, namely, about what it speaks principally, each Nask Is 
enumerated, and what is in its various hats and in rragards comes to attainment, for whatever 
is in these chapters 24 , (this) pleasant-making suitable collection solves any severity 2 5 . 

24. But, first, here Is recorded a written ordinance 26 about each Nask and about what ft speaks, 
while the extent of attainment is fashioned not according to their marvellous peculiarities. 



ta S§ 19-21 translated in Bailey 1943, 154. 

1 9 Pace Bailey and Cereti. Hy division into paragraphs is also different here. 

20 For this wort, cf. Bailey 1963, BO. Macuch 19B7, 321: "Schlange", 

21 On the concept of xeSm, "wrath", cf. the illuminating article by Pines (Pines 19B2, 76), who 
compared it to Qumranic haran and Pauline opyq- 

22 On the meaning of the term In the post-Sasanian epoch, when this passage seams to have been 
composed, cf. Kreysnbroek 1987a, Dhabhar 1932, 3: "the original writing" and Ceretl 1997, tOO: 
"[essere considerate come] canone", but dastwar cannot have this meaning here. 

Z3 Pace Macuch 1987, 321. 

24 Or. "chapters"; or: "extracts". The Pahlavi word is amblguaus In this context. 

25 This word seems to be a terminus techm'cus for "a scriptural difficulty". 

26 Cf. Dk 8.1 .4, and the note there. 



■3J814 pa6uei(5un ya| aifjueai sqi jo uofiEpuefl shj_ gj 
-s6un»sam ifloq seq pjor* itemed 9gi ££ 



■s3usaaDK3 jjsjjad si ssausnoajqfty „vs 

-uoqe/iouaa al Jl own as|BJd skjijw jaj|Bads e aq in* l! pue - sem {i) — -^ 

"sjaueuu ierny[ds inoqe uoruaujojui 
qsriw os|e pue -asuajsixa *ipjo« jo siuawap am ukuj BuiuiEisqe pue diqsjOM (enjuids 
am jo I33|6au uoq* qBnojql 'spup| ||e jo [sjuoj&iaj ||/\a jo asoqi jo ainBj aqi BuiuLuapuoo pue 
"138JJ9 jjaqj pue 'ajn^EU aim jo pus uoiBjiaa poog aip, jo spaap pooB pUE sanvM aqi Bul^jlioq ■£ 
■XJESJ8APE 01 eujsnea isouu 9idoad aip, pue \[\a aip, jo me| aqi iuojj ^asirajap/BmupisqE yioqe puv 
■6ui»e "BupiBads 'Gui^umi qSnojiR "p zeuuj q D jo aDuejann 
asjjj 341 jo 6u!/(juo(6 ajnd 3qj jo jawod syj jnoqe sjeinsiued suibiuoo je6pp(3]s am "Z 
jdiqsroiw-Epzew )0 uoiBaaa pooB am jo Ajo[6 aip, oi bBeuioh -■ L 



01 



'9|qsp?ajun sr pJcw aqi 

'9UJ JOJ -„3£Jai.fLrn 9[/J /o UOJ1BAOU3J aq) OJUH U3AS Spi/9)X9 ]U3ul9}e]S asoqM SSaUljME S! pue 'OUU0U.E>i) 

p|Q gliiOMq self 4j„ :smo||oj se eSessed aiji p9]e|suaj) pue SjueMqe)!* 3J9U ptaj 'I L '26BL V^/A 82 

iJEVJEp-pnf pn Seje^piO'jo zz 



jseq luoiqed qjpeqe iu/biue -g 

mejs zepJiSjEjj jepue §5( pamEq 6emb6 pdq az (i) "* 'fr 

Bfiuaui l jax JEqE lumeBe sbm puEdsqjewv 6na6 l zajqgd pn Bouauu 

i ujizeA ze uiujiuspig seze Beams! uapjevpeM ueq ftezeq ue6su;e i ujtqo>uu 

pn 'Ul6j.u5(un>| S'Q jnfl6uueq pn qam j, usa L 6eqjj5| pn uEJeunq j. ujiAeis "S 

■mopjeuu iZ JEi MEpiua6ej£/pid 
jEipeM i p£p ze j ^ajq^d pn 'HiJspJi^ 'qiJE^jnG 'yij^pjuani 
ped u^imsBpzEUJjqD uiopejj 1 ujiAe;s Beziqe i zp Jeqe ueAipeuu je5pd[i]S'Z 

■US3PZEW I uaQ-ga^ i qejjEw i ZEUieg-t 

Ul 

-01 'Z6SI isa« -9'6ZS-U'8ZS 010 -i *I"AX S>ia -9L-8'089 W\Q 'fSEN je6pd[1JS 2'8 >\Q 

6 



11 

DkB.S War5tmSns a r Nasfc; DkM SSO. 17-681.2; DkS XV.1, 7; DkD S29.7-13; West 1B92, 
12: 

1. WarStm£ns a r madiyan abar zaylSn 1 Zardu[x]st ud madan T.5 5 Den ud ce 
andar ham dar. 

2. ud "madag 29 1 tierbadth ud hawtsnti ud ahuyih ud radTti ud Sstawanlh T 
pads': hammis hangerdTg.tar gSwl£n T Ga93n. 

3. abar hap cfs wSzag zand ud xvasradagsz ciytin H3n T go"we"d kii^: 
"WarStmans a r <e pad harwlsp Tr32 gCwlSnlh fraz dad ested". 

4. ku har ce pad Gaean guft Ssted. as" pad W3rstmans a r els' apar gswed. 

5. ahlJfyTh abadTh hast pahlom. 



l.The Warstma~ns a r (Nask) contains particulars about the birth of Zoroaster and his coming 
into the Religion, and whatever on the same subject. 

2. And the essense of priestship and discipleship and lordship (of ahij) and spiritual mastership 
(of rad) and confession in which the complete summary of the sayings of the Gaeas. 

3. Zand on every thing and every word, with a good arrangement, such as one says: 
"Wars tma"ns 3 r is that that has given forth an exposition of everything". 

4. That is everytfirng said in the Ga"eas, something of it is said in the Warstma"ns a r, 



29 West: nurrtid, "notice"; Sanjana: maYJ. 

30 Cf. Tavadia 1956, ?3. 



13 

Dk a A Bag Nask; DkM 681; DkS Xv.l, 10; DkD 5Z9. 13-21; West 189Z, 13: 

l.Bag madlyan abar fradom sax vv an T esmurls'n 1 Den baz15n ud fradom dam 
T h3n sax vv 3n ud rradom madan T h3n ud dam passazts'n ud wuzurglh *T han 
sax v an Q.5 ke tiamtan darn u.S namclSt m5d 31 ff gumTziSnlh. 

2. hangerdlg.tar danisn l abar har dS jud Jud x v e5 zahag ud cand paywandlti 
awls' and paywast clySn han 7 Bag ray guft Sste"d kO;"Bag 1 dahman srud", ku 
G dahman gun ested ktl Ice en klrbag kune as Sn klrbag kard bawe"d. 

3. 3hl3yTh 3b3dTh pahloro hast. 



31 Cf. DjC 9.47.5, Where the word appears in P5zand. 



14 



1 . The Bag Nask contains particulars about the first word of the the division of the categories of 
theAvEsta 29 , and the first creature 3 ^ of this word, the first coming of it, and the cfashioning of 
the creature, and the greatness of this word, which is of the same body with the creature 3 1 and, 
particalarly, (about) the intermingling of thought with it 

2, The most complete knowledge about everything, each separately its own offspring, and many a 
linkage (to it) as much connected with it as that how it is said concerning the Bag, namely: "Bag 
of the community is renown", it is said about the community , meaning that whoever shali do a 
virtuous deed, a merit will be performed by him 



29 0£n. Compare the translation in Dk B.l .4. 

30 Aha, cf. Dk 9.47.4. 

31 Cf. Dk 9.47.4. 



15 



Dk 8.S D3md3d Nask; DkM SB1.11-20; DkS XV.I, 10; DkD 529.21-530.7; West 1892, 13; 

Mole" 1963, 390-1: 

l.D3md3d m3d1y3n abar fcunlsn 1 dadarth ud dadan 1 dam T pahlom. 

2. fradom pad menOglh ud cand clyGn dSstan 1 pad mSnog wastan T azas getig 
cihrenTdag s3xtag andar SbgadTg kolxlslsn pattndan^ ud rSyenTdan 
paywastag saylstan T 5 rrajam. 

3. ud drang T ebgadTh ud rlstag Ewen dSm.daingnlh u.s3n stT ud 
tdnmag ud sraxtag ud Clhr ud kaT ud ce andar ham dap. 

4. ud elm 3 ce dahlsniti ud abdom 5 cS raslSmh. 

5. ud abar ban dam.plySrag ud wUand ud anagTh azas T niSSri ud car ud ab?3r 
T abar wSnTdan ud abeslhSnTdan ud boxtan ud ab§cihrSnTdan 1 d§m azas". 

S. ahlayfh abadTn pahlom hast abadTh. 



32 On this and related words, cf. Shaked 1979, 249-250. 



l.^TheDamdSd Nask contains particulars about the act of creatorship and the creation of the 
best creation, 

2. first in mensg {spiritually) and how it was kept in menCg, its change from it into the 
getTg (material), formed and made for the battle against the Assault, its endurance and 
organization and continual worthiness until the end. 

3. And duration of the Assault, the classes and sorts of the creation and their being and seed and 
parts, nature and task, and on the same subject 

4. And the reason for their creation and their final fate. 

5. And about the advesary of that creation, and the harm and evil caused by its mark, and the 
manner and means of overcoming and destroying it, and saving and freeing creation from it 



32 The translation given here is basically that by MacKenzie 1 993b. with slight changes. 



.17 
Dk 8.6 Nadar Nask; DkM 681.21-682.1; DkS XV.1.1V, DkD 530, 7-9; West 1892, 15; Cereti 
1997, 102: 

1. NSdar 33 Zand s amati ray ne" pay wast, Abistag ciyOn pad dastwarlh andar 
*ma"{Jag 34 caslsnfls*murtsn 6zl5n iSit e"ste"d. 
Z. atliaytri 3t>3d1h pahlom hast SbadTh. 



33 Ceretir NSxtar. 

34 Y'TWNtk; Cereti: *a"matL 



18 



1. The Zand of the Nadar Nask has not been handed down to us 33 , the Avesta fof it] exists 
through audionty for matters of 34 teaching, study and worship. 



33 Cf. Zand damah n5 paywast. DkM 688.4. 

34 Cereti: "[L'Avesta], cost come ci e glunto tramrte la tradizione religlasa". 



19 

Dk 8.7 PSjag Nask, DkM 682.2-684.18; DkS XV.1,11-17; DkD 301.10- missing folios 
67.13; West 1892, 15-19; Nyberg 1934; Mole 1963, 100-102: 

1. Pajag madlyan abar gospand dadlha pad ezisn T ata[x)san ab3n zOhx 
EahanbSr mazdesnan ayarTh *ray ItuStan. 6naz ku mard hamkJr pad ce 
hunar ud abzar pad clnlSn ud nerang T ezlSn. 

2. ud *ffnaz fcj az gJspand sr3dag oahr atalx]33n aban az kadam ftannam 
stanls'n clyon wTrayisn KS pad ce Abistag rraz barlSn. 

3. ud ce abar G3h3nb3r led han dadTg gah ka kuned ud ka be sazthsd, hanjaman 
T Gananbar ud dSSn T a myazd kfl ka kunls~n tuwan passazag pad cE paymanTg 
be dahtSn Ka sazlsn baxSISn, 

ktf.s" sud newagTh 1 weh.d'ahl3nan ud menOgTha ud getlgThS ce azas 35 . 



10 3 ^. abar wardisn T gah roz mah ud sal hangam ka namjn zamistan ud 

sahlsn T az rawlsn T axtaran padas, 

11. kfl rasis"n l ahlaw rrawahr o getTg andar han 10 rsz T zamlstan rrajam 

sal sar ciyflnaS han 5 roz T 6ati3nTg andar pad han bawed 

"zamlstan 37 sazlsn hamTh hastlSn. 

13. ud wSs frezwanTgT/jT rStTh ud bs dahlSnTh andar ban tianglm, x v eskarXh 
rat T Sahr pad ayarTh ud jadag.gflwTh I drlyffsan ud hammoxtan T, az 
Frawardlgan ray, andar FrawardTgan kunlln. 



18. ud abar abdih ud was klrbaglh T 3£k3rag warzTdarlh ud SkeftTh ud gran 
winahTh T ahlarnGfTri. 

19. ud enaz ka ka pad ahlamdyTh kas gumanTg hast pad rCSnkarlh a2 Yazdan 

kadam dad andar kadar Yazdan o ayarTh x v amsn. 



35 The following passages treat similar material, which could be called hatskhlc; It will not intrest us 
here. The previous paragraphs Just cited combine treating of matters halalchic with the calendar. While 
SS 4-9 deal with zOtTg and raspTg duties, § 1 Off- returns more implidtely to treat the calendar. 

36 Cf. Nyberg 1934; Boyce 1970. 530. 

37 I accept the emendation made in Mole 1963,101. The tew has zlmacrg. 



20 



1. The texts of Pajag: about slaughtering cattle in accordance with religious prescription to 
assist Maida-worshippers in (their) worship Fires, Waters, libations of the G3h3nb3r. This, 

too, which virtues and skills 35 could a man contribute to gather and (what are the) nerang 
formulas of the worship. 

2. And this, too, from which limb the share of the cattle-species is to be taken to Fires, Waters; 
how it is to be arranged, with what Avesta-(rec'rtal) it is to be offered. 

3. And whatever is about Gahanbar, namely, when one celebrates these religious ga"hs 36 , and 
when it has elapsed, the assembly of G3h3nb3r and the offering to the myazd, when it is 
possible to perform it properly, in what proportion must be given out, when it must be prepared 
and distributed, and what profit and advantage will be therefrom to the good creation, in both 
menffg and getTg. 

1 0. About the rotation of the gah, the days, the months, and the years, the season when there is 
summer (and/or) winter, and the appearances therein due to the motion of the constellations. 

1 1 . That is, the arrival of the Righteous Fravashis into the g e tT g world during these 1 days at 
the end of the winter, the beginning/the end of the year; as these 5 gSh-days are for that 
purpose: the passing away of the winter, the becoming of the summer 3 

1 3. And fulfilling more duties of generosity and distribution in this season (of the festival), the 
proper function of the ratu of the province to assist the poor and to advocate them, to teach 
(them), for the sake of FrawardTgSn, how to perform properly the (festival of) 
FrawardTgan. 

1 8. And about the admirability and great meritoriousness of public observances, and (about) 
distress and severe sinfulness of heresy. 

1 9. And this, too, when a man is doubtful, through heresy, what is the law of God as the 
elucidation (is concerned); which God is to entreated for assistance. 



35 abzai-2 cf. MacXenzie 1971, 4. 

36 New Persian g3h, gSh, "throne, place, 'time", in the last sense from Avestan ga"9S, "hymn, the 
time set aside for the recitation of a particular g3ea, then simply time", de Elols 1393b, 61. 

37 The interest In the calendar returns a few paragraphs later; it seems, that the material in-between 
was mostly Sasanlan Interpolations of a later date. 



23 
Ok 8.8 RatS.dSi.afitag Naslt. DkM 684.19-685.9; OkS XV.1, 17-18; DkD missing folios 
67.13-68.14; West 1892, 19-20: 



l-RaLC.d3t.af tag madlysn*abar dffnTg ud rrezwanTg kunlSmg Swffn ud dad. 

2. elm T sazagTh ud sazagtarlh pad rad.pesag-sSiar, abarTg patth 
x v ad3yaz bahx x v e"sTh, KG clyOn be wlzarlsn sazagTti az 

asaz3gTh ud saz3gtarTh az laJsazagTh padas", kd pad radTh T x v anTrah ud 

abarTg kISwar T jud Jud fradom ke be Estad az 

mazdesnan. 

3. abar ntmaylSn ud agahTnlsn T nisast ud brahmag T Amanraspandan, nerang 
ud abzar T andar SzlSn T YazdSn, gati T x v SSk3rTh I zfftan raspTgan andar 
e"zl5n e[wl, ud hamagaz x v SskarTh sardaran pad kar TSan Jud. jud 5 bun. 

4. ud mehTh t wizTdar.dahlSnTh andar klrbagjn ud £we"nag T wIzTdar- 
dahiSnlh ud nazdTglh 1 Ohrmazd s menisn, gflwisn, kunlsn T ax v 1 astcmand. 

5. abSdTh ahlSyTh patilom hast. 



24 



1 . The R aid .d a t.a 5t ag book (is on) the custom and law of religious and obligatory actions 3 a . 

2. The reason of the worthiness and superiority in leader of the rad-priestly guilde, and his 
possession of porcion[s] of other authority, even of the lordship; ft is, how worthiness shouSd be 
discriminated from unworthiness in him, and superiority From unworthiness, it is, in rad-office 

of X v anTrah and other continents, each separately, the first which stood from the Mazda- 
worshippers. 

3. About the demonstration and acknowledgement of the sitting and the (ritual) manner of the 
Bountiful Immortals, the nerang ritual instruments in the worship of the Vazdan, the place of 
duty of the zot- and raspFg- priests in the worship, and also all the duties of the leaders in 

ther work, each separately, according to the source 3 . 

4. And the greatness of the discrimanative reflection in meritorious deeds and the kinds of the the 
discrimanative reflection, and the closeness of Ohrmazd to the thinking, speaking and acting of 
the corporeal existence. 



38 Cf.MacKeraie 1970, 269. 

39 The translation of the words G bun is purely tentative. West 1692, ZO: "originally" or [n. 33 
■fundamentally". Was some written (Avestan?) tait meant, according to which the worship was 
performed? 



Dk 8.9 Barls Nask, DkM 6B5.9-G87.5, DkS XV.1, 18-21; DkD 68,14-71.12; West 1892, 

20-23: ~ " "'" """ "" 

1. Barls 38 madly3n abar z5rT rayenlSrrth r3stTh radTrt T asn sraa xrad was 

hunaran. 

Z. ud hanaz T drffzanTh ud pflS^S ud a.d3nTfi dus".ag3hTh ud was ahOgan T 

hunaran hamestar- *br3darenTd. 

3. ud nan T Wahman ud Spendarmad ud Sr6§ Ud Ahllswang was Yazdan ud han 
T AkSman ud Waran ud xe§m ud An.ah) ud was dfiwan han T afarSn ud nefrffn 
huyabaglh ud duS.yabagTh T huneTangTh ud duS.nerangTh ud husax v anTri ud 
dus".sax v anTh ud ce andar ham dar. 

4. ud han zamSn baxt ud gffhr ud kamag ud den ud hog 40 ud frahangud 
x v s5k«SrTh ud tuxs3gTh ud ce andar ham dar ud andar han x v ad3yTh ud 
rayfnldarTh ud dastwarlh ud dadwarTh ud mfyancTgTh. 

5. ud han T kas" 3StTh ud mlhr.darth ud ce abar ham dar. 

6. ud tian T dad ud ewfln, frlr&ag, wfn3h ud husrawlh ud duS.srawTh ahlSyTh ud 
druwandlh ud ce abar ham dar 

7. 41 ud h3n 1 sarin skfly sam ud srflSTgTh ud ce andar ham dar. 

8. uo han r pay wand T pad x v e"5Th ermenlsnTf) ud arwandTh Ud den ud ce abar 
ham dar. 

9. ud han T saziSnlgTh ud a.sazlSnTgTh ud "dffstTh ud dusmenTh ud ce abar 
ham dar. 



38 Brffji is an alternative reading. 

39 de Menasce 1 958b. 38: panth, Tavarice". 

40 New Persian X fly. 

41 Cf.Tafazzoli 1974a, 112-3. 



26 

1. BarlS contains particulars about many virtues of the directing power 40 , the truth, the 
liberality of the inborn and learned wisdom 4 '. 

2. And what concerns the evil knowledge of falsity, misery 4 ^ and ignorance and many faults that 
are fraternized 4 ^ with the opposite of virtues. 

3. What concerns the (respective) benedictions and maledictions, benevolence and malevolence, 
good spell and bad spells, beneloquence and maleloquence of (respectively) Wahman and 
Spendarmad, SrSs and Ahllswang 44 and many divinities (on the one hand) and of 
AkSman and Waran, XeSmand An.ahl 4 ^ and many demons (on the other), and whatever is 
on the same subject 

4. And what concerns Time, Destiny, substance, will, religion, manners, culture, duty, effort, 
and whatever is on the same subject; and amand these: royalty, government, authority, judgeship 

and mediatorehip 4 ^. 

5. And what concerns when there is peace and keeping of covenant, and whatever is on the same 
subject. 

6. And what concerns the law and the custom, merit and sin, good fame and bad fame, 
righteousness and wickedness, and whatever is on the same subject. 

7. What concerns pudency, *awe, fear and obedience 47 , and whatever is on the same subject 

8. What concerns connections through property, subordination, droitness, religion, and whatever 
is on the same subject. 

9. What concerns suitability and urrsurUbMity, friendship and enmity, and whatever is. on the 
same subject 



40 de Menasce 1 958b, 38: "le fwictionnemerft cij gouvemement des facurtes (zoT raySnlSnlh)". 

41 On "inborn and learned wisdom", cf. Snaked 1987b, 3 If. 

42 As to the translation, cf. West 1892, 21 n. 1. The word means the notion opposite to radln. 
Compare: 

l)zGr TrayrJnlsnTh 1) F 

2) rastlh 2) drdzanTh 

3}radlh 3)puS 

4) asn srfjd xrad 4) duJ.SgShTti 

5) was hunaran 5) was ahCgan T hunaran hamestar. 

43 de Menasce 1958b, 38: "et les faux frtres (bra"tarflt) [des vertus)", 

44 ArdawahUL 

45 The opposite to AM [Swang, de Menasce 1958b, 38, read here "Indar*. 

46 On this word and Its concept, cf. Snaked 1 980. 

47 Cf. Tafazzoli 1374a, 112-3, skffy sam/sahsirfear", quoting EpMan II, ii, 3, 611.3. 



27 

10. ud han T hucihrlh ud duSclhrTh ud Juwanlh ud zarmanlh ud tuwsnaglh ud 
skohlh ud TarraxVTh Ud du5.farrax v Th ud cE abar ham dar. 

11. ud han ! 52 7 andar tBhmagSn sardSgan clSan ud ce abar ham dar. 

12. ud han t frazanagrh ud frain.wlrarih ud purr.newaglh ud ce abar ham 
dar. 

13. ud han T suy ud tiSti ud azaS darmanTh ud ce abar ham dar. 

14. ud han T TrasSwandTh ud margTh ud sazlinlglh ud cS abar ham dar. 

15. ud han T hammistTh els' rOnTh ud pffSTh ud pasTh ud ce" abar ham dar. 

16. ud ha"n T pad!Y1snTgTh ud a.padTrisnfgrh ud rSmffnTdarfh ud 
be"5eze"OTd3rTh ud c€ abar ham dar. 

17. ud han T taglgTh ud uzwanlglh ud hanJumanTglh ud erj abar ham dar. 

18. ud han T OS meniSnTh han T tan ud ruwan ud han T Wahist ud du£ax v ud 
tan 1 pa sen ud ce abar ham dar. 

19. ud ha"n T harwlsp agShTh r daaar 1 Chrmazd hamag wehTh T 
Amahraspandan ud x v arrahT Hard T Ahlaw ud ee" abar ham dar. 

20. ud abarTg was dadar arastarih su* v an ra'yenYdarth ud x v adayfh 
new.ardaTThS ud tan dastSrlha ud ruwan buxtSrTha azss passazag o" h3n T 
gffwed kCi ard.sux v an hast gdwISnlh BarlS KaskTsraw wiSasp.Sast. 

21. abadlh ahlSylh hast pahlom. 



28 

1 0. What concerns good breeding and bad breeding* 8 , youth and old age, richness and poverty, 
fortune and misfortune, and whatever is on the same subject. 

1 1 . what concerns vigor which is in races, species, things, and whatever is on the same subject 

1 2. What concerns study and solving of problems/questions, complete braveness, and whatever is 
on the same subject 

1 3. What concerns hunger, thirst and their remedy, and whatever is on the same subject 

1 4. What concerns transcience, death, mortality, and whatever is on the same subject 

15. What concerns totality, direction of things, precedence and sequence, and whatever is on the 
same subject 

1 6. What concerns acceptability and unacceptability, and the disposition to cause pleasure and to 
cause harm, and whatever is on the same subject 

17. What concerns vaiiance and loquacity and sociability, and whatever is on the same subject 

18. What concerns the intellect (and the) mind, the body and the soul, Paradise and Hell and the 
Body to Come, and whatever js on the same subject 

1 9. And the omnoscience of the Creator (Xhrmazd.the whole goodness of the Bountiful Immortals 
and the glory of the Righteous Man, and whatever is on the same subject 

20. And many other statements about the disposition of the Creator, organization and rulership, 
marshalcy and maintenance of the body and salvation of the soul, suitable to what one sasys: 
■Word of Truth is (this) discours, Barls, KaskTsraw, wis'tasp.SSst". 



48 On "beauty and ugliness". 



29 
Dk 8.10 KaskTsraw Nask; DkM 687.6-12; DkS XV.1, 21ff.; DkD 71,12-72.6; West 1892, 
23: : " " ~" "' 

1. KaSkTsraw madiyan abar nlgCZ T Yazdan yazisn nSrang pad ce wastan T 
de"w.yazi3n padyabTh ud a.padyabTh aganTh. 

2. wurroylsn ud pahrez T Yastan daxsag ud nlSan.l abar re"z15nTh ud anagTh 
az dewan 6 zamanag zamanag ud abarTg T.sSn hanjablsn frajJm pSrozTh T 
Yazda"p. 

3. 6wSn abz3ye"nag sraa "hammflg 42 T atirmazd 0" Zardu[x]5t x v anThe"d 
menflgan sast. 

4. abadih pahlom ahla*yTh hast. 



42 hareag. 



30 



1. Kas"kTsraw contains particulars about the exposition of divine worship and ritual, through 
what one can deteriorate the dae"va-worship" and knowledge about the ritual ablutions and 
about absence of these. 

2. The faith and the tending for the Yas t ritual; signs and tokens of overflowing and wickedness 
through demons at different times, and about the ultimate dectruction of others of that (demoniac) 
kind and the final victory of gods. 

3. Sorts of sublime chants, teaching of Ohrmazd to Zoroaster, called spiritual sasts 
(doctrines). 



49 Or "through what the proper worship could be turned into the dafva-worship antt how to avoid 
tter . 



31 
Dk 8.11 Wistasp 5ast, DkM 687.13-686.3; Dks XV.l, 21ff.; DkD missing folios 72.6- 
73.S; West 1892, 23-5; Mole 1963, 348-9; Williams 1390, ii, 213-4: 
LWIStasp 53st abar hamm0"g 43 T d Kay Wlstasp madlyan h3n 1 S xVadayTh 
xem ud clhr ud barisn ud danisn frahang ud d3d r-ayenld3TTh T daman ud 
kamag.rawSgTh T Yazdan padas" abSylsnTg. 

2. ud abar fre"stTdan T dadar Ohrmazd Amahrspandan Kay wlStasp pad 
gugayTh T abar Ohrmazd.as'tagTh 44 1 5pU3m3n Zardu[x]St, abezag wehTh T 
De"n T Mazdfisn, fram3n T dahyupat wiStasp pad perCzTh pad padTraftan 1 
D£n az Zardu(x]s"t. 

3. wffnaodag madan T Amahrspandan dar ud did 5 man handeTnanlh T Wlstasp 
£ah a. 5 ham nlyastan ud parastagsn* 5 , wizardan T o" wiStasp Ohrmazd 
payg3m ud padTraftan T ramsSh 46 WlStasp D6n T nazdesn. 

4. sare"nTd3n T xesm dew Arjasp T Hyffn 0" ko"[x]slsn T WIStasp ud 
petyardanh T Zardu[x]st; 3r3ylsn rawTsn 1 WlStasp S3h o nan kOMSiSn ud 
cf andar ham dar. 

5. abadlh pahlom hast ahiayTh. 



Dk 8.12 Was tag 47 task; DkM 688.4-S; DkS XV.l, 11; DkD missing folios 73.6-10; West 

1892, 25 48 ; Cereti 1997, 104: 

1.Wa3tag Ablstag ud Zand pad dastwar*^ o aman ne paywast. 

2, abadlh hast pahlom ahiayTh. 



43 wittiams 1990, II, 213, read •hama'g, translating: "all [the particulars"; Cereti 1997, 104 (after 
Hole 1963, 349: Smofc), rendered it more correctly: "insegnamenti". 

44 Williams 199Q, II, 213: ud ayadaglh T.„ "[and (asa) reminder to Sp'itaman Zoroaster". 

45 I follow here Mole. Williams: u.S ham-nlsastan *frestagan wizardan. "his ministers. The 
envoys' explanation ...". 

46 I follow Mole's reading. Williams has rimTha, "peaceful [acceptance]". 

47 Dad in Bahman Punjya's Rivayat, HaSt/Xas'ti'Xus't in other RivSyats, cf. Dhabhar 1932, 2. 

48 Cf. abo West 1992, 25 n. 1. 

49 Cereti: pad *riastwarfh. 



32 



1. the Wlstasp sast is about teachings to Kay WUtasp, especially, the temper, nature, 
behavior, knowledge, education and law needed for rulership; the government of the creatures and 
the propagation of the will of the gods requisred for it. 

2. And about the sending Immortal Bountiful Ones by Ohrmazd the Creator to Kay WiStaspas 
testimony of Ohrmazd's mission of Zoroaster, of the pure goodness of the Maida-worshipping 
Religion, (and their) announcement (f raman) of victory to WIS 1 3sp the ruler of countries 
through (his) accepting the Religion from Zoroaster. 

3. The coming of the Immortal' Bountiful Ones in a visible form to the court, and then (d I d), to 
the residence, their audience with the king Wlstasp and his companions and servants; their 
(Immortal Bountiful Ones') explanation of ChrmazcTs message to WlSt3sp, and the acceptance 
of the Mazda-worshipping Religion by Wis tasp, the king of peace . 

4. How the demon of Wrath provoked Arjasp the Hyffnite to wage a war with Wlstasp and 
opposition to Zoroaster; preparations and movements by the king WiStasp to that war, and 
whatever is on the same subject 



1. The WaStag [Nask], in its Avestan or Pahlavi form, was not transmitted to us by [any] 
dastur 51 . 



50 The expression is unknown to me otherwise; West: "the obedient king". It must be a translation of 
the Avestanrapavanr-, usedof Vlstaspa- in Y 34.4, 7; rap- is routinely rendered by fa" m-. 

51 Cereti: "nella tradiiione religiosa". 



33 

Dk 8.13. Cihrdad Nask; DkM 68B.6-690.il; DkS XV.1, 25ff.; DkD missing folios 73.10- 
73.3; West 1892, 25-31; Molfi 1963 279-91: 

1. Cihrdad mSdlgSn abar tChrnag T mardom in dyfin brStiSnTdan 1 rjtirmazd 
GayOmard fradom mard o paydagThast T kerbTh ud cS Cwenag badan T fradom 
juxtagMas"T ud HaSSnT. ■ 

2. ud abar zahag pay wand T awe~s"3n ta purr rawlSnTglh T mardom andar 
miyanag T X"anTrah T klswar ud baxSlsn T awSSan pad *6 klswar T peTamfin 
T X v anfrah. 

3. tffhmag tstimag T namcis'tTg ffsmurTd pad astag fristtSnTg framSn T 
DSdwar 6 jud Jud tohmag Is gyag k(i Sua framQd tiandaxtan zewi'Sn. 

4. ud x v arrah az anoti baxt Sstad; O.SSn wihSz klswar kiswar ud hanaz T 
kostTgTha T x v anTrah ud ha"n Ts3n pad mlyinag gyag mamSn bfjdan; 
xTr.wizardagih ewag ewag sraxtag T mardom T andar bun tShmag dad estad. 

5. burvnihiSn T dad ud Swenag; han T dahiganTh pad warzTdarTh 

ud frawardaTTh r gehan abar Waykarat r pes"<Ja"d, ha*n r dahlbeaTh pad 
panagTh ud rayfinTdarlh T dam, abar HuSang T PeSdad tonmag. 

6. sraw T HuSang T rradom ud Tahmflrup T dldTgar azas 1 haft kiswar X v aday 
ud totimag sraw BsmwisnTh az bundahisn ts Vim. 

7. hsn T Y1m sidTgar azas haft kiSwar X v ad3y tfihmag sraw agahTh T Ts - 
zamanag, sazlsn T az bundahls'n ta X v adayTh T Yim frajam. 

8. ud 05n T Haft kiitvar dusagSh <Ju3.X v ada'y DahSg sraw paywanrj 15 abaz 
TGz 30 T HuSang brad ud tazTgan pid, ud agahTh awe azas zamanag sazlsn 
zamanag T az hu.x v adayTh [T] Yim frajam T ta dus.X v adayfh frajam T Dahag 
paywand t az Yim ta Fredcn. 

9. ban T X v anTrah X v aday FrfidOn I sraw pad wanTdan T Dahag zadan i 
MazandaraT deh ud baxtan T x v 3nTrah pad Salm ud Tdz ud Eric TS 3 pus; 
paywastan TSan pad duxt T Patsraw T tazTgan sail. 



SO *Az / Taz 



34 



1. 52 Cihrdad: particulate about families of Mankind: how rjhrrnazdereatedGaya"mard, the 
First Han, in visible form, and of what kind the first couple, Ma5T and MaSSnT, were. 

2. And about their offspring until the filling of the middle (of the earth), the Continent 
X v anfrah, by men and their distribution over the six continents surrounding X v an T rah. 

3. Each race being specifically accounted for, by the order of the Creator sanding messengers to 
each separate race, alloting them to the places where they had gone, to live there. 

4. And (how) the glory was distributed from there (X v anTrah?); and their, migration to the 

different continents and to the regions of X v anTrah, and those who dwelt in the middle; an 
explanation of the nature of the individual parts of man, as they were created in the primal race. 

5. The establishment of the Law and of customs: that of farming, for the tilling and fostering of the 
world, (laid) on Wayxarat the "first-appointed* pe"s"dad, and that of ruling, for the 
protection and organization of the creation, on the family of Hu5 ang the "first-appointed*. 

6. An account of HuSang the first and TahmoTup the second ru!er of the seven continents, and 
an account of (their) family from the primal creation until Yim. 

7. And of the family of Yim, the third ruler of the seven continents, and knowledge about his time, 
and about the passing of time from the primal creation until the end of the reign of Yim. 

8. An account of the ignorant, evil mler of the seven continents Dating and his ancestors from 
To"z, the brother of HQSang, the (fore)father of the Arabs, and information about him and his 
period, and about the passage of time from the end of the good reign of Yim until the end of the 
reign of Dahag, and the lineage of Yim until Fre"do"n. 

9. An account of the conquest of Dahag by FrSdOn, ruler of X v anTrah, of his smiting the 
province of tta'zadaran and his division of X v anTrah between his three sons Salm and Toz 
andErl J; their uniting with the daughters of PStsraw, king of the Arabs. 



52 The translation adopted here is basically that by Mackenzie 1991, 560-1, with slight emendations. 



35 

10. T5z paywand ud paywand sraw T . awSsan. Jnd jud; h3n T MSnascihr T Eran 

X v ad3yTh, ErlJ nar. 

11. h3n T TffzBmand FraslySb T Taran dahtoed; ud Tuhmasp rjzaw T ErSn 
dahtbed; na"nas"cihr naf. 

U.Kay Kawad T kayan xag ud Eran J^aday ud TOzomand X v ad3y KarsSsp. 

13. ud Kay ds 7 Kaw3d pad haft klswar X v aday ud icaydan. 

14. ud Kay Husraw T Slyawaxs pus X v wanTrah X v ad3y. 

15. ud was madagSn 1 tdhmag namctStlg sraw T Eran, TOran Salman 
t3yaz X^aday Kay Lfihrasb ud dahlbed Kay WiStasp. 

16. De"n t rlazdesn w3xswar Spitamari Zardutxjst ud sazisn 1 zamsnao T az 
fradom X v adayTh [T] Fr^dOn ta madan T ZarduMSt 5 hampursTrv 

17. ud was tohmag ud sraw 1 az han fraz andar ham Nask pad bad 

ffs*murd Ssted S.S o" bCd wfnarrhast cfyo"n 53sanaga"n Tsa"n pad bu3frTd 
huffSmurd fl.san X v adayTh. 

18. ud andar M3nas"cuhr, NSdar, *Yest T Fryan ud andar 5pandy3d3n tOhmag 
AvaraeratA pid AdurbSd T rlahraspandan 

19. ud nastTh T 6gaz pad oawedlh fisted, c6 hunar ud x v arrTh was ciyfinTh 
X v ad3ylhaz T Fraiigird rawl£mg a tshmagan baxt ud passz T a tahmag 
rezTh.ed u.s ta Frasglrd awarfd. 

20. abarbun dah1s"n ST 1 pesTag ud klrnJgTh, X v e3k3rTh T 3w3m; was Sgahlh T 
mardom pad spfjxtan 1 wlzand 1 petyarag ud danSn 1 tan ud bGzlsn T ruwSn 
r3yenTd3rth T gfh3n abayisnTg pssaz az m3dan 1 ZarduMst pad DadSr 
rraman az Yazd3n waxs burdarTh ud wisp 6 peSanpSy3n T zamanag zamanag 
madan cS andar ham darTh3. 

21. patilom ahiayTh 3b3d1h hast. 



51 For the readina, cf. Mole 1 963, 280. 



36 

1 0. The lineage of T o"z and an account of the lineage of these separately; ofrianus'clhr, ruler of 
Eran, of thefamilyof ETiJ. 

11. Of Frffsiyab theTffzian. ruler of TOTSn; Uzaw, son of TumSsp, ruler of Er3n,ofthe 
family oftianusclhr. 

12. Kay KawSd ancestor of the Kay anids, ruler of Eran, and the Tffzian lord Karsasp; 

1 3. Kay Us, [of the family) of Kaw3d, ruler of the Seven Continents and mainatainer of Jra W- 
dom. 

14. Kay Husraw, sonof5ly3waxs", ruler of x v anTrah. 

15. And several chapters on families, specifically an account of tr3n, Taran, and SalmSn 
until the lord Kay LuhrSsp and the ruler Kay Wistasp. 

1G. The prophet of the Mazdaysnian religion, Spitaman ZardutxlsTt, and the passing of time 
from the beginning of the reign of Fre"d«n until the coming of ZardutxlsUto the consultation 
(with rjhrmazd). 

T 7.- ^ A n( j m an y families and sayings there are further mentioned in the same Nask, who count as 
having existed or whose being has been arranged (for the future), such as the Sasanians, who are 
blessed and remembered forgood^ and their rule. 

18. In the family of ManuSilhr, NSdar, *YCst(descendantof)Fr1y3r>; and in the family of 
SpandySd, AuuaraQraba, (fore)father of AdurbSd, sonof Mahraspand. 

1 9. And there are those which then too will come to existence, for the many kinds of virtue and 
glory, and the rulership connected with the Restoration, have been distributed among 
(different) families and will later flow to (each) family, and bring it to the Restoration. 

20. About the primal creation of crafts, arts, and the proper functions of the ages; the several 
kinds of knowledge of mankind for warding off the harm arising from the Adversary and for 
preserving the body and saving the soul, necessary for arranging the world, came - "even before 
the coming of Zardulxjst" - at the command of the Creator through the transmission of the 
word by the gods to the leaders of the different times; and more on the same subject. 



53 West 1 892, 3D n. 3, noted that £§17-19 were composed during later period of the Sasanian rule. 

54 Compare Hebrew (Esther) zafeur latffb and Aramaic (inscriptions from the Arsacld period from 
Palmyra, Hatra, Assur etc.) dak.Tr l5ta~b> 



37 

Dk 8.14, Spand Nask, DkM 690.1 Z-69Z.14; DkS XV.1, 28-32; DkD missing folios 78.2-B2.3; 
West 1892, 31-34; MoleT963, 276-8: 

1. Spand madlyan abar bawlsn ud hambawlsnth T Zardu[x]st *stT 52 ud 
frawahr ud x v arrah dyffn SfrTdagTh" I Swag ffwag pad mSnog ud ce" SwGnag 
dad ge"tTg, c1yfln paywastan T 6 zayTdaran, madan T zayTdaran agene"n, 
hambawThfstan 1 andar madar ud zaylsn T az mad ud c§ andar nam dar. 

2. ud abaraz raslSn t har dfl mensg, han T wen pad waxSenTdan ud han T 
wattar pad marnjenTdan, peTozgarVh T han wen mffnffg ud parwarlSn T 
Zardu[x]st. 

3. rasi£n T 6 purnSyTh pad 30 saiag 6 ham.pursagrh r (Thrmazd madan ud 
bOdan T 7 ham.pursagTh andar 10 sal. 

4. was abdTh T azas padaS paydagThast ciyOn hast T ham.paywast wizTdag ud 
az De~nkard niwSg n1s"3ne"nTd. 

5. 7 brTn clyon Spand x^anTheO 7 rrasn har jar e" rraSn, baxStSn r abartg 
NaskTha pad ed 7 fraSn pad f raz.gOwlsnTh T andar Swag Swag gyag T 
hum.pursagYh. 

6. abar frasn frasn nangSm T nfSast ud xast T har J3r ud ewsnag T nlSastan T 
Amahrspandan, fraz madan T ZarduMst ff han handSmanTh ud gah T5 h3n 
gyig ud abar han 1 awls' guftan ud ce han T awls' ntmadan. 

7. ud frSz burdan T abar Zardulxls" xrad T harwlsp.aga"nTh ud dTd 
Zardutxlst, pad han xrad *bfJd, bQd *ud bawe~d hame, candas drang T padas 1 T 
han xrad 



52 Baitey 1943, 30: gStTg. 

53 Or; (*arrrdan). 



38 



1. The texts of Spand: about the becoming and conception 55 of the existence 5 of 
Zoroaster'sfrava/ir and x v arrah , how each one of them was created in menGg and in which 
manner (it was) put 57 into ge"Ug, how (they, ie., fravahr and x v arrah ) attached themselves 
to (Zoroaster's) parents, (about) the parents came together, (Zoroaster's) having been 
conceived 58 in the mother 59 , (his) birth from the mother, and on the same subject 

2. And about the arrival of both spirits, the Good Spirit to assure growth 60 , and the Worse Spirit 
to mortify (Zoroaster), and the victoriousness of the Good Siprit, and the nourishment of 
Zoroaster. 

3. His arrival to maturity at the age of 30, (his) coming to a conference with Ohrmazd, and 
occurence of 7 conferences within 1 years. 

4. Many marvels were reaveated by him (Zoroaster) through it (the conferences), such as there 
are these, assembled together and selected, mentioned in the De"n kard-scripture. 

5. 7 sections called Spand (contain) 7 questions, a question at each occasion, and the bestowal of 
other Nasks through these 7 questions, through speaking out of each place of the conference. 

G. About the time of sitting down and rising up at the occasion of each question, and the manner of 
the sitting of the Bountiful Immortals, (about the manner of) Zoroaster's coming forth into their 
presence, his position in every place, and about what was said and shown to' Nm. 
7. And about Zoroaster's consuming of the wisdom of Complete Knowledge and (about how) 
Zoroaster, being within this wisdom, saw what there was and there once will be, how long 
(Zoroaster) was within it, Le., (in) this wisdom. 



55 So Bailey 1943, 30; Hole 1963, 277: "la preparation (a I'existence); MacKenzle 1971, 40: 
hambodan, riambaw^, "be united, composed". It is not impossible that the word in question is a 
destortion of oambaslSo, "conception", for whieh cf. Mackenzie, ibid. Cereti 1997, 105: 
"eoejlstenza". 

56 On the problems of stl, 1. "existence, being"; 2. "person, being", cf. Shaked 197T. S9-97. 

57 Or "/given/created (*d3d3n)", which Is also the reading in Cereti, ibid. 

58 Cf. notel. 

59 Or, probably, "womb": compare mad few words later. 

60 It can be rendered also "to rear as a prophet" etc. 



39 



8. ce han IS pas andar be mand abaz uzward clySn hazaS abardom ud pahlorii f 
gyagan wahiSt, gah T mlzd r TEXTSn, p3dag padag clyOnasan arjanTgTh T pad 
klrbag warzTdarTh, ud nlgQndom ud wattom T gyagan dos"ax v , gya"g T 
p3tifr3s T druwandan ciyOnaSan wlnan, ud miyanag T har 2 hamffst3g3n, 
gy3g t naivandan T ktrbag wfn3n; ud Clnwad puhl ke" padaS amar 7 pad klrbag 
winah, ud tan T pasen KS pad passazlSn T har TEST ud druwand ud boxtlSn T 
wisp.dahlsnSn az hamag anagTh hawed. 

9. anyaz was. cis T abd ud sax v an 1 fid 7 fraSi hangirdlg si ji har ewenag 
danlSn agahTh. 

10. abaraz paywastan T Zardu[x]5t agahTh T Den T Mazdesn a g§han naxtan T5 
mardom s Den, 3w3man t pas az ZarduExlSt ta FraSgird. 

11. abar clyflnTh rayenls'nTh T zamanag *r mardom. brrn T satozim ud 
hazangrfliklzlm, n1s"3n ud abdTh ud skirt f abar frajam T har 
hazangra[K]zlm andar ge"h3n paydSgThSd, 

1Z. padaz zaytsn ud raslSn T HG£e"dar T Zardu[x]Jt pus pad rrajam T fradam 
hazangrdlklzim ud sraw T *awe u.S' zamanag, was wiSuftarSn ud arastaran 
T zamanag T mtySnag T hazangrO(k]zim T ZardulxlstSn ud madan T HffSedar. 

13. ud raslsn T HdsSdar.Mah t Zardulxlst pus pad rrajam T dldfgar 
hazangra[)t]zlm ud agahTn T awe Cf.s zamanag, wisuftarjn ud arastaran T 
andarg T hazangr0[k]2im f HffSedaran. 

14. madan ud raslSn T SdlSdSyfns T ZarduMSt pus pad frajam T sldTgar 
hazangro"[k)zlm; wlSuftaran ud SrastarSn T andarg T hazangrdtklzim T 
HSSSdarJianan, ras13n 1 SfltkHyans, agatilh t SOtklsyans H.S zamanag. 

15. padaz Frasgtrd tan T pasen andar han T awe zamanag bawEd paydag. 

16. pahlom abadTh aniaylh hasL 



40 



8. That after he stayed in it (in the wisdom), he understood that paradise is the most exaited and 
best of places, the reward-throne of the righteous ones, grades of position according to their 
worthiness through performance of good deeds, and the basest and worst of places. Hell, place of 
punishment of the wicked ones, according to their sin, and between the two, Limbo 
(hame"sta"gan), the place of those whose virtues and sins are equal; and the Bridge of 
Separation, at which there will be the acount of virtues and sins, and the Body to Come in which 
(there will be) the test of all the righteous and the wicked and (there will be) the salvation of 
those who belong to the good creation of every eviL 

9. Also information (about) other many marvellous things and the summary of the words of these 
7 questions which is the complete wisdom of every kind. 

1 0. Also about attachment of the Mazda-worshipping Revelation to the world by Zoroaster, his 
conversion of people into the Religion, the ages after Zoroaster until the Renovation. 

1 1 . About how the people of the time must be governed, divisions of centuries and millenia, about 
signs, wonders and miracles which are to be made manifest in the world at the end of each 
millenium. 

1 Z. Among these also the birth and the arrival of H S 5 e" da r son of Zoroaster at the end of the first 

millenium and the account 61 on him and his time; (about) distorbers 62 and restorers 63 during 
the millenium of Hflsedar. 

1 4. The coming and the arrival of the Savior son of Zoroaster at the end of the third millenium; 
(about) distorbers and restorers during the millenium of Hdsfdar.riah, the arrival of the 
Saviors, the knowledge about the Saviors and his time. 

1 5. About the Renovation and the Future Body: they will be revealed in his time. 



61 In this context, probably, "glory", if one translates sraw etymolcgically. 

62 Or, "causers of mutiny". 

63 Note that the Pahlavi (etc.) wyr'st-/'r = st- is semanticaly Identical with Western Semitic 
(Aramaic, Syriac, Hebrew) TOK/TKW, "to fepaire, to arTange, to compose", etc. 



41 
Dk 8.15 Bagan Ya3t; DkM 692.15-693.2; DkS XV.1, 33; DkD missing folios 82.3-4; West 
1892, 34-35: 

1. Bagan Yast 54 madTyan (Tadom abar Ohrmazd yaStan Bagan T abardom, ud 
did abaYTg s.paydag ud paydag stTnan 55 az Yazdan yagtan ke".sa"n razan 56 
fraz nam; Oz x v arrah amawandlh ud peYOzganti abdlli f awesan. 

2. hansz was Ya2dan T andar h3n 1 awS33n yast nam guft hSnd u.s'an pa"hre"z 
nlyaylsn. 

3. ud arzanTglh ayaft dSd3rrh T 6 yastarSn, x v e"5karTh TS3n Jud jud was 
Simurlsn T andar YazdSn 

4. x v §SkaTTh T danlsn 3g3hTh T a.wlmand 1 abar xeT3n rayfnisnan T awam az 
Dadar T Ohrmazd aweSan abar gurnard ud x v Sskare"nTdan estffnd. 
5. pahlom SbSdTh ah!ay7h hast 



54 Ceretl 1997, 105: Bays n Yasn. 

55 Skjaerva 1989c: getlgan. 

56 Ceretr, Ibid^ has different readings. 



4Z 



1. The texts of "Worship of the Gods" (Bagan Yast): first, about the worship of Ohrmazd, 
trie highest of the Gods 64 , and second, (about) the worship of other Divinities of invisible and 
visible entities 65 , Whose names (are invoked) on (respective) days; (about) their strength, 
glory, might, victoriousness and marvellousness. 

2. This, too, (about) many Gods Whose names are invoked in Their (respective) worship 66 , and 
Their prayers for protection. 

3. And the worthiness (of the prayers and) the granting of boon's] to the worshippers, their 
proper functions of marry separate recitations unto the Gods, 

4. (About) the unlimited duly of acquaintance the knowledge about the arrangements of the 
matters of the age, over which the Creator Ohrmazd appointed them and they (must) keep on 
causing to perform the proper funtfons. 



64 The andent 'pagan" and Old-Persian word is used, at odds wiOl "Divinities", YazdSn, a few words 
later, which seems to be a Zoroastitanized gloss. Cf. the remarks of Mole (Mole 1 963, 65 b. 14 & 66). 

65 On this word, cf. p. 37 n. 53; Shaked 1971, 89-97. 

66 Or, YaSts. 



43 
Dk B.29 NeTangest3n Nask; DkM 735.6-737.5; DkS XVI, 18-21; DkD 559.14-561.5; West 



1692, 94-37; partly edited and translated or referred to in Bailey 1933-5b. 277; Widengren 
1967a; the text was fully edited and translated in Kotwal & Kreyenbraek 1995, 79-23; after 
consulting this work, I included several improvements into my manuscript; the chaptering as 
given here is, however, that by West 

I. brTnag e NeYangestSn mSdiga"n abar ner-ang T SzlSn T Yazdan, han t 
frezbSnTg T puhl sawed, abzOnTg ktrbaglh 1 az weS marlh T raspTgan andar 
e"zis"n ud Ablstag T zCt ud raspTg tiar Z (Jh gSwiSn, nan T ewag Oh gfiwlSn, 
e"wag ffh niydxslSn. 

Z. abar drOn ce andar bam dar. 

3. abar pShrez 1 az x v ansn T mayenlsn 57 andar ham hangsm T fizisn. 

4. abar s3m3n 1 w3ng pad' AbistSg-gdwiSnTh T andar e"z'isn € ud 
Ablstag.dbTfamrfJt ud erTs'amnJt ud caeras"rjmrat s8 . 

5. abar ezl€n rsyemsn ud han ezlsn ke" zot ayab rasptg tanapuhlagan 

6. abar zOtTh T zan ud aburnayTg. 

7. ai>ar wlzlr T abar awe" ke" az Den T Mazdesn abaz stayTd 5 ^ bawSd. 

8. abar wlnah T awe kS eahanbSr- nS yazsd clySn han ka.s yaSt hawed. 

9. abar sSmSn T 5 gati T rBz ud Sab ud e"zl£n 1 im gahlha. 

10. abar e"we"nag3n T x v e"s"Th els 6 63nanb3r- ud abSrlg kirbag d3da"n 
dastwarTha. 

II. abar candTh 1 zohr T az ewag gospand nlgeTlsn handazis"n T andar kardan 
T gospand, padaz d3d pakTh az paywfsag ud abarTg atiffg, abe".we"m3rTh. 
a.nizarth ud a.xastaglh T az xrarstr ud nerang T kardan, wlze"n T abar 

klrdar ud S3xt3r ud abar.burdar x v ardar awls dadar. 



S7 So Kotwal & Kreyenbroek 1995, IS. My own reading and translation were mayls'n, "copulation 1 '. 
56 The three last words are Avestan in Psbiavt p/onowrdation. 

59 An Interesting example of the double meaning of st3yTdan / stGdan, like fn Biblical Hebrew 
barf fc, to bless/ to curse". 



1. One section is the Ne"rangest3n, the text about nerang in the worship of the Kjza*, about 
that what is obligatory for one who goes to the Bridge, the increasing merit from a large number 
of the rSspTg priests in the worship, and that both zflt and the raspTg prisets should recite 
the Avesta together, and one should recite, while one should listen to. 

2. About the d ro" n. and whatever on the same subject. 

3. About abstention from drinking to drunkenness in the time of the worship. 

4. About the limits of voice during the Avesta recital in the worship, and the Avestan texts that 
are recited twice, three times, four times. 

5. About the arrangement of the worship and the worship in which the zfft ortherSspTg priests 

are guilty of the tariapuhl sin. 

6. About the zo t functions of a woman and a minor. 

7. About the judgement of one who apostatized the Mazda-worshipping Religion. 

8. About the sin of one who does not celebrate the 6 3h3nb 3 r feast, as ft is to be celebrated. 

9. About the limits of the 5 gah-s of the day and night, and the worship of these gahs. 

10. About the customs of giving out from his own, according to the dastwars, for the GahaTioaT 
and other merits. 

1 1. About the quantity of zo"hr-water from one sheep, the observation and reckoning in 
preparation the sheep, its freedom from contamination and other defects, as in the Law, and the 
not-being-ill, weak and injured, by the jrrafstras, and the making of nerang, and the deciding 
as to the sacrifier, preparer the taker, and the carrier, the partaker, and the giver. 



45 

12. ud dm T kuStan ce andar ham dar. 

13. abar gah ud nar T zot ud rasplgan andar ezlsn. 

14. abar pahlom ezlsn dahUn T c mard 1 ahlaw T casldar abaz pursTdar xrad 
T ahlawan bad ce" andar ham danha. 

15. abar SapTg ud kustlg fcu az ce sayed ce andar ham darTha. 

16. ud abar barsom cTdan ud bastan, ce andar ham dar. 

17. abar paymSnag T ezm andar ezlsn, ewen T fra2.bari5nTh, han T ata[xI5 T 
kadaglg, Adurag ud Atatx]s T Warhran. 

16. abar ezlsn T andar meh, ud han T andar mlyanag ud han T andar 
kah.tuwanlglh, ud w1zTr T abar a.tuwanTgTh. 

19. abar yastan T Yazdan hame pad h3n T mad ested ud abaz ne htlgnd pad 
hie Gwenag. 

20. abar k<3 mardom wffnagTha ud a.wenagTha.z Yazdan eze"nd, Scd han T 
wenaglha ud han t a.wsnagtha Icadam, handarz T abar wenaglha yaStan I 
Yazdan. 

21. abar pSKTh T yaStar tan wastarg, asildagTn Ts menlSn az wlnah ud padyab 
T abzarTh ud rflsnlh ud pakTh T gyag T §zi£n, ddnh az anflh pad paymanag T 
paydag remanTh ud gand, ce andar ham dar. 

22. abar ezlsn T Ab3n O.San nam, z5r t beslzlSnTh, warzawandih T WahlSt, 
dartSn dadarTh 1 A"ban.menSg ud c§ andar ham dar. 

23. abar EzlSn T karan dadestan xBb TraganTh ud xob frajamTh r3y kunlsn ud 
hanaz was BsmunSn 1 andar ham dar. 

24. ezlsn pad s3ye"d ne sayed, xBb ne xlib. 

25. abar Zardu[x]stan HiitTva WiStaspan dOdag pad Osmur13n T ezlSn 1 Den 
G".s3n ciyOnTh. 



46 

1 2. And the reason of the slaughter, and whatever on tlie same subject 

13. About the place and the function of the zot andraspTg priests in the worship . 

1 4. About the the best worship, the gifts to the Righteous Man, the teacher and the inquirer of the 
wisdom of the righteous ones, and whatever is on the same chapters. 

15 About the sacred shirt and girdle, that is, from what it is proper (to make them), and 
whatever is on the same chapters. 

1 6. And about the gathering and tying the barsom, and whatever is on the same subject 

17. About the quantity of the- firewood in worship, the manner of offering it, the one of the 
household fire, the . Adurag Fire, andthe Bahram Fire. 

1 8. About the worship with the greatest, the medi urn and the less ability, and the judgement about 
the lack of ability. 

1 9. About the worship of the Vazadas with that which has come, and not to omit in any way. 

20. About that that people worship the the razads visibly and also invisibiy, on that which is 
visible and invisible, the advice about the worship the Yazai visibly. 

21 . About the purity of the body and clothes of the celebrator, the rest of his mind from sin, the 
padyab-ablution of the tools, and the lightness and cleanliness of the place of worship, the 
distance therefrom in proportion of manifest pillution and stench, and whatever on the same 
subject. 

22. About the worship of waters and their names, the power of healing, the miraculuous nature of 
Paradise, the continuous creatorship of the menffg-principle of the waters, and whatever on the 
same subject. 

23. About the need to perform ritualfe], religious acts and judgements a good beginning and a good 

end 67 , and this, too, many considerations on the same subject 

24. The worshiping must be carried out as it is proper and good. 

25. On the family of Zoroaster, HrtTvnvA W 1 s t S s p in the liturgy of the acts of worship of the 
Religion, and their nature. 



67 So Zaehner 1955, ZB9; cf. also DkH 141.12, 336.2, etc. 



47 
Dk 8.46, DkM 786.11-23; DkD missing foEos 136.10-137.12; West 189H, 169-171: 



1. Vast 6Se3n clyGn fradom zahag T Ahuiwar, tfihmagan tOhmag T DSn 

dsmurls'n tf.s" pad frawastaTTh 60 T 6a"ea*n hama'g andarJn^ 1 mSrTg bun r 

marTg hast. 

Z. *bun 62 [Tl marTg a*? 63 aaag af>yf[ GSeSn bun sar marTg 6 hast, vfst&rsm 

ab3g va[h]yo ~\ 6 jean sar, namag ud ham <ke> *ku 

<ka> dyBnTh 6w6nag andar uilzTdag 1 aza§ waxt andar hanglrdlgTh T hamag 

baran T De"n.mazdesn abargfjd°*. 

3. Q.§ ga"h abargSstan^ 5 uo hammls Wisprad mSdTySn franSmisn ud stayisn 
fzlsn x v 3ni3n, ayartan arren T pad dSdar.f razSnagTh rastagfnldan pad 
padaS mShmanfh T ezls"n 1 yazdSn [ll mSnog rOsn6nTdan br-azenTd fisted. 

4. har3 passazag a fradom abdom dSdTh T 5tSd Yast ray gOwed. 

5. hast Dahlom ahl3yTh SbadTh, hast pahlom abadTh ahl3yTh. abSg paccSn 
ra"yeTiTd. 



60 Cereti T997, 109: parwastarth, "circofo". 
G1 Cereti 1997, 109: "Ahunvar". 

62 Thus read with West 1 892, 1 70 n. 1 . 

63 Written a/iT , notes West, "as usual in Iran". 

64 i adopt, tentatively, the reading and translation ("stored") of West. Cereti 1997, ?09: "aTrfdan, 
"todare". 

65 Cf. West 170, n. 7; "purport", avort-hastan, or "disseminations", avar-gastsn. 



68 West 1892, 169 n. Z. 

69 The second part of this paragraph is problematic; It seems that the syntax was influenced by 
Avestan. My translation is completely different of that given in Cereti 1997, 109. 

70 The first word of Ahurtvar. 

71 The last word of Ahunvar. 

72 The first phrase of the Asam Voha prayer, ahlSyTh SbSdlh T pahlom hast, is glossed in a MS 
(Dhabhar 1 963, 1 n. 2) by KO ambar T k Irbag weh, "a store of good deeds is pefect" . 



Much ink was spilled on the translation of this short stanza; the translation adopted here, 
however, is that by Humbach and Ichaporia 1 994, 19. It Is as follows: 



Since He is (the One) to be chosen by the world 

therefore the judgement emanating from truth itself 

(to be passed) on the deeds of good thought of the world, 

as well as the power, is committed to Maids Ahura whom (people) assign 

as the shepherd to the poor. 



66 Cf. PY 19.4: Ahunvar nan menffg Ke Den rawag Cunffd K? h3n Den az Ahunvar brehenTd 
estec, "Ahunvar Is that sp'rit which propogates the Religion, and by which the Avesta was formed/ 
declared"; BkM 789: yaea.ahOlkl.vslrylM pad Sun 7 Den ud a2s3 brehSmdagTJi ^ Nasnan 
azas, "the Yaej.ahu[kl.valryiJ[H] is the basis of the Averts and therefrom is the formation/ 
declaring of the Masks". 



51 

In the Pahlavi Yasna. the Anunvar, Y 27.13, is given actually in the Introductory Chapter to 
PY15: 

1. clyfln ahO kamag [ciyfin otirmazd kamag] eaen radTha" [edan rrarOnlha] az 
ahlayTh [kaY od kirbag) cigSmaz [kar ud kirbag e~dCn franrmha kardan 
ciyffn Ohrmazd kamag] 67 . 

t. T.s Wahman as5n [ku han mizd ud padasn T Wahman dahed e awe dahed] k§ 
andar axvan kunlSn T Ohrmazd [ku han kuhed T Ohrmazd abayed, hast ke 
SdSn gowed Gd T.s pad Wahman d3Sn ku han mizd ud padaSn T pad Wahman be 
dahfindaz »C *awe awe dahend. ed fldurbad T ZarduMStan guft ki3 az nan T 
Wahman dasn *fcfj andar ax v Sn kunisngar dSnend] 68 . 

3. x v adayTh S Ohrmazd [KfJ.S x v adaylti T edon pad sQd T Ohrmazd dSst bawed] 
ke S driyfiSan dahed wasan IkCsSn jadag.gflwTh kunend] 69 . 



67 Here, vaea aha va1r11a is rendered, word by won!, as ca'fin ahfl kamag, kSmag being a 
normal substitute for valrl 6, and e"do"n radTha stands for a©3 ratus, while az ahlSyTh rentiers 
a^aieTt haca. 

S3 Here, dazda" is rendered by dasn, anh3us is andar axv an, while T.S .. ke is an attempt to 
translate the casus of V&f\Su£ manaijhff; another attempt is made by the glosses: pao Vohuman. 
KunlsVi T Ohrmazd stands, of course, for Silaoeananam ... rna/dsi. As to the antiquity of the 
present Pahlavi version of the Ahunvar, note the order of words: 1) VarjhSuS 2) dazda 3) manarjhff 
4) s"11aoeananam 51 aijhSuS 6) majoal, corresponding to the Pahlavi 1) Vohuman 2) dasn *.e 
andar 31 ax* an 4)kuniSn 51 Ohrmazd. 

69 Here, xvadayTh a Chrnnazd renders xsaeraifi ahursi.a (Pahlavi for Avestan a?), while ke" 
drlyffSan dahed "translates" y1m drlgublifi dadal; one who cares for the poor, makes 
Ohrmazd to rule, diminishing the power of Ahriman and the d£ws. wasan translates here 
wastSr3ir[ in many MSs we have here wrongly nlyaylSn, similar in writing. TTie word w3s2n in 
the Ahunvar translates also vahyo" in Y 53.9, seen as an import from the Ahunvar. The version of the 
Pahlavi Khurdah Avesta has here wastarg / wastarg, translated as "nourishment", similarly to the 
Sanskrit version (ahaTain, "food"). The /eet/o diftialior wasan, used, after all, for vastaram, 
"shepherd", pertiaps could enable us to explain the contextually difficult asanln.dadar in Dk 9.21.3, 
about which Mole 1 959, 284 n. 5. wrote that its Avestan equivalent Is unknown. We may suggest tnat 
the Avestan original had had there *v3stara- "shepherd", which goes well in a Yima context, rendered 
wrongly, as an import from the Ahunvar {cf. the case of PY 53.9) as *was3n, later "emended" into 

* ssan.da dar > asanTh.dSdar. 



52 
1 . "As is the will of the spiritual lord [as is the will of Ohrmazd] so should be in the aspect of 
priestly mastership [so should he be in the aspect of virtuausness] Giving to whatsoever of 
righteousness [duties and merits] [the duties and merits should be performed as virtuous as the 
will of Ohrmazd]". 

Z. That whose gift is Wahman [i.e., the reward and recompense that Wahman gives, he gives to 
Him], one who among existences should work for Ohrmazd [i.e., he does what pleases 
Ohrmazd. There is someone who says "that whose gift is through Wahman", j".e., the reward 
and recompence that shoutd be given through Wahman, they should give also to Him. Adurbad T 
Zardu[x]sta"n said that by this gift of Wahman they will recognize the doer of good work in 
existences]". 

3. "Sovereignty (belongs) to Ohrmazd [i.e., the sovereignty should be thus kept through the 
benefit (emanating from) Ohrmazd] by him who gives foodsndbed to the poor". 



53 



It should be, I believe, illustrative to provide here the plain Pahlavi version of the Ahunvar, 
cleared of the glosses and compared with the original Avestan, and then to give here the text of trie 
glosses alone. 



Yaea afiG vslrltG aas ratus" afsi.cli haca 
Vaqh3u£ dazda manaijhrj Sllaoeananam arjhaus mazdai 

Xsaerarfi ahurat.a ylm drtgubilo dadai vastarem 

ciyOn ahd kamag SdOn radThS az ahlayTh elgamaz 
T.S wahman daSn ke" andar ax v an kunisn T Ohrmazd 

x v adayTh B Ohrmazd ke" fj drlyCSan dahSd wasan 



1 glosses: [dysn Ohrmazd kamag] leddn frarCnlha] ftsr ud kirbag] [k3r ud 
kirbag Soon frarsmha kardan ciyon Ohrmazd kamag], 

2 glosses: [ku h3n mlzd ud padisn T Wahman dahe"d o" awe" darted] Jkfl han kuned 
T ohrmazd abaySd. hast ke edOn gffwsd e"d T.s pad Wahman dasn ku han mlzd 
ud padasn T pad Wahman be dahfind sz *e "awe awS dahe"nd. ed A"durb3d T 
Zardu'xlStSn guft kil az han T Wahman daSn *kd anoar ax v 3n kunlSngar 
d3ne"nd], 

3 glosses: [ktf.s x v ad3yth T edfln pad sad T Ohrmazd d3s"t bawSd] [ku\£an 
jadog.gffwTh kunffndl. 



54 
Among other versions of the Ahunvar prayer are the Introductory Chapter to PY 13 and a 
fragment in a shortened manthric form quoted in PY 28. 
The first version reads as Follows: 

ciyon ahd kamag tciyfjn Ohrmazd kamag] zot fra"z o man gow, ciyBn ahu 
kamag [ciyfln Ohrmazd fcaTnag] k€ zGt he rrSz <J man gCvv, snan radths 5§dCn 
dastwarTha] az ahlaylh clgamaz e fraz ahlawan 3g3hTha gfiwom [ktf 
danlsnTg gOwom ku hamag k3r ud kirbag e"dcn dastwarTha kardan ciyfln 
Ohrmazd abSyffd], 

There is no need to give here a comprehensive translation especially in view of the fact that 
this passage serves as a dilogue-box between two priests. Only a remark on the textual 
variants 70 ; radTha" is grossed here by dastwarTha, atoddsvmJifrarfJnrha. 

The gloss dastwarTha, insead of frarsnThS (compare dadwarTh and rra"ro"nThinthe 
version of A|am Voha given in PY 20) Is also the reading of several MSs of the Pahlavi 
Khurdeh Avesta. DkS.39.3) hasx v aday for aha anddastwar for rad, cf. dastwarinPY 
13. The second version reads just dyon ahu kaTnag Iclyfjn ohrmazd kamag]. 



70 Humbach 1 984, 54, has shown how important can be Pahlavi variants of Avestan prayers. 



. ss 

APPENDIX III 
ASam VohuT, Y 27.14, is one of the most sacred Zoroastrian prayers. A Sogdian 
transcription of the Afsm Vohff prayer, the real Avestan text, in Sogdian characters and in 
Sogdian pronounciation, was made known by Gershevitch 1976a 71 . The Avestan text Is as 
follows: 

AJsm vohD vahlStarn astT 
uSta astT uSta ahmSi 

hllat a^ai vahlstam a|arn. 
The translation adopted here is, as in many other cases, that by Humbach and Ichaporia 1 994, 
20. Their translation is as follows: 

Truth is best (of ail that is) good. 
As desired, what is being desired 
Is truth for Him/him who (represents) best truth, 
or 
Truth is bast (of all that is) good. 
As desired, as desired, truth 
is truth for Him/him who (represents) best truth. 



71 Manichsan knowledge of the ZoroasManism: the Sogdian'ized Avestan in the Sogdian fragment 
republished in Sims-Williams 1976 Is older than even the "Ancient Letters", dating from an epoch prior 
to Mani, meaning that this small but important part of the- Zoroastrian canon was known in Sogdiana 
before the Sasanian period. 



56 
The prayer in Pafifavr r's as follows: 

As>m Voh(3[kJ Bun: ahlSyTh abadTh T pahlom hast, nfiwag hast [ahlayihl, 
newag awe ke" ah13yemd3r tian T pahlom ahiaylh, 

The original of the Asam Voh(J[k]: righteousness is the perfect excellence/boon. Virtuous is 
[righteousness], virtuous is one who makes righteous the perfect righteousness. 

This first g5h of the formula, in different magical combination, signs every chapter of Dk B. 
The combinations of the manthra in Dk 8.46.5, the last § of Dk 8, are taken from the Af am 
Vohrj prayer, as interpreted in Y 20, the second chapter of the Bagan Yast): 

hast pahlom ahla"yTh abadTn, hast pahlom abadTh ahlSyTh. abag pacceT, 
r3ye~nTd. 

Perfect righteousness is the boon, the perfect boon is the righteousness. Arranged with the 
copy. 

The Pahlavi version of the manthra shows disregard for grammatical rules' 2 : 

a?am vohu vahls'tem asti, ahlSyTh abadTh T pahlom hast; 
usta astl u3ta ahmal, nEwag hast (ahlSyTh], ne"wag awe; 
hyat a§at vahiStat asam, kS ahlSyenTdar han T pahlom ahiayTh. 



72 Cf. Humbach 1984, 52ff.: according to Humbach, ibid., the translator "had no clear Idea of the 
meaning of the Avestan original of the formula. His basic mistake was that he translated ahmal t "to him" 
by ffl, "he" [awe]. By consequence, he was compeled to invent the meaning "sanctifier* ["one who 
makes riohteous") for the final asam (normally rendered by Phlv. aMayih, "righteousness, truth")". 



57 
The text of T Z0.1 -3 is as follows: 

1. frSmraot ahuro" mazdl asam vohu vahlstam asti para atimSi vohO 

vahls'tsm cinastl yaea x v aetauue x v aStatam vohu vahlStam astl aea t 
kaSsam karaileiti. 

2. u5t5 astT usta" ahmSI ustatSUHa vTspam as*auuanam vTspal aSaone" 
para.clnastl yaea na staitna vTspem a$auuanam vTspa"1 aSaone" 
para.clnastl. 

3. hyat a?31 vahistai as>m para.cinastl vTspam maWam vTspam mlerai 
yaea aSai xsaeram cinastl yaeaca zbaiierjte aSaone a|am cinastl yaeaca 
xsmauuCHa assm cinastl yat saosllantagbilo" eraiio tjtaega vTspam vacff 
frauuakam haurum vacS ahurahe mazda. 



1 7 3 Ahura Mazda proclaimed: "truth is the best good". (By this) he refers best good to it/him in 
the same way as (one refers) family membership to the family. (He says:) "It is the best good". 
Thus he makes known the reference. 

2. "At wish what is wished for belongs to him". He referes every truthful to every truthful in the 
Witness in the same way as he refers every truthful to every truthful in the /Istt-ness. 

3. He refers 'Truth to best truth" (i.e..) that which includes all formulas to that which includes 
all formulas, in the same way as he refers power to truth, and in the same way as he refers truth 
to the calling righteous one, and in the same way as (he refers truth) to you, the Saosyants. 
(There are) the three references. Each (single) word (forms) the proclamation, the complete 
word of Ahura Mazda. 



73 Translated in Humbreh 1984, 54. 



59 

The version given in PY 20 is as follows: 
1, fraz.gSwisn bud T Ohrmazd: asam vohu vafilstam astl (ahlj/fii IdadTri T 
pahlom hast), be.s awe ab3dTh T pahlom cast bawed [kCi.S newagTh padag 
kard bawed] ke h3n x^es x v es\rawl3riTri kuned tkfl h3n absyeti dadan be 
dahed]. pad aSsm vohO vahlstam astl edfin dadwarlh hangtrdTgTh bad [kfl.s 
sar bOd]. 

Z.uStff astl usts ahmSf newag.rawlsmh T harwlspen ahlawan [6h abSyffd 
badan] harwispSn ahlawan be cast bawed [kfl.S newagTh padaS kard bawedl 
ke mard fhSastl.SnTh [x^eskarTh] harwlspffn ahlawSn [Oh abayed kardan] 5 
harwlspen ahlawan be c3st bawed [ku.s newagTh padas kardan bawed]. 
3. /iyai asa~f vaMs~ta~i a£~sm De.s cast bawed harwisp JkSr ud Xlrbag] pad 
maner [payd3g] awe harwisp maner [ke AbfstSg land warm kCi nan 1 
harwisp ham3g kar ud k1rt>ag pad Abistag Zand aaydag kuned]. ye B aMSyTn 
x v ad3yTh cased [ku padixslayTh pad TT3ro"nTh kunenrj. h3d dadestanth e M 
Dad frarOnTh x v adayth cased ku padlxSSyTh pad frirCnTh dared] kS.z 5 awe 
x v a*ndar T ahlaw rastTh c356d \XH wlzSr rast kuned] ke.i 5 3m3h rastTh 
cased kCI sGdamand hed [ki5 dadwarTh rast kun§d]. 3 daawarTh [had kfl.s 
wizer 3 andar bad), harwisp gdwISn fr3z gCwlSn bad hamag gdwISn h3n T 
Ohrmazd bad. 



GO 

1. Ahura Mazda proclaimed: as&m vo/HJ vahtstsm astl ("righteousness is perfect 
excellence"). He (thus) teaches the perfect excellence/prosperity to him [i.e.. He works 
goodness thereby] who himself exercises the conduct derived from his inner self [i.e., he gives 
what is proper to be given]. Through (the formula) as&m vs/iS vahistsm asti (His) 
judgment was thus encompassed [it was summarized]. 

2. usta~ astT us~ta~ ahmSi Proper behavior of all the righteous ones [so should it be] He 

teaches all the righteous ones [i.e.. He works goodness thereby]. Who, manl 74 , the existence 
[duty] *of all the righteous ones [so should be done] teaches all the righteous ones [ie. He worts 
goodnessthereby]. 

3. fiyat as3f va/ifsts/ afsm He teaches aN [proper deeds and merits] through mantlwas 
[revealed] to these all manthras [i.e., one who memorized the Avesta with its Zand is one who 
makes all these proper deeds and merits manifest through the Avesta with its Zand]. One who 
teaches righteousness to the royalty [i.e., that they should exercise the ralership through 
honesty]. The meaning of this is that that he teaches the royaSty through honesty, to keep the 
interchip in honesty]. Also one who teaches truth to the calling righteous one [that he should 
make truthful decisive judgments], also one who theaches you truth, you who are the profitable 
one [that you should make truthful decisive judgments]. Three judgments [i.e., there are three 
decisive judgments therein]: each statement was a proclamation, all the statements were those of 
Ohrmazd. 



74 A senseless mistake for Avestan na. 



61 
APPENDIX IV 

WZs 28.1-6, Gignoux & Tafazzoli 1 993, 90-93, quoted also in Cereti 1 997, 111: 

fradomTh Ahunvar baxSThlst 5 3 payman dyfJn pad any dar nimijd, pad 
hamrlsUg Gaeanaz » 31 tiast gah ud 4 g3h ud 5 gah; SdOnaz Naskan 6 3 T 
x v 3nThed GaeanTg ud H3<lo{k].tianBrlg ud DadTg. ud pas baxSThlst Anunvar 6 
6 1 nem.gah x v ane"nd; EdBnaz G363n 5 t 1 x v ar»Th£d Afiutiawad g3h ud Haptan 
Yasn ud UStad gah ud Spandmad G3h ud Wobuxs'tar G3h ud WahfStOit G3ri; 
SdSnaz Naskan S 6 ciyCn GS63n o 2 T x v 3nThe"d 1 G3Gan T Gaeamg T hast 
Yast, 7 abarTg G393n; H3dfl[k].M3ner3Z o 2 T 7 mSner i purr.daxsag 1 
arastar T hast Pajag ud Ratwis'tsttl ud 7 maner T purr.daxSag T wen T hast 
abarTg HadOlkllianer; ud DSdsz Bj,l Dad T Jud.DSw T hast W1d5wd3d ud 1 
OSd T Zardu£xjs"t T hast abarTg d3d 

pas baxsThist 6 21 clySn Ahunvar 21 marTg ud 6a93n Zl T hast Ahunvar 
ahlSyTh.stayiShTh ud Yazdan klrdarlh az Yanimmanrj ta S Erman T agenen 21 
Naskan Zl. pas baxsThist Gaean o 2a8 wecest Naskanaz o ristagan 2B8... 



pas baxsThlst Gaean 1 hazSr ud 16 g3h ud Naskan o hazar ud l fragard; 
ctyo"n Haaext rad hast T Naskan Erman T pahlom gOwisn T abar Rlstaxez rad 
hast T fragardan ud abar abarTg fragardan ... be hambdd ... ud pas 
baxSThist G383n 6" 6 hazar ud 666 marTg ud Naskanaz hamlst 6 hazar ud 666 
dSdestan padas brTdag; 6 hazar ud 666 m3rTg t pad Gaean nlmfldar hast T az 
petyarag dam madan ta be 5 frajam T 6 hazarag; har hazarag e 10 saddsem 
T bawgd ... Gaean 6 m3rTg T fradom nimQdSr hast T 6 hazarag ud pas 60 
saddzem ud pas 600 h3n T 600 wd"iT ud pas 6 hazar han 1 6 hazar s3l. 



62 



First, the Ahunvar is divided into 3 mesures, as indicated in another chapter, In the same 
manner as the Gaeas (are divided) into 3, which are 3 metrical lines (gSh), * and 5; thus, too, 
the Nasks (are divided) into 3 (groups), which are called Gaeic, and Ha3a.M3n,eric, and 
D3drc. And, then, the Ahunvar is divided into 6, which are called half-metrical lines (half- 
g3h); thus, too, the Gaeas are divided into 6, which are called Ahunawad g3h and Haptan 
Yasn and Ustad g3h and Spandmad GSh and wobuxs'tar G3h and wahlSto'st Gah; 
thus, too, the Nasks (are divided) into 6, as the G363s (are divided) into 2, which are called, 
one, the eaeanTg G393s, which is the Yast, the other (is called) "the other G393s"; the 
Hafla.ManOric (part Is divided) into 2, as well, one of which is the fully-characteristic and 
organized mantfrra, which is the Pajag and Ratwistaiti, and one is the fully-characteristic 
and good nranthra, which is the other Hada.MSrter; the Dad, too, (is divided) into 2, one is the 
"Law Breaking off with the Dews" (Dad T Jud.De" w), which is the WldfwdsrJ, one is the 
"Law of Zoroaster" (Dad i Zardu[x]5t), which is the other Laws. 

Again, (the Gaeas) are divided into 21, as the Ahunvar has 21 words and the G383s into 2.1, 
/.e., the Ahunvar and the divine activity of the Y3nlmmanG (Y 28.0) until the frman (Y 
54) are together Zl; the Nasks are (too,) 21. Again, the Gaeas are divided into 286 strophes, 
the Nasks, too, into 288 ristags... 



Again, the Ga"eas are divided into 1016 metrical lines (gSh) and the Nasks (are divided) into 
into 1001 fragards; as the HaflOxt Nask is the spiritual chief of the Nasks, so Erman, the 
best spell for the Resurrection, is the spiritual chief of the fragards and is attached to the other 
fragards... 

And again, the Gaeas are divided into 6666 words and the Nasks, too, together, into 6666, 
according to which the judgments are cut; the 6666 words that are in the Gaeas manifest the 
coming of the Adversary into the Greation until the end of the six miilenia; each miilen'rum has 1 
centuries... The 6 first words of the Gaeas manifest the six miilenia, and again, the 60 
centuries, and again, the 600 decades, and again the six miilenia. 



63 
CHAPTER II 
APPENDIX! 



[TEXT 1]Y 45.1: 

at frauuaxiSlia nd gaSO.dQm na sraota 

yaeca asnai yae"ca. darat iSaea 

na Tm vlspa ci6r3 ZT mazdai)ho".du"m 

nsst daltsltTm duS.sastlS aham maraSiiat 

aka varan a draguua hizuua JuuaratS. 

"Now I shall proclaim, listen now, hear now, O you, who are approaching from near and far, now 
take note of the world for it is bright May. the deceitful blasphemer, by his evil choice, not 
destroy the (worid) a second time 1 with his tongue through preference being given to him". 



Y 45.4: 

at frauuaxSlia aqhSuS 3hiia vahls'tam 
a$St tiaca mazda vaeda y3 Tm dat 
ptarSrn va-rfiaus varazaiiants managtia 
at ho"! dugada' husiiaoeana armaltls 
nflft dtpzaidiial vTspS.hiSas ahur-G. 

"Now I shall proclaim the best of the existence. In accordance with truth I know Him, who created 
it. (I know Him), the father of the abundant good thought, Mazda", and His daughter (is) right- 
mindedness of good works. The all-seeing Ahura is undeceivable". 



1 Or. "the one of evil doctrine shall not destroy existence a second time'. 



64 
[TEXT II] PY 45.1: 

a. e"don fraz gBwUn [Den] ud nti"n n1yo"[x]sisn dahlsn ud nan JSnawisn [ku 
gfls andar darisn ud warm be kunlsn ud oh gdwlsn] 

b. KS.z az nazdTg ud kS.z az dGr x v 3he"d [han nerbadlstan kardan 0,3 edfln 
kunlsn] 

cce nan en harwlsp.paydag kit Ohrmazd dad [kCS en dam hamag Ohrmazd dad] 

d. ku ne" pad hin dtdTgartar zama"n fpad tan e pasen] awf 7 dusrh hammSxtar 
ISannag Me"nflg] ax v an marnjenad 

e. han aS wad.tar kamag ud h3n as druwandlh pad uzwSn 
wurrsyenfid [Gannag tienfig], 

a. "Thus it is to be proclaimed [the Religion] and now it is to be heard and reflected upon and 
listened now [that one has to hearken and to memorize and to say so] 

b. One who is seeking from near and Far [that one has thus to acquire this learning] 

c. for now it is revealed to all that that Ohrmazd created [that Ohrmazd created all this 
creation] 

■ d. i.e., not for this (even more) second time [In the Final Body] the teacher of evilness [the 
Stinking Spirit] shall destroy worlds 

e. that he may not make to choose evil will and wickedness with his tongue [of the Stinking 
SpiritJ". 



65 

PY 4S.4: 

3. edBn fraz gGwom andar ax v 3n Ti3n T awe IT Onrmazd x v 95] pahlom 
I x v edodah kardan] 

b. az 3hl3yTh 3g3hTh Ohrmazd 3g3h ke En dad [x v §dGdah kardan] 

c. u\£ pad pldarTh Wahman warzTd [ku\5 rrarffn frarffnTh r daman ray 
x v e"dcdah kardl 

d. 6dOn nan T duxt T hukunisn T bawandag.menfsn (Spendarmat *ke az 
x v e"dodah. kardan abaz ns Estad] 

e.ne frSft [ku az x v edOdah kardan aba"z ne SstSd] cf harwisp.nige'rTdar pad 
nan T onrmazd [kO pad den T Ohrmazd hamag tear ud dadestan fin bawed], 

a. "Thus 1 proclaim in these [Ohrmazd's own] worlds which are the best [to perform 
x v edo"dati] 

b. Through knowledge of truth Onrmazd knows who established it [the performance of 
x v edo"dahT 

c. And he begot Wahman through fatherhood [i.e., the righteous performed x v e"do"dan for the 
righteousness of the creations] 

d. Thus His daughter of good works who is complete mindfulness [Spendarmat who did not desist 

from performing x v ffdo"dah] 

e. did not deceive [who did not desist from performing x v e"dodah] for (she is) the complete 
observer in what belongs to Ohrmazd D'.e., that so must be all the action and judgment in the 
Religion of Ohrmazd]". 



66 
[TEXT III] Dk 9.38 

1. 15-om fragard at frauuaxSiia abar 7 pahlomTh T DSn handarz. 

2. fradom hamTn abaz Oadar Spenag Menfig pad n1yS[x]STdan hammoxtan 
warzTdan 7s" Den ud e"nsz ku pada£ bawed bSxtagTh han T weh dahisn az 
Ebgad. 

3. DidTgar abar jud3gTh T az marnjemdar Gannag nenffg nskfihidan T5 az 
tarments'nTri ud drOzanTh sar TS nar ahOg. 

S. CahSrom abar pahlomfh T x^edSdah ciydnas kf ka x v adTh dahlimh fj.S 
dadestan T x v 6s zahagTg o zabagTg paydagTh ud paywandlsnTb wistariSnTgTTi 
ud karTgTh ud sudTgTh ud x v adTh ud dahlsnTh, x v edSdah, 
S. fradom Dadar Ohrmazd pad pldarTh T Wahman T fradom zahag warzTd ud 
az han warzisnTh menOgTg ud gStTgTg d3m rawSgTh ud was paywandlg ciyfin 
az rdsn brah ud az brah ferSg az ffrag bam bGdan, pur.rawlSnTba wlstaraan 
ud 5 FraSglrd paywastan mardom padaz msndgTg ud getTgTg wtdarTgTti T 
andar me"n<Jg ud gStrg Spendarmat ha"n mSdarTg x v arrah padlruftar-Th 
waspuhrag3n?nTdan. 

1 . "The 1 5th fragard At frauuaxSliJ about the seven perfections of the injunction of the 
Religion. 

2. First, association with the Holy Spirit of the Creator through hearing, study, practising His 
Religion, and this, too, that thereby will be the salvation of the good creation from the Assault. 

3. Second, about separation from the destructor, the Stinking Spirit, execrating him for his 
perversiveness and falsehood, which is/are the source of all his vices. 

5. Fourth, about the perfection of the next-of-kin marriage which is when essense-creation^ 
(occurs); and the judgment about it is one's own progenical goodness {to be given) to 
manifestation of the progeny, and kinship, cherishing, effectiveness, profitability, and the 
selfhood and giving, (which is) the next-of-kin marriage, 

6. (that) was first accomplished 1 try the Creator OhrmaxH through (his) fatherhood of Wahman, 
(his) first child, and from this begetting (occurs) the setting in motion. of the mendg- and 

.ge"tTg- creation [s] and much descendancy, as from light (arises) splendor, radiance from 
splendor, brilliance from radiance, in order to spread the full progresive diffusion and to attach 
mankind to the Renovation, and also, through the entrance of the menffg- and getTg- qualities 
into the sphere of the menog and getTg, Spendarmat was princely ennobled by (her) 
acceptence of the maternal gtoiy". 



2 Other translations are zlsa possible,' though none would reflect exactly the Pablavi Idiom; cf. further. 



67 

[TEXT IV] Dk 9.60: 1 . 

Cahardahom fragard at frauuaxStia had hansz T hammffzls'n ntyo[x]sl5n and 
cand edar abayed nan T ahammflzlSn niyotxlsiSn fwbar »S h.1 St Zardu[x]st. 

2. ud enaz kil ke" o kunisngaran zayenjdarThS aS kunlsn pahlom ew§n T 
fradom x v edodah stSy[d bawed clyfln kunisngaran 2ayenTdarTh mardom 
pidarTh mardom xo"b pldarTh pad xSb klrdarTh zahagTh ud xSb kirdar 
zahagTh pad rradom dam x€mJhS zahag andar x v eS warzTdarfh ud zahag 
andar x v es" warzTdarTh x v edddah Sawed ud h3n T ka kunisngaran z3yenTd3r 
mardom pldarTti stayed as x v ed5dahaz st3yTd bawed. 

3. ud enaz ku ke d3m pad rrarOnTh as fraron frawardaYTh daman ray 
x v ed8dah kardan cast bawed frartfrilh a? frarflnTh padsz en cim ce dam pad 
frarOnTh daStan ray fl fraron xemTh 1 amarganTg handazed han T zad dad pad 
dhr az x v edddah T amarganTg. 

4. ud enaz kO.s' Spendarmat pad duxtarTh o Ohrmazd cSSt bawfd KB xrad pad 
bawandag.menls'nTh, edaz ray ce xrad bawandag.menls'nTh andar kanarag 
hfnd r Ohrmazd ud Spendarmat,- ud xrad han r Qhrmazd ud 
bawandag.menisnTh h3n T Spendarmat ud bawandag.menls'nTh xrad zahag 
clyffn Spendarmat ahrmazd, ud az ed be guft cfmrg fcOf ke.s 
bawandag.menls'nTh o xrad paywast a§ Spendarmat pad duxtarTh o" Ohrmazd 
cast bawed. 

5. ud enaz ka.S eddn h3n duxtarTha kunlSn cas"t bawed ke ahla"yTh pad 
bawandag.menisnTh ud ke.z yazlSn pad bawandag.menls'nTh ktf yazlSn ud 
abarTg klrbag bawandag.menlSnlha kunSd, 



63 



l.The fouteenth fragard. At frauuaxs'l 13, is that the instruction is to be listened to here as 
much as possible, (so that even) one to whom it should not be taught shall listen to it once; he, 
Zoroaster, allowed it. 

2. And this, too, that the perfect effect of the pre-eminent custom of the next-of-kin marriage is 
praised by him who acts as a causer of procreation towards the benefactors, as to cause the 
procreation among the benefactors is the fatherhood of mankind, and the proper fatherhood of 
mankind is through the properly producted progeny, and the properly produced progeny is 
through children (bom) according the nature of the first creature, (through) begetting^ of one's 
own, and the child (begotten by) begetting of one's own is the (fruit of the) next-of-kin 
marriage; and when a causer of procreation among the benefactors praises the fatherhood of 
mankind, the next-of-kin marriage is also praised by him. 

3. And this, too, by one whose creatures are in merit, for his meritorious cherishing of the 
creatures, the performance of the next-of-kin marriage is taught; the merit is his merit; even 
for this reason, in order to keep the creatures in merit, he aHots to the meritorious, which is 

bom, the general 4 character, created through good seed from the general 5 next-of-kin marriage. 

4. And this, too, that one whose wisdom is through complete mindfulness teaches Spendarmafs 
daughterhoodtoohrmazd, for the reason that wisdom (and) complete mindfulness are within 
the domain of Ohrmazd and Spendarmat, while wisdom being ahrmazd, and complete 
mindfulness being Spendarmat, (with) complete mindfulness being the child of wisdom, just as 
Spendarmat {is the child) of Ohrmazd; owing to this, one could say with (good) reason that by 
one whose complete mindfulness is associated with wisdom, Spendarmafs daughterhood to 
Ohrmazd can be taught. 

5. And this, too, the action by way of this daughterhood is taught by one whose righteousness is 
through complete mindfulness, and also by one whose ritual performancies are through complete 
mindfulness, so that they shall perform ritual and other pious workts] through complete 
mindfulness". 



3 Thus translated according to PY 45.4c. 

4 Or, "of the immortals" (cf. Sanjana's translation (n Sanjana XIX, 36). 

5 Cf. the previous note. 



69 
ITEXT V] Ok 9.1 S (cf. OkM_802-3;_DkS Xvli,._33-5; Dkp mrssmg folios j_1 1 60; West 1 882, 369- 
382; West 1892,197-9; Nyberg 1933, 338-9; Widengren 1938, 221): 
14-om fragard Adfravaxsy3 abar MmtJdan T rjhrmazd 5 ZarduMst ruwan T 
KerSasp samgSnfha 6 ud tars T Zardu[x]st az nan 1 samgBnTh ud pasSmanlfi 
guftan r KerSasp az amSrTna zadan Ts mardom [udj burzTdan Ts 
pahrezextagan T az wlnah ud casmSgatVTh 7 Is az dadar Otirmazd pad zadan Is" 
3ta[x}s. 

2. ud x v 3stan l Kersasp az atirmazd h3n T patilom ax v 3n pad nan ktrdarTh 
kas Ku5t A21 SrObar ud stahmagTh T han petyarag, ud kas wanTd Gandarf T 
zairi pasnan 8 , [ud] skeftlri T hSn drOJ ud kas zad hunusag T HswTgan ud 
daStanTgan [ud] gran anagtn ud wlzand T azasSn, ud kas" ramfnTd tagrg wad 
az gShan ziy3hTh abaz a daman s(IdTh awurd padaz han 1 ka Dahag az band 
harzag bawe"d ud pad murnjffnTdan T gShan abar dwSreld ud dam 
abesThenTdarTh grayed, awe hangSzshSd ud pad wanTdan 1 awe han T was oz 
draj gehan dam pahrextan. 

3. hamSmaiTh T ataExls" s Kersasp pad must T pades kard, abaz dastan Ts az 
wantSt ud ayarlh. T GSSurun awls' pad azbadTh T padas kard ud pSdan TS az 
dusax v . 

4. ud x v ah1s"n T Zardu[x]st a 3ta[x]s abar amurzTdan TS az w1n3h ud 
hanjaftan T atatxlS han T x v 3h1sn ud franaftan 1 KerSasp ruwan hamast 

a x v an. 

5. ahlaylh parilom hast ab3dlh. 



6 Nybero.: samakanThf ("qd etait] dans uri etat epouvantable"); sahmaga-iiTha? 

7 'k'syh, a corruption for 'K'ftyh, cf. MacKenzfe I3SO. 293. 

8 Nyberg: "aux talons jaur-.es". .-o-<A-i "simple transcription pehlevie du mot avestique zalrl.pasna- 
OfaSt 5.38; 19.41) avec la desinence moyen-lraiiienne -an". 



70 
1- The 14tii fragard Adfravaxsya. About demonstrating the soul of Ker53sp, awefully^, 
by Ohrmazd to Zoroaster, and the fear of Zoroaster (caused) by this awefulness. and the 
expressing of repentance by Kersasp or account of his having slain enumerable people and 
(his) extolling of those who avoid from sin and his condemnation by the Creator atirmazd 
because of his having smitten the Fire. 

2. And the supplication of KerSasp for the best existence by virtue of these exploits when he 
killed the horned serpent Af 1 SrrJbar and the tenor (caused) by this adversry, and when he 
overcame Gandarf of golden heels and the monstruousity of that dru j, and when he killed the 
evil progeny of Ntvtka and Dastanig and the sevens evil and harm caused by them, and when 
he appeased the swift-strong storm from damaging the world and emended it benefiting the 
creations, and also through it that when Dahag will get loose from his bounds and will dsevicslly 
rush to destroy the world and will desire / daevically chatter the destruction of the creation, he 
(KerSasp) will be roused and will assist the world and the creation in overcoming this 
powerful dru J. 

3. The opposition of Fire towards Kersasp because of the violence he commuted to it and the 
keeping him away 1 ° [from Paradise, and the aid of GSSurun to him through the cuitivation 1 1 
he perfonned for Her and the protection of him] from Hell. 

4. And the supplication of Zoroaster to Fire about pardonning him of his sin, and carrying out by 
Fire of 12 that supplication, and the ascend of thesoulof KerSasp toLimbo. 

5. Of the righteousness perfect is prosperity. 



9 There are many ways lo express this idea in Pahlavi, while the normal form of the word so translated 
here should be rather*sahmgSnTha, from sahm, not from sam. 1 suspect the word in this passage Is 
a result of a peculiar interpretation of the proper name saihlm, frequently used in connection with 
KerSasp. It is of Interest that in Sogdian Manichajca, the Biblical =Qg king of 53S3n, one of the giants 
survived the flood thanks to his tailure and who fought the drake, was transformed into S>hm 
Kersa"spa. 

1 Tne words in brackets occur only in DkK; cf. West 1882, 31 9, 380. 

11 Or, "deliverance", azSdFh, 

12 Read with DkD; DkM has hnc'tn, K has »~»^ West rendered "compliance" {hanyiftand). Or, "the 
lament of the Fire on that supplication", for hngpdy tn, "to lament", cf. MacKenzle 1980, 294. 



75 
[TEXT XI] ZYVY 9.19-23: 

T9. ataMs" gswffcc "ku nE waxsem", ud a*b gflwedktJ: "ne tazem". 
20 z ^. ud pas man Crhrmazd T dadar 5r5s ud Nffriyldsang 2 ^ Yazad gowem kil: 
"tan T Saman Kersasp be JumbanenEd, ta abar axEzed". 

21. ud pas SrSs ud Ner[y]Csang Yazad 6 Kersasp sawend, se bar wang 
kunffnd. 

22. ud caharom bar, abag pErCzgarTh, S3m" abar axezed, padTrag Ai.Dahag 
Sawfd, (I.S saxvan aza3 ne asnCTyEd. u\s gad T pSrOzgar sar pahlkBbEd ud 
zaned ud Ozaned. 

23. pas ud tirdfag ud pldyarag az en gihaTi be" SawEd ta hazarag bun kunEm. 



19. The Fins says: "I w[U not spread", and the Water says: "I wilt not flow". 

20. And then I. IJhrmazd, the Creator, shall speak to Srffs and NETyffsang Yazad: "Stir the 
body of KerSaspthesonof 53m, so that he will rise up". 

21. And then 5r(5§ and Nery<Jsang Yazad will goto KerSasp and exclaim three times. 

22. And the fourth time, 53m will rise up with triumph and go forward. Azt Dahag will not 
listen to his words, he will strike the triumphant club on the head, and will smite and kill him. 

23. Then deceit and adversity will depart from this world, til! 1 complete the miilenium. 



ITEXTXIIlAyJ 17.6: 

pas Ohrmazd Srds ud NEryflsang Crested kO: "Sam T Nareman be hangEzSd". 

Then Chrmaza will send Srds and NEryGsang Yazad, saying: "Raise up Sam the son of 
Nareman". 



23 2WY 9.20-22. Kreyenbroeck 19B5, 131. 

24 It is worth noting that here NeTySsang has a function of assisting to destroy the monstruous 
creatures, so similar to his function In the Manichsean myth. Cf. Benvenlsta 1932-33, 185, Cumont 
1908, 16-26. 

25 Kreyenbroeck, ibid., "It is 53m, however, who is actually raised up". 



76 



[TEXT XIII] Bnd 33.33-35: 



pas nazd e hazarag sar 1 USedarmah, Danag az band harzag bawe"d. 
BEwarasp was dam ud dafilSn pad dEw.kamagth wlnShEd. 
ud andar nan hangsm SOSyans T Zardu[x]st3n a paydaglh rasEd ud sT roz ud 
sab xvarsfid pad bSllst T asman ested, nazdist az getTgan rlst T 53m3n 
Kersasp ul hangSzSnd T Biwarasp pad gad zaned ud Gzaned ud sz daman abSz 
da"re"d, hazSrag T SSsyans bun bawed, ciydn hazarag f awe T tan.fcirdar 
panjah ud hart sal. 



Then, near the end of H'Ssfdar.Mah's miilenium, Oahag will be free from fetters; 
Be" w a rasp will injure many creatures and creation with the daevic desire. And at that time, 
Sogyans son of Zoroaster will appear and for thirty days and nights, the Sun will stand at the 
zenith of the sky. 

Of earthy beings, they will first raise the dead body of KersTasp son of Sam, who will smite 
BEwarasp with the mace, and kill, and withold him from the creature's; the millennium of 
Sosyans will begin. 



77 



[TEXT XIV] Bnd 29.3-9: 



Sam ray gdwend kii-. ahSs bad, pad ti3n ka.5 tarr.msmd DenT MazdesnSn, 
Turk S kg Nayin x v 3nsnd k3 x v aft Sstad, pad tSr be winast, ud anSh pad 
dast T PSSySnsI aS hars i abaren bSsasp abar burd estSd, ud mlySn T garm 
nlbast ested, as bafr azabar nisast Sstsd, pad han kar ku, ka Aft.DahSg 
harzag bawsd, awe SxezSd a3 be ianed, aS bEwar Fravahr T aSeg3n p5nag 
h§nd. 

Dahag ke Bewaraspaz x v atiend ray gfjwed ku" FredOn ka.5 awe be grift pad 
kustan ne sayest Q.s pas pad kSf T Dumbawand be bast ka harzag bawed, 53m 
axszed Ci.s gad zaned ud ozaned. 



78 



About Sam they say that he is immortal, on the grounds ttiat when he offended the Mazdaean 
religion, a Turk called NSyin^S shot him with an arrow while he was sleeping and there, in the 
piain of Pes 3ns e, he was in sinful sloth, he slept in the middle of wormwood and snow was above 
him, (he was preserved for the day that when Aft Dahag will be free he will rise and smite 
him). A myriad f rawa'hrs of righteous men are his guardians^. 

One says of Dahag who is also called Bgwarasp, that when FredBn captured him he was 
unable to kill him and he then bound him in Mt Dumbawand; when he shall become at loose, 
Sam will arise and smite with he mace and kill him. 



26 Clearly enough, the figure of Sam, one of the Manichaean giants, is modelled here on Bahrain Coben, 
where the episod of the arrow is inverted. The name of Nay In or Nay on, being 3 Turkic Buddhist title. 
Indicates a rather late date of this Interpolation. 

27 Of. DO T6.S: ham.passazag andaraz Oe"n St3<y>fd e"ste"d s\szn Ft-avatirSit ke abar 
nlgah dfrend han karb T Saman Kerjasp ud hanaz spahTgan az gyan ud tan be" h3n elm 
ray, "Befitting!/ even in the Scriptures are praised those Fravahrs who keep a watch over the astral 
body of KerSasp, son of 53m and even other soldiers with life and body for that reason" (cf. Kanga 
1 969. 78). 



79 
[TEXT XV] 

Y 51.1 is given here according to the translation by Humbach Si Ichaporia 1994, 96-7: 



VofiO xSaSrsm valrTm ' b5gam atbl.bairlStam 

vTdTsamnal liaeTi a|a antara caraltl 

s'llaoBanals' mazdS vahlStsm tai n5 nacTt varaSane, 



The good power worthy of being chosen, which brings most share(s) (and which is) best 
through actions, comes to the person liberal even with abundance, through truth. This (power), 
Mazda, I will procure for us now. 



80 
[TEXT XVI] The Pahlavi version (PY 51.1) is as follows: 

O.m 28 awe T weh xvaday kamag batir. abar barlsnTh [ku b3r 0" awe kas dahom 

ke" xvaday T nfwag abayed] 

pad be dahisnTh abzOn rast andarg kune"d (pad dahlSn ^ rastlha be dahed han 

mard ke xvaday T nSwag abayed] 

kunisn I Ohrmazd pahlom han 1 amah nQnaz [ka D6n raw£g be kard] warzisn. 

My desire is to bring the portion (taxes) to him who is a good ruler [I will give taxes to that 

person who should be a good ruler]^ 

*with but abundant giving the righteous one performs in between" [that man who should be a 

good ruler will give out through hghteous gifts]. 

It is up to us now to perform the best action of Ohrmazd [when he (the good ruler) propagates 

the Religion], 

General remarks: this is an Interlinear translation; this is especially obvious when one compares line 
2 In Pahlavi against its Avestan original. It is the glass 'that man who should be a good ruler will give 
out through righteous gifts" that makes sense of the Avestan vTdT3amn3i TzacTfc a$a antara 
caraitT and its awful word-by^word rendering, pad be" dahlSnTh abiGn rast andarg, kiinSc*, to 
which I offer a very tentative translation. However, pad be daht§nTh supports the reading 
vTdT£amn31, against the variant vJdTSamnaifi. The word is translated etymologically, pad for the 
oblique case, ti5 / abe for v r, dahtsnTh as the root of the Avestan word contains d3h-. S.mofline 
1 is most probably derived from the accusative martcer am / Tm in words 2, 3, 4. b£gam, "most 
share(s), "the most surpassing portion™ (Wilkins Smith), is rendered by- ba"r, "portion", later 
understood, especially in the De~nkard versions, as "taxes". It is perhaps of interest that tha virddhr 
grade of the Avestan word survives in the Middle Persian lemma chosen ( bff; not bahr). On other 
translations of the Avestan word in question cf. further: fcunisn T rjhrmazd pahiom translates the 
sequence s'llaoOanSls' ma?da" vahistam, which was understood similarly to the analysis by wilkins 
Smith ("for (hjsj deeds, the best thing rftroue-h wisdom"), namely, mazda was not taken as a 
vocative form , varasane was translated warzisn on both etymological [pseudo-I grammatical 
basis (-SanS / -Isn), while the phonic similarity was crucial in making this specific choice. As the 
Pahlavi version of line 2 has any sense at all only If we add case endings, I tend to see in the Zand to line 
Z -a survival of the genuine Late Old Iranian / Early Middle Iranian translation of the 6363 in question. 
The original language might be Late Avestan, Late Old Persian or Early Middle Persian. The original 
version was linguistically upgraded, but to a lesser degree than other Za/ios, for an unknown reason. I 
prefer not to specualte whether there was a written version of at least this specific line. However, it is 
difficult to explain bow the reasonable knowledge of the Avestan text could be achieved only from this 
particular version. It seems that the Uriage of our Zand was accompanied by some longer exegetical 
versions. One such version we find indeed in the Bag Nasi! version, which is stricter than the 
5[t]QdgaP. flask version. 



28 Mote 1959, 283 n. 3 reads u-m. 

29 Mole , ib.: "etje disire donner sa part au bon mi fj'e donneni sa part a cskii qu'il faut qu'ti soft un 
ban rorj". 

30 No cohesive translation of the asterisked text can be given. 

31 As Humbach did, cf. the translation above; I have explained In the introduction why the translation 
by Humbach & Ichaporia was used as the basis. 



8Z 



[TEXT XVIII] Wars' tma-ns 3 r Nasi:. Dk 9.44.1: 



21-om fragard VahuIk>Ssa6r C.5 guft Onrmazd ku: "am dad Zardu[x]St nan 
T wen x v aday kamag" ud enaz kfl ka x v aday T weh kamag pad bar T ge~h3n 
arzanTg [kS pad bar T getian arzamg] [az bar Ts dehlhSd awe gehanaz 
abzOn] ud [ke.S az bar dahlsnTh x v ad gehanaz abzOn] as" bar dad wtzTdar 
dahlSn [wizTdar dahlsnTh pahlom kuniSn] [ud abartarlh T kuntSn az menisn 
gOwi'sn). 

The 21st 3Z fragard Vah0[k]-X5a9r. He, Ohrmazd, said: '1 created, Zoroaster, this 
desire for a good ruler". And this, too, when the good ruler is worthy of the desire for the taxes 
of the world [one who is worthy of the taxes of the world] [from the taxes that he is given the 
abundance of this world (is) also (produced)] and [one from whose taxes-giving the abundance of 
this world (is) also (produced) by itself] the taxes he gave (he is) giving by choice [giving by 
choice is the best action] [and action is superior to thought and speech]. 



32 The 20th fragard" in other versions. 



81 
[TEXT XVII] The Bag Nask version is as follows (Bag Nask, Dk 9.66.1-2): 

LWIstom fragard Vahu"[k]-Xsa9r u.s guft Ohrmazd C 5p1t3m3n ZarduMst 

kil: "ke nan pad x v adayih padlxSay hsnd mardom T s3star druwand drSzan ne 

nan pad x v adayTh awS.z T drOze"nTd andar ax v 'T astOmand az Sfwan be 

w3nSn€h ud margTh ud s§z ud droziSn bOzenend ce.S ne bSzenend". 

Z. ud §naz ku: 'ka.S3n x v aday1h be" o awe T weh dad hen bCzlhast 6 pad h3n 1 

awe x v ad3yTh nanaz T drfJzTnTdag az Sewan be waneneh ud margin ud sez ud 

drffzlSn". 



The twentieth fragard Vahil[k>Xsaer. He, Qhrmazd, said to Spitaman Zoroaster 
saying: "They are authorized who are now in power. Tyranical wicked lying people are not now in 
power. And you should overcome him who caused deception in the corporeal world by laments, 
that they are trying to excuse death and danger and deception, so that they could not to cause (these 
thing) to be excused". 

2, And this, too: "When they will give the power to him who is good, they would be saved by his 
sovereignty. But him who was deceived by laments, him you should overcome, and also to do this 
to death and danger and deception". 



83 

[TEXT XIX] The summarized version of S(t lad gar Nask, as given in Dk9.Zl, isasfollows: 

ZO-om fragard Vahalkl-Xs'aer abar stahmagTlia kardan T Danag- x v ad3yTh 
abar bQm t 7 ud pes'- rawagth TS framan az x v arrahan wardlSn, 
Z. ud abar hanjamanTgan purslSn T Danag abar elm T *hesa"mandrri T 
h3mb3stag mardom pas az kirrSnTdan I Jam ud xvadayTh T Danag ud m3raom 
a Danag pSssaxv guftan ku "Jam abaz dast estad az gehan niyaz SkflhTh ud 
sud ud ttsn ud zarman ua margth ud s"e"wan ud may ud sarm3y ud garmay 1 a- 
payman ud SmezlsV) T dsw ab3g fn3rdoro". 

3. ud e"naz kd: "3s3nTh- d3d3r bad Jam tkd.s els hSn'kard T mardom3n asanTh 
azas bOd] ud k3mag-d3daT" tku.s nSwagTh pad d3d Sn3yenTd3rTh; kO.s 
mardorn pad frsrCnTh Oh sn3yenTd]. 

4. ud Odag ke" (Ylmsed [T huramag] Iks-tSn pad' zClr-zanisnTh be" zad a- 
dadestanTha] warrag 3 ' 3 abar geh3n harzag 34 kard) niyaz ud SkfJhlh ud 
tanglh ud az ud sud ud tisn <ud> xesm T xurdrdS hez T awSstr 35 sahm ud s6z 
T nthan-rawisn ud zarman T dufdaTtud haft dew ezlSnflmand dad. 

5. ud enaz kO: "pusar wenendat be \t a-pusTh 36 kard dus.x v arrah [had 
sibist 37 xVad.kard] T abS kard sSz Cku.5 carag x v 3st ne sayed) ke" n6 waied 
az tan IkO paywand azas ne rawed]. 



33 Mole read here to". 

34 Mote 1959, 284; Tafazzoli 1971, 197: 5rz ffk "desire illicite". 

35 Tafazzoli 1971, 197-8: hez, "drought" ; V hyyc T awastar "And you have let loose into the 
world Want Poverty, Distress.. .and hyyc that has no pasture-land...*. Avestan avJstara- "was kein 
Futterhat". used as an epitliet of haeca- "Trockenheit, DGrre", Vd 13.51, 7.26, Yt 13.130. translated 
as husk T awZstarfMole: Av a- vffstra "qui detruitle fburrage"). 

36 Or. abusTh; or. abusTh. 

37 Mole: "NP repugnant"; West; "monster; Sffbag, "viper", SffbiSn, "contusion". 



84 
The ZOth fragard, Vahalkl-Xs'aer, is about Dahag's sovereignty tyranically exercized 
over the earth of the seven continents and about the propagation of hrs rule due to vicissitude / 
curbing of the royal glory ()<v 3rra h). 

Z. And about Dahag's asking the people of the assembly the reason of distress of the collected 
people, after Yima's having been sawn and DafiSg's accession to power. And bow people answered 
to Dahag, saying that "Yima warded off from the world need, misery, hunger and thirst, old age 
and death, mourning, lamentation, cold and heat when they are beyond the good measure, and 
intermingling of demons with men". 

3. And this, too, that Yima was creator of ease [i.e., he made things by which people are at ease] 
and creator of wrN/desire [i.e.. goodness through the pleasing of the Jaw; Lb., he pleased people 
through righteousness/For he taught people the righteousness]. 

4. "And Odag (who let loose into the world the lambs" of Royal Yima lof the goodly flocks], 
whom you struck down by a treacherous blow unjustly) established the veneration of the demons, 
of Need and Misery, Straltness and Craving, Hunger and Thirst, Wrath of the bloody spear, 
Drought that has no pasture-land, Fear and Danger that moves in secret, Old Age whose breath is 
foul / depriving of issue (and the Seven Demons)". 

5- And this, too, that they see (look for?) a son, but it is you, Snake, that made them barren^ 
(just having given birth), you, Q that of Evil Destiny! [i.e., monstruous self-producted] not- 
completedly made draught [that it is impossible to look a remedy for] who does not increase from 
their bodies [i.e., 'here is no issue proceeding). 



54 After Yima's death, his flocks got Dispersed. For the idea, compare, e.g., Zecharlah 1 3.7: "Smite the 
shepherd, and the sheep shall be scattered", haK *et hSrO'e utcaselylna hassffWn. 

55 Or: "pregnant"; or "Just having given birth". 



85 
G. tf.t gOspand T r rax v .raftar .az_.mardomani gadag 38 d3red ud_ta az amah be 
appurd hSn T bamTg T rOSn Ylm T srjd T huramag ke pad harwlsp ^-t- (h'y, 
•hy? 39 ) abar raslsnlh pad hamag zamlstan T.s pad hutabiinTh taft Ikfl.s gyag 
pad newagTh kardan be mad]. 

7. "CsBmand hCh 40 , Bewar3sp, tfi-z be 3k1h, ciyOn en dadtstan edon kti 
x v ad3y T wad c)§ e T edfln wad! aman awe T weti x v aday kSmag bahr abar 
baNSnth [clS o awe dahom Ice x v aday1h T weh abayed ka kuned]!". 
B. ud abar wanTdan T Fre"do"n Dahag. marge"nT<ian ray wazr abar 
palTg 41 ud dll mastargaz zadan ud ne murdan T Dahag az han zaniSn. 9. ud 
pas pad SafseT zadan ud pad fradom didTgar sidtgar zanlSn az tan T Dahag 
was ewenag xrafstr wastan. 

10. guftan ^ Dadar \ Ohrmazd S FrSdOn kfl.s ma ktrreneh krj Dahag ce agaraz 
klrreneh Dah3g, purr en zamlg kuned az gaz udarasag gafdom ud karbOg / 
karbunag ud kasug ud wazay". abag ewenag l bastan T pad Skeft band andar 
grantom patlfrah T *z1nd3n. 

11. ud enazke k3 Az1 Dahag bast bad edon hSnaz sraw be mad pad harwlsp 
kiswar ke 7 kJ: "be zad A21 Dahag, be h3n zad FredOn T AspTgSn T buland 1 
zCrlg". 



3B Cf. WZs 32.4; Arabic KDY "to beg", kudyst "bagging, mendicity" is perhaps a loan from Iranian. 

39 Tafazzoli 1974a. 120-1, saw here an Avestan transliteration; tf. also Tafazzoli 1989a, 367-B. 
*sayag? West; "In on every evil contingency*; Mole: "tous les-fois qu'il y avait ombre". Tafazroli 
identiFied here several translations from Avesta: 3bar rasi£nih_a|W) gati. >ys §S/Ts Av.*isu/ 
aesu "frost", ef.ae")a->NPrs yax, "lee"; "to freeze", Vd.9. 6: zama IsaoS alwi.gaurm, "on the 
arrival of the cold winter B »2amistan [Tj snehffmand. 

40 West 1 892. 21 4, translated: "Thou art intelligent, Bevarasp! do thou even tell how this opinion is 
so, that a bad ruler is a thing which is so bad ,.,* etc.; Hole 1959, 287, translated: *Tu merites la mort, 
6 SevarSsp. peris doncl Car c'est une regie qu'un mauvais souverain merite una chose aussi mauvaise. 
C'est un bon souverain que nous desiront, nous lui donnerons sa part (nous donnerons des choses a celui 
qui exercera la royaute comme ii faut)". The problem Is with the word [rOflSSfnand, which means both 
"mortar and "intelligent". Cf. also DSdistan T Dfnlg 72.3, further, and my note there. As we know 
that Ail Dahaka was not destroyed by FrffdOrv and the verb used after the problematic [h]5s"a"mand 
is be 5k1h, we rather have to suggest the meaning "mortal". 

41 Cf. Herming 1946, 729. 



86 

6. You rob from men their wide-going sheep and you (Af1 Dahag) have deprived us of brilliant 
and bright Royal Yima of goodly flocks, who, at every approach of h'y / >hy during the whofe 
winter, shone with his good heat [I. e., he came to places in order to do good]. 

7. "Whither away, Bfwarasp, and be also broken, according to the law that a bad ruler 
deserves things as bad as he isl We desire a good ruler to bring him our portion (taxes) tl will 
give something to him who will exercize the Good Rule as it should be]*. 

8. And about vanquishing of Dahag by Fredffn, wishing to destroy him with blows of the club on 
the nape of the neck, on his chest, on his skull, too, (but) D ah3g did not die from those blows. 

9. Then be smote him with Otis) sword, and on the first, on the second, and on the third Wow, 
many kinds of noxious craetures were bursting Tike a rain / turning out 56 . 

1 0. (About) the speech of the Creator Ohrmazd to Fredon, saying: 'Do not saw S7 him who is 
Dahag, because rf you do saw Dahag, he will make the earth full of serpents (gaz), "otters 
(udarasag), scorpions (gafdom), lizards (karbag/karbunag). tortoises (kasdg)and 
frogs (wazarr)". (And about) the mode of binding him with awful fetters in the most severe 
punishment of inprisonment 

11. And the, too, that when Af f Dah3g was bound, this tiding came throughout all the seven 
continents, namely: "Smitten at once is Azl Dahag, smote him at once Fre"dOn the 
AspTgan 58 the exalted and mighty" s9 . 



56 A slightly different translation in Williams 1 990, II, 223. 

57 However, Fredan transgressed the command of Ohrmazd, cf. PRDD 47.9 (Williams 1990, 1 . 170- 
1, II, 78): ij.i FrEdffn hart awe.z Ohrmazd tar menTd Q.$ pad han tar itienlSnTh as 
Zarman abar flbast u.S tan T xweSsz pad kud'nag tuwan bad da's'tan azsS se g3m ta.s 
peramOn name petTt hend, "and he [Ohrmazd] instructed Fredor? (but) he also despised 
Ohrmazd, and far that contempt of his, Zarma"n then fell upon him, and with a mallet (7) he was able 
to keep his body three paces from him until those around him repented". 

58 AOwyana, rrom ASwya, who, according to Yas. 9.7, vas the father of Thraetaona. FredSn; 
but Bd 31.4,7,8, 32.1, make it a family name for marry preceding generations. 

59 The passage can be translated also as: 'And this, too, that when Ail Dahag was bound, this 
message came throughout all the seven continents, namely: "Ail Dahag is smitten, but he (Af! 
Dahag) had also smitten Fredon the AspTgan, the exalted and mighty™. 



87 

12. ud han dahom zamlstan h3n madagan 42 wurroytst u.san edo"n guft leu: 
"^mensm az Yim nun ku.5an zad Azi DahSg ce ns nan wazed abar S harwisp 
klswar ke" 7 h3n 1 weh gOwisn ud h3n T wattar az ns gSwSd ud nS pad 
x v Shisn x v ahsd han T n§wag caradTg ud hanaz T arzSg 1 x v a"stag*. 

13. enaz kQ: "V.S.S zan ud x v astag Is abaylSnTg sahlst daStan aganTh mad, 
egaz pad saragffmand T zaiTe"n andar atiixt ud nan bandag eraxt 4 ' pad menOg 
gyagTh gristag be mad T Azi DahSg". 

14. ud Snaz ku ke.s han T aws be zad brad ay3b n3f ay3i> pid [1] ayab kadarce 
nabanazd1s"tan 44 as"an ns pad han T gran sahist u.San ns pad menisn menTd 
kCI.San ayadaz abaz ne" kard u\£an SdCn guft ku: "manbed han be zad kS 
harwtsp atafxJSan KS dswa"n 45 abaysd han manbed. dahyapat han be zad ke" 
harwlstTn awSSan x v ad3y". 

15. ud enaz kG: har gy3g ku awS bs mad asp az ss] andar Opast 
u\3an han T stabr Sta[x]S asptan 46 patirsz ray", 

16. ud Snaz ki3.5 padgumSzag warzld ud hanaz T dushuwarst Azt DatiSg. 



42 West Those particulars were believed": Mole's unmarked emendation dehJn, "lands", is not 
necessary. 

43 ffraxtan, "condemn, make guilt, blame, damn"; e" rang also means "error, heresy", cf. Dk 9.32.8; 
the word is known as an Old Persian loan In Egyptian Aramaic amt) "guarantor"; cf. also Perikhanian 
1373, 469ff.; Sogdian (Martin Schwartz quoted In Porten 4 Greenfield 1969) ptfnq, ptz>nkh, 
"earnest meney"; cf. also Shaked 1975, 21 6ff-: the Middle Persian pair eraxt and buxt Is 
semanticalry similar to Hebrew a J a and n H J J, and especially to Syriac ?jr_ and iju*, with their 
additional meanings of "vanquished' and "victor". The Judaeo-Persian titih and ^IDTH translate 
Hebrew u jut, "evil, sin", or n jy j», "guilt". 

44 Mole's reading; "quelque parent que ce sort", after West's "any one whatever of his nearest 
relations', 1 doubt the reading, however, I accept it and tile translations, as I have none better of my 
own, 

45 The text has az Den "£ emended with Mole, 

46 1 read thus with West; Mole read "JseTt, translating "et on y allumait"; rny reading is based on 
sssmption that we have here probably an import from a lost Pahlavi version of Yt 8.20ff- and Da hag 
was assimilated into Apaos'a. 



12. And in the tenth winter (year), these females (finally) believed, and thus they said: 'We 
think that they smote AZi Danag because of Yima, because he do not fly now above ail the seven 
continents. This is a good 

talk! And this the worst a Z (dragon/serpent) does not talk, nor demands invocations (to him), 

(or) the virtuous maiden, or even desirable wealth"''. 

1 3. This, too, that, when he learned about a woman, or property, that seemed to him desirable to 
possess, and he took over of this bound one[s], drew them by means of a golden sufra , and that, 
bound and destined, came at once by a spirit to the den of Azi Dahag 5 '. 

14. And this, too, that, though he who smote him were his brother, or relation, or father, or any 
one whatever of his nearest relations, it did not seem to them severe, and they not thought in their 
minds, i.e., they even did not remembered (of it), and thus they said: "That one who has smitten 
(him) is a manbed (householder), this manbed (is) one for whom all the fires of the dffws 
are suitable, A ruler (S this who smote, who is lord of ail of them. 

15. And this, too, that everywhere he (Dahag) came, horses fell from plague and they (are) 
these strong fires for their (horses') protection. 

16. And this, too, that he (Dahag) acted in a mixed way and this is also the ew/deed ^ 2 of Azi 
Dahag. 



60 As to the translation of the Pahlavi x^astag, it is worth notice that in Classical Georgian, xuastagi, 
borrowed from Iranian, means both "wealth* and "cattle". 

61 I chink it is possible to translate also: "he blew in his suTJxtfmand". Compare Tafazzoll 1977/ 
1535H.S, who translated: In nTZ klh can be u Sgahl ml rasTd klh be natar ml rasac kin 
kasT zan o xvastah I Salstah « darad, way (Qahljak) ara" bJ "suragdmand* I zarrTn [be 
sOy t xvad) (Jar mT kasld, an bandah r3 mahkum ml kard, be Ja"y i panhanT. be linah S 
( xVTSl mT araad. 

62 Though dus'rwwars't , "bad good deed, benevcJent mjs-deeo", Is not a rare term, it seems that in 
this context it has a specific meaning connected to the strange expression, "maleficent benevolence*, 
used in the Armenian version of [pseudo-] Xorenac'1. Cf. further. 



89 

17. ud abar hampursldan t MazandarSn dehSn pas az wanldan T OahSg pad 
dastan 47 1 Xvamrah ud spflxtan 1 FrSdOn azas pad mSnlSn fraz kardan T 
ham gyag pad was marag padid. Cl.san bulandih ray zrffh T Fraxykard hast kO 
ta miySn ran hast kC ta narag ud h3n T zufrtar gy3g t3 dah3n mats. 

18. ud ka en klswar mad hSnd dri-iusan gran zlyan zanlsn kardan, 
mardoman pad garzlsn a Fredon madan Vjd guftan kfl: "cimat be zad Azl 
Dahag ke hux v ad3y baa pad padlxSSyth kCJ.5 blm abaz dast ud 
wizostar 48 u.s en klswar be pad az nazandaran dehan?'. 

19. Cl.san abar wattarTh T Mazandaran ud x v 3rgomh T mardom 1 en klswar 
andar aw§s3n 6naz guft ku; eg gfjwend kfl: "ce. edSn awesan dadestan, ce 
dffzfimand tku.San kalak 43 hast], suiaxffmand [ku.s"an salax hast] "did 50 
x v antsnffmand IkCI ewag awe T did T awe x v 3nend] wTr am3h awesanaz 
menem (pad ed darem '<0 mardom hend". 



47 West: "tumlnrjto", ga§tan. 

48 Cf. Gignoux 1331a, 21: pad yazda*n wIzflheTTh, "pour I'examen de (Ceux", on Mahfln's sea!; cf. 
Mackenzie 1971,92. 

49 According to Monchi-Zadeh 1975, whose due to the passage was the New Persian doz u fcalak; if 
one reads karak, then the word must represent Avestan kzran -; AIW to Jraran- notes that the Pahlavl 
rendering of It 11.2 is "undeutlich"; Kreyenbroek 1984, 53, read 'wkklkrn. Cf. also Kreyenbroek 
1984,98. 

50 The conjecture is by Monchi-Zadeh. 



90 
T7. And about the consultation taken by the MazandarSn countries after the victory over 
Dahag about taking possession of XvanTrah, and driving out Fre"0Sn therefrom and turning 
the whole place into dwelling [for themseves], by means of appearing 63 in great numbers. And 
because of their tallness, the [waters] of the sea Fra xvk ard 64 came up, in some places, to 
their hips, in some places, or to their navels, and in the deeper places up to their mouths. 
1 8. And (about) their producing much harm (and) smiting the [righteous] poor, when they had 
arrived to that Continent, and (about) people's corning complaining to Fre"d6n, saying to him: 
° Why did you smite A? I Da ha g, who was a good ruler through sovereignty, who kept away fear 
and whose person in charge 6 ^ protected this region from those [inhabitants] of the 
fiazandaran countries?". 

19.^6 ^nj fhgy jijj, jgfl aDou t the vileness of those [inhabitants] of the M 3 z a nda ra n and about 
their scorn* 7 towards the people of this region 6 6 ; then they say, too: "What for a law! What for 
cunning (people)! [that is, they are mischievous], they have holes 69 [that is, their holes are (* 
daevic)], they are *miscallers 7 " [that is, they call one (thing) with another' ' (name)] - 
(should) we believe they are men, too?! [(should) we consider them human?]". 



63 Or, ■faffing". The latter meaning is suggestive because of the semantic connections existing between 
"giants" and "to fall". 

64 The ocean VourukasTa was divided into three salt seas: PQdlo I PQitika, "cleansing", the 
Persian Gulf; Syawbdm, the Black Sea [cf. Boyce 197Sb, 145; cf. now also Cereti 1997, 19, who 
refers to Boyce; however, Frejman 1930 demonstrated, convincing! that the Pahlavl name of the Black 
Sea should be read *[a]xsTn]; Kamrffd, the Caspian Sea; cf. WZs 3.17ff„ GrBd 10.7-8. 

65 "Examiner, Inquisitor, one who looks after". Monthl-Zadeh 1975, 102: "geschickt (virlustaY)". 
The word is attested on glyptic articles (Gignoux 1991a, 21): pad YajdSn wtzSh [wyi'wh] erlh, 
"par I'examen de dteu", 

66 This is the most problematic passage In the whole chapter; after having inveted much time and 
thought trying to understand It, ! came to conclusion that most of the readings and emendations made by 
Month! -Zadeh 1975, 102-3, must be accepted, 

67 Mondil-Zadeh 1975, 102: "Fressen [der Menschen]", 

68 Here a direct Avestan quotation, abundant In daeWc terms, ts Introduced, The speakers are the 
people complaining about the invasion of the Mazandararis. 

69 West 1892, 217 n.l : "Burrows, caves, and similae underground habitations are probably meant". 
Mole renderd "des trous", Implying a da ewe word for "eyes". Another option is to suggest that the 
Avestan, or the Pahlavi, ten was probably corrupt: zafar-, "daevic mouth™. Is close In sound to the 
postulated (compare Horn 1B93, 166 N° 754) source of the Persian sGraX namely, *suf ra-, and it 
was thus *zafar- that stood In the Avestan original, zafar- appears also in the alreatfy quoted Yt 
11.2, which has, moreover, some .other common points with Dk 9.21 . The other possibility Is an import 
from the beginning of the Dk chapter. 

70 x v 3stan etc. stand for Avestan zavan-, "fluf*, and zav-, "rufen", cf. AiW 1667; these are 
connected to zaf ar-, cf. the previous note. 

71 Not translated by Mole. 



91 

20. ud abar raslSnTh l FrEdOn abag Mazandaran dehan pad daSt T PSsansEh 
[T] paykSrdan T o awesaTi ku": "Mazandar dehat, az bE zad A21 Dahag kS stT 
arwandtom kE h.ar *Z-an pSdixsay bad dEwSn mardoman azaS pad h3n T awe 
zanisn fraz dad hom Ohrmazd tarwEnTdartar az han hangaman pad hamemSr 
T xv Ss stSw kardan. Eg en han T man deh be zaned, smSh ke Mazandar 
deh.e"d!". 

Zl. ud Mazandaran Fredfin sabCg menld ud pad arsfls ewaz guft K3: "6d0n e" 
bawEd kQ ta he zad Ail Dahag ke" StT arwandtom ke har 2 -an pSdixsay bad 
dEwSn mardoman. ij.5 to" pad nan T a»f zanlSn fraz dad ne~h anrmazd 
tarwamdartar az han hangaman. Egaz amah en nisinem ud andar Sn manEm 
ud re te 1 buland T was arBylSnT *sta"r pa"yag sl ud wEr go"w1sn andar abang 
kasat Edar be ne ntlemr. 

2Z. Snaz ku be pas tazld ud pErflzgar FredOn o" ba"Hst T pEs tazTd S.S wEmg 
tiSn frawTd 52 [kfl.5 be dart! az dasn wEmg 1 awE snExr padTd hEnd 1 hamag 
sard 1 zamlstan.oSls'n l burrag T tEz. ud az hey wEnlg T awE sa[n]g S3 padTd 
hEnd lea daft 1 kadag.masay T 3ta[x]s.a5l5n T burrag T tez. xakas burd be 
bast perOzgar T taglg T FrEdOn az pad T gsw T gusn 1 BarmSyun. 



51 1 accept the emendation made in Monchl-Zadeh 1975, 104 n. 8. 

52 Ct. Y n 9.32 frSz rrawfarrarravalte. 

53 MP sag , "stone*, DkM 814.9, cmp. Frah.Oim 25a (1 .17), cf. Tafazzoli 1974b, 342. 



92 
2Q 72 . About the arrival of FrEdOn to combat with those [inhabitants] of the Mazandaran 
country on the plain of PESansEh 73 : "0 you (of the) Mazandar country, I have destroyed A2i 
Dahag who was the most valiant being 7 4 , him who was a sovereign of both demons and men!; I am 
created by Ohrmazd for that smiting as the most victorious of this age, that 1 might defeat my 
opponent! Then (now) you smite this country of mine, you who are of the M3 zan d ar country!". 

21. And the hazandaranis despised FrEdOn, and mocked saying: "Let it be so, that you have 
destroyed Afi Dahag, who was the most valiant being, him who was a sovereign of both demons 
and men; for that smiting you are created by Ohrmazd as the most victorious of this age, [but] 
even then we will settle at this place and will stay at this place; and we will not 

let you here, you, the lofty one, well-grown, ranked among stars, exceedingly speaking among 
other people!". 

22. This, too, that nevertheless they afterwards fled back, and the victorious FredOn chased them 
to the upland, and his nostrils flamed [i.e., he exhaied]; from his right nostril snows fell, 
murderous like all the coid of the winter, cutting and sharp; and from his left nostril, when he 
exhaled, fell rocks, the size of a house, murderous like fire, cutting and sharp. The victorious 
and swift FrEdOn 'Jeve^Bdt/iem.ooundtfterntotriefeetofthemaleoxBarmayan 75 . 



72 The appearence of warrior's boasting pieces in && 20-21, which no doubt go to an Avestan text, 
might suggest an Avestan origin of similar warrior's boasting passages in AyZ. 

73 Cf.Dk9.16.17. 

74 Or, "among beings'. 

75 This appears to be the name of a brother of FrEdtfn(see Bd 31.B). Monchl-Tadeh 1 975, 105 [and n. 
14) emended the text: "F. brachie einen *Wagen [aw IS ralhly burd] und band (ihn) hinte'r den Stier 
B.". 



93 
Z3. u.s han pad ullh u) dawenTd 0.3 aweSan kard salnlg karb. u.s awSsan be 
zad hfnd fce MazandarJn den pad 50-gsni3nrh ud 1 0O-qaniSnTtt ud 1000- 
ganisnTh ud bewar-g3n1snThud amar- ganisnTh. 

Z4. u.s edon be zad hfnd perczgar T taglg FrSdoTi Z sriswadag <1> han T 
nazandar deh, ud if wag sriswadag be mad zad ud wsmar, ud ne.z pas, 
5p1tama"n Zardulxlst, kff Mazandar deh abar en kiSwar T XwanTrah raft 
hfnd, d.San ne pad abar.menlsnThaz mentd k(j: "Sawem' be az han Ice edon 
nam bad hSnd SpUyGs T SpSnsnayffS ud Arezrasroah T SpSnsnayds ke" tazTd 
tiend pad xrad x v ay1SriTh ud raft nend abar FrasOs'tr T H v 5wa"n. 
Z5. Pahlom abSdTh hast ahlayTh. 



94 
_ Z3, And he rushed 76 up on the ascent, and he made them figures of stone 77 , and he smote them 
who are [fnhabitans] of the Mazandar country, by fifties, fay hundreds, by thousands, by 

myriads, and by innumerables 7 ". 

24. Two-thirds of those [inhabitants] of the MSzandar country were thus destroyed by the 
victorious and swift FrSdOn, and one-third came out beaten and sick; and never afterwards, 
Spitaman Zoroaster! have they, who are [inhabitants] of the Mazandar country, went upon this 
Continent of X v a n T r ah, and and they did not think haughty: "Let us march!" , except those whose 
names were thus, 5p1tyo"s1 79 son of SpSnsnSyOs", and Arezraspa"h°", son of 
SpSnsnayOs 81 , who have rushed in search of wisdom and went unto F ras"o"star az of the clan 

0fH v 5was 83 . 

25. Perfect excellence is righteousness. 



76 MoncM-Zadeti 1975, 105: "trteb". 

77 The reading of Monchi-Zadeh 1975, 105 (and n. 15): "er *warf Ihnen Steine auf die Leiber", seems- 
to me unacceptable. Besides, turning one into stone Is typical for the FrrJdo"rvcyele. 

7o Compare Yl. 5, 54, 58, 117; PNVd 7. 137, 139. 

79 Sciti, AIW 1624, a shortened form of "Soltyaspa-, according to Monchi-Zadeh 1975, 107. 

80 /ET32r3Sp3-. 

81 These two sons of 5pJnsna"ySS / Uspasnu- were the spiritual (ratu) chiefs of the two northern 
Continents, FradaSTS and VTdadrs.cf. Be) Z9.2. Their countries must thus have been identified with 
MaiandarJn. The names are derived from Yt 13.121, where the fravasls of both are said to be 
revered. 

62 See 01c 9-38-68. 

83 Avestan rf* flva, the family name of FraSdflstar, Ja~ma~sp, and several other persons. 



95 



[TOO- XX] Yt 9.5: 



pancadasa rracarffiee pita puerasca raoS-affsva katarasctt yavata 
xSayOit 84 hvaewO ylmO vlvanuhato puerC, 



to which the Middle Persian version is as follows 

pad h3n T Yim x v ad3yTh T aurwand nS sarmalkl bad ud nff garmatU nff 
zarmaTi bad ud ne" margin ud riff arisx. T de"wan.d5d ffiad hamag oddan be az 
wlnah abaz dast est3d hffndl 15 -sal arOylsn fr3z raft hffnd pldar ud pus 
kadaraz [had Burzog pad staylSn T pusar guft pus edCn nSwag bad ciyCn 
pldar ud pidar edfln nffwag bud clyfin pus] hamS ta ka padixsay bad huramag 
Yim 1 sed VTVanghan pus [ffn c15 SdSn had], 



In the kingship of the brave Yima there was no (excessive) cold and no heat, no old age and no 
death, and no envy created by demons [i.e., the whole being were held in check from the sin] 1 S 
years-grown walked together [BurzCg said it in praise of the son, namely: "the son was as 
brave as his father, and the father was as brave as his son*] al! of them, as long as ruled Yima 
son of Vfvahvan t-, of the goodly flocks, the bright [it was this way]. 



84 nail aotam a^ha ... yavata xSayJtt ... Yima, "there was no excessive cold ... as long Yima 
ruled", cf. Dresden 1S70, 736ff., where the optative character of the verbal form is established. 



96 
[TEXT XXI] 

WZS 32.2-4 85 : 

clyOn Yim abaz darlSnlh 1 sahm ud tanglh ud s£z r3y raw an 1 awe yazlhfid 

ud xVgnlhSd p ar j abaz estlsnTh [T] de"w3n fraz klrrfinTd hezaz [I] awastar 

sahm ud se"zaz 1 nihan rawis"n. 

e"dGnaz Fredffn bastan 1 Ail Dahag ray, x v anTnsd pad ab3z estlgnTh T 
AZ.Idrdaran bes". 

e"dtfnaz GersSsp zadan T rah.darSn ud gadagan 8 ^ ud seian ray, x v 3n7hSd pad 
abaz SstisnTh 1 gadag.kirdaT3n bSs. 



Thus because Jam held Fear, Distress and Danger in check, his soul is worshipped and invoked 
in order to repel tile {calamities) created by the demons, viz.. Drought that has no pasture-land, 
Fear and Danger that moves in secret. So also because FrSdOn bound Ail Dahag, he is invoked 
to repel the violence of those who behave like Af 1 Dahag. And because Gersasp smotedown 
highwaymen and robbers, he is invoked to repel the violence of those who behave like robbers. 

[TEXT XXII] 

Yt (Frawarden Yast) 13.130: 

ylmahe vTvarjhanahe aSaonfj frauua^Tm yazamalde sarahe vOuru.vaewo 
rrakarStalla' tiarfcarjhasca auuSstrahe (Slfajarjtiasca marjaonabe, 

We worship the frauuasl of Yima son of vrvarwant-, the strong, having flocks at his 
wish, to stand against Drought that has no pasture-land and Death that creeps unseen. 

D 

Tr3z kirrgnTd in [TEXT XXI] translates [oddly] f rakars talia, he"zaz 1 awastar 
stands for haffcarjnasca auuastrane 87 , while leilajai^hasca 
margaonahe is rendered by se"zaz 1 nihan raw!sn°°. 



85 Cf. Zaehner 1955, Z59, 263; MoJe 1963, 107; Gignoux 4 Tafazzoli 1993, 114-5, 172-3. 

86 Gignoux & Tafazioli 1993: gSg3n. Cf. Ok 9.21.6, further. 

87 Cf. Tafazzoli 1971, 197: hffz, "drought.-, DkH 81O.Z0-21; Gignoux & Tafazzoli 1993, 173. 
Otherwise translated as hug t; 1 awastar, cf. Tafazzoli 1 971 , ibid. 

88 Cf. AiW 799; Gionoia 4 Tafazzoli 1933, 173. 



97 



[TEXT XXIII] Yt 19.34; 



93 



- [TEXT XXVI] Vd 1 9.6: 



Sat yaL hTm afm drachm va"cim anijhalSTm cinmane paltl.barata 
vaenamnam ahmaL haca x v arano" meraYahe kahrpa fraSusat auuaeno" x v arano" 
frae"s"t(j yo" ylmd xSaeto" huuaefjo brasat ylmo" aSatd d3us".manahil5ica hO 
starato" nldaYat upalrl.zam, 

Then when he (Yima) acquired this lying false won], the x v 3cana- departed him visibly in 

the form of a bird. Not seeing the x v arena-, the Royal Yima of goodly flocks moved around, 
wandered in distress, became stunned because of his disordered state of mind and concealed 
himself on the earth. 

rjEXT XXIV] Bd 35.10; 

Az Aspiyan T POrgaw Fredfln zad Ke" ken T Ylm x v ast. hanaz frazand 
Barmayon ud Kadayfln, FredSn az awegan purr.x v arrah.tar bad, 



passax 7 5 awe guft duz.danag^ Ganrtag nendg fcfj: "ma e"n T man dam 
marnjene, ahlaw ZarduU]St, to he Pflrusasp pus G.t az bur-dar [madar] az 
Zavifan" led SnSsomzt] (hast ke edon gOwed ed "naySgSnsz tc h3n ya§t horn 
Ci.m tO.z han yazl"] "abaz stay wen Den T MazdesnSn, wind? ban newagTh 
ciyonas" wlndTd WaSayan 9 ^ dahyupat". 

The Stinking Spirit, possessor of evil wisdom 9 1 , told him, saying: 'Do rot destroy that 
creation Df mine, righteous Zoroaster, you who are son of Pourus'aspa-, you are from (her) 
womb [mother], from the Zav I S-dan" [le., 1 know you] [there is someone who says that "Your 
anscestors also worshiped me, so worship me you tool"]. 'Scorn the Good Mazdayasnian Religion 
and obtain this wealth which W aBavjan dahyupat has obtained!*. 



Fre"do"n was bom from AsplySn T POrgaw, him who sought revenge for Yima; other his 
(Asp1y3n t POrgaw) children were BarmayOnandKadayan, (but) Freddn wasendowed 

with x v arrah. more thanthose (two brothers). 

[TEXT XXV] PVd 10.9-10: 

...be purdTnam indr [dew], be purdTnam Saurv td$w], be" purdTnam 
NaonhalSI [dew] az man, az wes, az zand, az deh. be purdTnam Taric" Idew], 
be purdlnam zarIC [dew] az man, az wes, az zand, az deh. 

Let me overpass the demon Indra, let me overpass the demon Saurva, let me overpass the 
demonNaonfiaiei from the house, from tfie village, from tbe tribe, from the country. Let me 
overpassthedemonTarlc, let me overpass the demonZarlc, from the village, from the tribe, 
from the country. 



89 MSS have duf .dana j Instead of *duf.damanag, translating duZdamo". 

90 The reading is according to Anklasaria 1 949, 374 (obviously, extractfid from the Avestan form). 
Tha rbrm and the variants found in the older Avestan-Pahlavi edition of Dastoor Hoshang Jamasp 1907, 
SI 2, are unreadibLe. 

91 Of evil creation. 



99 
ITEXTXXVII] DD 92 7Z.1-9: - . 

1. 71-om purslsn passax v . h3n T pursTd kil: "gray winahTha T kunmarz kardan 
ce hast?, awe ke kunmarz kuned ezlsn abayed framadan kardan ke" kunfd 
ayabas padis kunad a-x v 3h ham.nisastagTh ud ham.x v arfsnTh ud abag 
ab5ye"d kardan ayab ne"?'. 

2. passax v ed kiJ: "duS-mazdesnan 7 bazakkar 1 gray winah kg.s3n Ahriman- 
warzlSn nazdrkaS ff Ahriman bawend, u.gan 2 nan T guft estffd ke pad 
ham. winah 3lfJd. 

3. ce han 7 bazakkar ewag Azi Dahag ke.3 fradom jadOgTh stayld, CJ.s han T 
duS.padlxSayrh? x v adayTh kard u.S a.h<Js3n 93 gyan x v a"st 5 gEhSn. 

4. ewag Azi Srflbar kes" ... r3h darffy rffh- wimag-bedarTh ud asp ud mard 
CbarTh kard. v 

5. ewag Wadag T Dahag madar ke.s fradom rOspTglh kard CE.S wlsp.tehmagTh 
asuft, a-fram3nTh bOsld 94 , u.S a-dastur T soy abag pus pus namen.mezts'n 
bawed. 

G. ewag Wlyaftag nar GmarzlSn ke.3 a-kariSnTha x v ast T mardan 

Ci.s fradom nar emarztsn ud rah T zahag.marnj.Snis'nTh be 6 naran mmad. 

7. fiwag wiyabenldag, nar ke".s fradom andar nar xazdag^ madag.kSr 

awurd (j.s dOxt^ ud han T zahag Trawardar madagan spar ud han T zahag 

marnjfnag gandisn pad muhrag3n 9 ' awiS rezlSnTh 6 narSn *abesp3rdan pad 

d€w3nTg warziSnTg kar T apparag, rTySnTh T zTwandagan.tffhm ahanjed 

nlh3nTne"d. 



92 Translated in West 18B2 [SBE XVIII, 1-276], 216; some passages of DD and the Rivayats were 
extracted by de Menasce 1964 (reviewed by Glgnoux, RHR 117.172, 243-4): cf. Shakl 1993b; 
unfortunately, Anklesaria 1958 was unavailable to me. 1 quote from K. 35 fol.!83v. 

93 West 1882, 217, read ahangin Uoyi, translating a life of the unintellectual. 

94 bBSidan, like pBSTdan. 

95 A word tor "copulation" or "sexual organ / anus" is required. West: "errors of the male". Another 
possibility is azdag, "genus, race". 

96 West took the word as a verb, translating "despised". I exspect here a verb with some sexual 
connotation, and both "to sew" and "to milk" (both dOxtan irt Middle and New Persian) do have such 
semantics in several Languages (compare, e.g., the vernacular American "to milk up"). Otherwise, the 
word is to be read doxt and modifies madag.kaT.. doxt. 

97 On this word cf. Schwartz 1985a, 488; writhe reading of West 1882, 218 n. 2 



100 

1 . The 71st question and its answer that which you asked: "What is the grave sin of committing 
sodomy?. Is it proper to order and to perform a sacred ceremony [after his death] for him who 
commits sodomy or for him who was sodomized unwillingly, and is it proper to sit and eat 
together with him or not?'. 

2. The answer is that "Of the evil Mazdayasnians, who were seven sinners of the grave sin, who 
were close to Ahriman in their Ahrimanic practice, two you have mentioned, defiled with mutual 
sin. 

3. For from these seven sinners one is AS Dahag, who was first to praise witchcraft; he 

excercized sovereignty by means of misrule and he also desired for the world Tunintellectual? 9 " 
life. 

4. One is Azi 5ro"bar, who ... held the way through frightful watch and devoured horses and 
people. 

5. One is Wadag mother of Dah3g, who was the first one to commit adultery, and by whom all 
the lineages were distorbed, and who put on lack of (royal) command, and the intermingling of 
sons occurs without the authority of the husband. 

B. One is W 1 y a f t a g: the intercouse of males, who desired humans /men without fecundity and 

who was the first to demonstrate to men the intercouse of males and the way of destroying the 

offspring, 

7.^ Q ne £ wiyabenTdag, who was the first to introduce the "women-like practice / work" 

among the male race 1 00 and he milked up /copubted 1 01 and (you) who cherished the offspring: 

"deliver it to females!" 10 ^, and (you) who are a destroyer of offspring, the stench flowing to 

the ditches is entrusting it to men by a demonical work of a robber, a defecation of the seed of 

living beings (commits one who) extracts and makes buried 1 03 . 



98 [ follow here, with reservation, the translation made by West. Maybe, immortal ? Dahag's quest 
for immortality for ail men could made the Renovation impossible, as explained in ZWY 3. 

99 Many points in my translation of this passage are provisional. 

1 00 Or into the men's ??T 

101 Or tne first to introduce the "wcmen-and-daughters-like practice / wonV". 

102 On "rrampte females!', with the same sense. 

1 03 West: which effaces and conceals. ObviDsly, terms for sexual practices not authorized by 
Zoroastrianism. 



101 
a. Swag Tar J Bradr,oxs\ T.. karap 1_.dutd«n_.k^.da^..ki.sJJn_J..j.ahIom._az 
mardoman margTnTd. 

9. swag tian T Kf.5 ahlamoy denTha kamlst 6 dad T stDd T ahlaw pad frSftSrTti 
T wardenldan Abestag ud Zand ke x v e"s gowCnd ... 



8. One is TQr T BradroxS the karap, the wizard of evil faith, who exterminated the best of 
people. 

9. One is that who preferred the heretical religions to the Law praised by the Righteous One, by 
deceit of perverting the Avesta and Zand which they call their own..". 



102 



[TEXT Xxyill] DD 78.1-2 (K 35 fol-187r): 



1. 77-cm purslsn passax v . tian T pursTd kg: "grayrtia wlnatiTtia T 
rGspTg.baragTh 10 '* kardan dyOnth gStTglfia tOziSn pad D6n paydag Swe"n man 
tflziSn ewag awls framayed nlmQdan?" 

2. passax v Si kO rflspTg.baragTh gray abSrOn hast, fradom Dahag kard, 3sn3g 
pad abarcsn gumezisnrh TS kamag abag Wadag T m3dar andar zTndagfh T 
Xrutasp/Aurvadasp Ts pldar a-aastdr T Xrutasp/Aurvadasp ke".s* 3dy bud 
Wadag ke\s x v is a-sturTha a-dadlstanlh3 wtnah warzisnth gray abfir was. 

1. The 77th question and its answer that which you asked: "In regard of grave sinfulness of 
adultery, and its retribution, which is specified in Revelation, will you point out the modes of 
punishment?" 1 os . 

2. The answer is the adultery is a grave vice. It was first performed by Dahag, renown through 
his sinful desire of intercource with Wadag his mother during the lifetime of his father 
Xrutasp/Aurvadasp 106 without the authority of Xrutasp/AurvadSsp, who was the 
husband of Wadag, who herself used to commit grave sin[s] very much, without being 
authorized by the "trustee" and illegally. 



1 03 It Is worthy nolino that this expression survives In the archaic Judaeo-Persian of (Jssa-ye Daniel 
asrwspyb'rky. 

105 Translated in 5haki 1993b, 553. 

106 For the reading, crop. West 1682, 228 n. 3. 



103 



freer xxix] dd 73.1-2 (K 35 fo|.i84 ff.); 



1. 72-om purslsn passax v . hart T pursTd: "ka.S tian kg kunmarz kunSd gand be 
6 asman Sawed ayab ne7. ud nan gand ayab Sawed cS gyag Sawed?*. 

2. passax v §n ku gfftTgayTg gand and sawed cand paymanag 1 remanaS ud 
gandas T andar *gand.ax v a"n hast, ud menflgTg gand anon sawed kQ gand 
aySblSmh saman hast petyaragCmand gyag. 

I.The 72nd question and its answer, that which you asked: "Does the stench of a "sodomite'rise 
to the sky or not? And, if it does, where it goes to?'. 

2. The answer is this that the material stench goes as much as the proportion of his filth and his 
stench which are in stinking existences. And the spiritual stench goes there where there is 
boundary for acquiring the stench, a miserable place. 

rTEXTXXX] Dk 8.35.13: 

abar abarCn kamaglh T wlyaftag ud wlyabenTdag C.San stahm.waranTh, ud 
gray karlh ud zad.xVarr.klrbag ud reman tan, meh padasan gySn.zadarth 1 
clsan T wenSnd ud acaT har mehTh arzanlg margin wlrsyed. mas T pad 
wlnah.ksnh clyCn A2i Dahag pad stahmagTh ud Srfibar gaz 107 pad jadOglh ud 
Tar T Br3drox5 T karap pad ahlaw.*kusTh freftar ahlamSY pad drujTh. 

About the vicious desire of both sorts of "sodomites' and about their violent lust and sinful 
work and (their) perverted virtue and filthy bodies, in which there is much destruction of life 
through things that they see and every greatness prepares them inevitably a deserved death. 
"Great in sinfulness", lite Azi Dahag, in tyrany; like the serpent Sro"bar, in witchcraft; like 
the karap Bradrox'g, in the righteous-slaughter; In falsehood, like the deceitful heretic. 



107 Or. Al 



104 



UEXT XVII] Dk 9.10: 



1. nahom rragard Yaeais - abar dewTh ud zad x v arrahTh ud purr remanlh ud ' 
gran gandTh ud gran winanTh ud azar hamSg mffnOgTg ud getlg T newaglh T 
kunmarz. 

2. ud gran winahTh wlzardaglh ud was klrbag x v e"se"nTd3r?h T awe t 
hanjTd3r 108 ud Skert wtnaWh T B SnSyeriiaar 1 nan wmahkar. 

3. abar 7 T pad wadTh abar wattarTh hawand Sannag Menfjg oSmurTd ciyon 
Af1 Dahag pad jadfJgTh ud Ail SrObar pad stahmagTh ud Wadag pad wad 
hunuSakTh, Tur 1 Bradroxs" pad anlaw.kus'Th ud ahlamfj? pad gran wlnShTh 
ewag wtyaftag wyabenTdag pad gran winahTh gewed. 

4. pahlom hast aniayTh aoadTh. 



1. The ninth fragard, YaeSis, is about the devilry and the blighted destiny and the complete 
pollution and the grave stench and the grave sinfulness, and the torment by the "sodomite* of all 
spiritual and worldly goodness. 

2. The atonement for grave sinfulness and the appropriation of great good deeds by him who 
•castrates, and the awful sinfulness of him who pleases that sinner. 

3. About the seven who in [their] badness, who are accounted to be similar considering the 

vileness to the Stinking Spirit, such as 110 Azi Dahaka in witchcraft, the serpent SrSbar in 
violence, Wadag In' producing evil offspring, TOr T Bradroxs in slaughtering righteous 

[ones], and an apostate 1 1 1 in grave sinfulness one says that "the grave sinfulness" means 
"passive and active pederasts". 

4. Perfect is the prosperity of righteousness. 



108 1 take it as a dervivate from Mxtan, New Persian a*xtah; the stem is, however, a"z, not 
[ h Ja n J-. West: "molester". Is the vert used connected to the verb used in DD 72.7 (cf. there}? 

109 Dk 8.13:8; 35:13. Dk 9.21:1-13, DD 7Z:2-9. 

110 Cf. Dk 8.13. 8; 25.1 3, and DD 72.2-9, whrch test chapter contains further details regarding these 
seven heinous sinners, probably derived from the actual text of this ninth fragard of the Sf t]0dgar Nash. 

111 Ahrimsn or ahlamofl 



10S 



TJEXT XXXII] Bd 27.23: 



ud Odag dew nan ke Ha mardom pad x v es\gahih MSenend ayao ka x v arlsn 
x v arend menogTha *payg3m pan[e]lh zan§d ku: ^06 dray ud be nlgar" kCf 
drayan x v ared ud kO drayan rTySd ud drayan mezed k(! ta fl han T pahlom 
ax v 3n ng rased. 

The demon Odag is that which, when people sit down in their toilets or when they eat their 
food, she strikes them with a spiritual *message-advise, namely: "Do chatter and do off!", i.e., 
eat while chattering and defacate white chattering and urinate while chattering, so that you may 
not attain the best existence. 



[TEXT XXXlll] Bd 29.9: 

Dahag ke sewaraspaz x v ahend ray gowe~d k0 Frecen ka.3 awe be grift pad 
kustan nS S3y6st u.S pas pad kOf T DumbSwand b§ bast ka harzag bawed, Sam 
axezed d.s gad zanSd ud Czaned, 



One says of Dahag who is also called BSwarasp, that when FredGn captured him he was 
enable to kill him and he then bound him in Ht Dumbawand; when he shall become at loose, 
Sam will arise and smite with his mace and kill him. 



106 

[text xxxry] pk 8.1 3.8-9: 

ud han T hart klSwar cusagah dus"x v aday Dahag sraw paywand Is abaz fl 
Tffz T HuSang brad ud tszlgan p1d, ud Sgahlh awe azas" zamanag sazisn 
zamanag T az hux v ad3yTh [T] Y1m frajam T ta dusx u adayTh frajam T Dahag 
paywand 1 az Ylm ta FredOn. 

han T xVanTrah x v ad3y Fredo"n T sraw pad wanTdan r Dahag zadan T 
liazandaran deh ud oaxtan T X v anTrah pad Salm ud TGz ud Eric TS 3 pus; 
paywastan Ts3n pad duxt T Patsraw T tazTgSn £3h. ud T5z paywand ud 
paywand sraw T awesan jud jud. 

An account of the ignorant, evil ruler of the seven continents Dahag and his ancestors from 
Tffz, the brother of HuSang, the (fore)father of the Arabs, and information about him and his 
period, and about the passage of time from the end of the good reign of YTm until the end of the 
reign of Dahag, and the lineage of Yim until Frfdfln. An account of the conquest of Dahag by 
FredOn, ruler of X v anTrah, of his smiting the province of riazadaran and his division of 
X v anTrah between his three sons Salm and Tflz and Erf J; their uniting with the daughters of 
PStsraw, king of the Arabs. The lineage of TSz and an account of the lineage of these 
separately. 

[TEXTXXXV] "Day H3r5t of the Month Frawardffn" § 12-14: 



mah FrawardSn rOz T H3r<St FredOn baxslsn T genan kard. 
Hr3m Salm d3d ud Turklstan 6 TSz dad, ErSnsahr Eric dad. 
ud 3 duxtar T Buxt-Xusraw T TazTgSn s3h be x v 3st ud pad zanlh be pusaran 
d3d. 

On the day Harot of the month Fra warden, Fre"don divided the world. He gave 8vzantium 
tD Salm, and Central Asia to Toz, while the Iranian lands he gave to Eric. And he requested the 
three daughters of Buxt-Xus raw the Arabian king and gave them in marriage to his sons. 



107 
[TEXT XXXVI] Dk 7.1.34 (DkM 597.1 9-598.3; cf. Marqwart & Messina 1931, 100; Mote 1967, 
10-11, 154): 

ud mad patsraw T AiryafSuva T TSz T TSzTgan Sah pad AsvaMst T 
Amahrspandan astagTh u\s" pazdenTd padss az. x v es ram Az dew a.pak 
ham.tfdag. 

She (the x v arrah)came to Patsraw son of Airy af Suva son of TSz, the Arabian king, 
through messengership of AsvahlSt, one of the Amahrspands, and he chased by her (the 



xVarrah) from his folks (or floeks7) the impure demon Az. the ham.odag 



,112 



[TEXT XXXVII] Vd 14. 5: 

baeuuara azlnam udarfi.erasanam auua.Janliat, baeuuara azlnam spakanam 
kahrpunanqm auua.Janliat, 6ae"uuara kasllapanam auua.Janliat, basuuara 
wazaranam daflmatnllanam auua.jan113£... 

PVd 14. 5: 

bewar azT u&Vasag [u) srSyisn] be zaned [had ul.uBrasagTha ul srSylsn ed 
kO pad iskamb dwared] bffwar azT sag karbag be zaned [marbanag had 
sagThas" ed ku abSz 5 kun nlsTned] bewar kasQg be zaned [had haraz ke Jud 
az ab tuwan zTwast nazdlg zamTg] bewar wazay T abTg be zaned. 



A myriad of udra-dragons-dogs [crawling abovel he shall destroy [i.e., uSrasag- ship and 
crawling above means that they daevically run on their bellies]; a myriad of dragons-dogs tie 
shall destroy [it is marbanag 113 , i.e. his canine nature consists in that it sits on its 
posterior"; a myriad of tortoises he shall destroy [every one of this species that can live also out 
of water near the land]; a mynad of watery frogs 1 1 4 he shall destroy.... 



112 Mole, ib.\ "ses congeneres". 

113 Zaehner, ib.: "protector of snakes?". mSroanak, according to Kapadia 1953, 419, Is "a kind of 
deadly poisoned snake*, NP mSrmanom, "a female serpent". 

114 The "water rat", gvuapcc put which Zoroastrians used to kill, according to Classic authors, is 
tortoise, cf. de Jong 1996, 1 Z5-6, 23S. Is It identical with walar T ablg? 



108 
[TEXT XXXVllll Bd 148.8-10: 

"az awesan gurg.sardagarr karp<un>ag wad. tar, dyOn go~wed ku": "kS 4 
gurg T Ser be 5zan£d klrbag and bawed cand Swag karp<un>ag T kfjg.durrtb be 
(Jzaned". 

Of the wolf-species the cat is the worst, for it is said that 'to kill four lion-wolfs is as 
meritorious as to kill one short-tailed cat". 



fJEXT XXXIX] PVd 1 8.73: 

6 hazar azT ul.gazisn 115 he zaned dS hazSr aweSSn [mSrbanag], e hazar 
waza? 1 abTg be zaned ud do hazar nan T abTg. 

He shall kill 1 000 biting dragons and 2000 of them, he shall kill 1 000 terrestia! frogs and 
2000 watery frogs. 



115 Ayestan: azlnam udare.erasanam. 



109 



[TEXT XL] K\ t5BU =l-bad s wa'l- ta'rTx of Muqaddas!" (quoted in Tafazzolil 977): 



Mnnahum qaiu": malaka 'l-'aqalrma a l-sab c at3 wa kana c 3mala ff 
maljallatlht wa huwwa naz1l un fTha sab c at an mas3ra"t Ukulll •IqiTm 1 ' 1 
masarat 3 " wa hlya manfaxat un mln flahab"" fakullama 3 rada >an yursila 
sahrahu *ala 'iqlTm mawt an aw raz1yat an wamujS'at an , nafaxa fT tllkl *1- 
maSarat ln wa 'a^Sba iallka ^-"IqlTml mm ma £ 1rrat ln btqudrl naTxlht wa 
kana MJa ra>a fT tllkl 'i-Mq1Tm janyat an Hasanat 311 aw aabbat an 
farihat an , nafaxa ft M-masarat' 11 ra'Jtarraha 5 tlayhi bisal)r1h1. 



110 



They said that he ruled the Seven Climes and executed his will in their places and tie used to 
afflict harm in them by means of seven trumpets, a trumpet for each Clime, and (the trumpet) is 
a glden horn and whenever he wished to cast death or calamity upon a clime through his magic, 
he blew this trumpet and injured this Clime by blemish / curse through the force of his blowing. 
And it was, when he saw in that Clime a handsome maiden or some comely beast of burden, he blew 
the trumpet and drew to himself by his magic. 



[TEXT XL1] Dk 5 11 6 , the opening section; DkM 431ff.; OkO 338.1-10: 

panjom abar go"wl3"n T hufraward Adur.farrobay T Farraxv.zadan T 
hude'nan.pe'sobay bad padaz nlbeg T Slmra 1 ^' x v 3nend: "hangardTg pa55ax v r 
Adur.farrSbay T Farraxv.zadan T hude'nan.pe's'obay, abar nISanagTg purslsn 
ffcand T Ya=qo"b T xaildan', T ciyflnaS gurt flsrfg naf m *t hamlst raman 1 
san SimrS.z xvanend. ks.san ham Ya c qdb wandTg' 19 TrSz awtS raslsnTg 
abar.sardarTh T Er.tohmag, az Sudan T3a"n niysgan pad span sardaTTh ham 
diSstig ud spahfgTh T han ram andar spShbedm T Buxt.Narsffh abar 
a.kSrgnTdan T abaTOn.dadlh ud wad.kun1s"nTh X BanT SrayTl ud garan 
dSwezagTh ud zlyan T azas"an, pad TrffstTdan T dahyupat Kay Luhrasp 1 ^ az 
Eran.Sahr abag Buxt.Narsih o" HrSm Bayta" 121 Maqdis ud han kustag.manisn. . 



1 16 West 1897 (FT V, SBE XLVII) 1 19ff.; de Menasce 195Bt>, 29-36; Mole 1967, 106ff.; Nyberg 1964. 
The readings presented here are of a rather synthetic character. 

117 West 1897, 119 n,2: Gyemara; de Menasce 1958 and Mole 1967: De"mlS; Nyberg 1964: Slmra". 
Although S adopt Nyberg's reading dealt wtth already by West in the end of the same note, p. 1 20, West's 
understanding of the word as the Jewish Gemara seems to me preferable. 

118 The reading adopted here is that of de Menasce, followed by Nybero. Mole has. after West, dSstlk 
vSc. Translations: West: "friendly words"; Mole: "paroles amicaies"; de Menasce: "authentique 
descendant"; Nyberg: "a true kinsman". 

119 Tlie reading adopted here is that of Nyberg. de Menasce has *ke".s3n ham psywsndTg IrS? 
awlS raslSnTg, Hole has *ke.S3n harn.pvrssg fraz awls' raslsnTg. 

120 A genuine Bactrian name, Lohra~sp, was substitued for Aurvat.aspa, the Avestan name of 
Wts'taspa's father, Grenet, Enlr 344, Bactria. 

1 21 Only in K, not found in B. 



112 



The fifth book is on the sayings of the macarios Adur.f arrflbay son of Farraxv.zad, 
who was the leader of the Zoroastrians 122 , about the book rated SNffi 3 : "compendious answer of 
Adur.farra&ay son of Farraxv.zad, who was the leader of the Zoroastrians, to some 
significant questions asked by Ya c q5b son of Xa"l Id", who was, according to his own words, a 
genuine desendant of all the peoples called SMR' 123 , who, though being of the tribe 124 of 
Y a < q o" b, have interruptedly been under the supreme rale of those of Iranian seed, since the time 
of departing of their anscestors under the chief command of Buxt.Narsfh, as allied generals and 
with armies of that people, to abolish the vicious laws and misconduct of Children of Israel and 
their grave demonoratry and the damage of theirs, having been sent by the lord of the countries, 
Kay Luhrasp, together with Buxt.NareSh, from Fran.Sahr against the Byzantine Jerusalem 
and [about their] soujourning in that region. 



122 Floruit circa B1 5-835 CE. 

123 Mole 1967: "les tribus que Ton appelle egalement delamites". 

124 Cf. Nyberg 1964, 103. 



UEXT XLI1] MX Z6.64-6: 

ud az Kay.Luhrasp sad en bad ku.s xvad3yfh xffb kard ud andar Yazdan 
sp3sg3r bad ud OrsaiSm T YahadSn be kand ud Yahadan wlSOft ud pargandag 
kard. 

And the profit of Luhrisp was that his reign was good and he was thankful to gods and he has 
destroyed the Jewish Jerusalem and scattered and dispersed the Jews 1 Z5 . 



rTEXTXLIII] DVM 25.1 5 1z6 : 

...clyOn Ices T YTSO T az HrOm ud h3n T MOSe azaz Xazaran ud han T M3ni 
azaz TurktstSn tagTgTh ud ce"nh TsSn pes bat be burd 0" wadagTh ud 
ebastaglh andar namah13n abagand han T M3nT az HrOm nisClkirayTriaz 
anart. 

...like the faith of Jesus from Byzantium, and the faith of Moses from the Khazars, and the faith 
of Hani from the Uigurs took away the strength and the vigor thay had previously possessed, 
threw. them into vileness and decadance amongst their rivals, and the faith of Mani even 
frustrated the Byzantian philosophy. 



125 Translated In Tafazzoli 1354ft. S\ 46. Some biMography an Jewish themes in the PaWavi literature 
includes: Darmesteter 1889a; Darmesteter 1889b; Gray 1904; Gray 1905; Gray 1906; de Menasce 
1947b, passim; de Menasce 1960; de Menasce 1977; Zand 1 883; Ito 1991; the last comprehensive 
treatment of the bulk of the existing material in Staked 1990a. 

126 Cf. de Menasce 1947b, 239-40; Mole 1967, 237. 



114 



[TEXT XL1V] MX 21.25-6: 



kd AnerTh T HrOmlgan ud Turkanaz abag eranagan be az han ken bad Ts3n 
pad Ozadan l Erac kast ud ta rraSglrd hame paywande'd. 

The enmity fnon-Iranianship 1 z7 of the Byzantians and the Turks, too, towards the Iranians 
(originates) from their malice through the murder of EYaC and it will be kept (this way) until 
the Renovation. 

|TEXTXLV]AJ 12.8-9 S.1S: 

Turkestan wuzurg gyag... Hast az awesan kfi r13h padstend ud fiast ke 
]3d0g hend, ud hast T Weh.DSn hend ... warz 1 Sbadanlh kunend. ka rnlrend ff 
wesag abganend, ud hast 1 ff v/afilst ud hast T 5 Ousaxw ud Hamestag3n 
Sawfnd. 

Turkestan is a.vast place... There are some among them who worship Moon and there are 

some who are sorcerers, and there are some who are of the Good Religion 1 z8 ... they cultivate the 
land. When they die, they throw (their dead) in forests, and there are same who go to Paradise. 
and there are some who go to Hell and Umbo. 



127 On er as a religious and political, non ethnical, term, cf. Gnolr 1985; (bid. 1986; ibid. 1989, 136- 
48 et passim. 

128 Cf. Boyee 19B7b, 1 27, refering to this passage: "there wens Zoroastrians among ... Turks". 



115 
[TEXT XLVI] Dk 8.Z6 Duzdsarnt J ad 6 Arte Stare Stan; DkM 732.1 3-734.3; DkS XVI, 7- 
1D; DkD 554.22-557.12; West 1692, 86-90; Tafazzoli 1995: 

13. abar x v 3stag 1 aneran be awarend ud e"d T gzaS paydag kd man ce gurg eg 
aya"r. 

21. abar paykarlsn T span saiar a aneran pes az karezar padaz paygambar ud 
x v andan T5an Satian S3h bandagTh ud Den T Yazdan paykarlsn. 

22. abar andarz c span ud paydagenTdan T namcls"ng ka"r andar kSlxlsiSn 
Swag Swag batir 1 atilaylh niweyinTdan 1 5 spah padasn T fcardarSn guftan ud 
JgaTienTdan r d spa"h elm T margarzSnTh ud zanlSnarza'ga'nTh 7 anersn ud 

■ framan T Yazdan abar zantsn T awssan ka enti ne padTrend ud manag wuzurg 
mlzd ud padasn T abar zanisn T awe"s"3n az [)§n paydag ud dadestanTgTh T 
f ran. 



13. About the wealth that non-Iranians produce, and reganjing this it was revealed (in a text): 

"what is a wolf for me, what is an aid?* 1 29 . 

21 . About the dispute of the commander of the (Iranian) army with the non-Iranians before a 
battle, even through a messenger, calling them into servitude of the King of Kings and disputation 
about the Religion of Gods. 

22. About instruction to the army and informing about particular duty of each one in the combat 

and the kit of the righteousness T 3 ^. and announcing fo the army the reward of the heroes, telling 
and explaing to the army why the non-Iranians are worthy of death and smiting, and the command 
of Gods about their destruction, if they do not accept arFh 1 31 , and, similarly, great recompense 
and reward for their destruction was revealed from the Ave^ta and the leg'rtimity of E ran. 



129 West 1892. 8B: 1, too. am assisting even the wolf"; Tafazzoli 1935b, 299, 300b, saw here a 
proverb or an Avestan quotation and translated: 'Comment un loup (peut-il etre) mon aide?". 
Nevertheless, rhe sense of lhe phrase Is still opaque, 

130 The reward of the fallen? 

131 On the concept of Srlh, as subjection to the Sasanian Empire, cf. Gnoli 198G, Gnoli 1 990, Gnoli 
1992. 



116 
[TEXT XLVIl] Sati T Wahram 132 (Blochet's version): 

k3 Sawed be o Hinoagan gOwGd kG amah ce" sahrlyaran amah ai>ag TazTgan 
ud Taramg ud Hram ud CTnestan ud dewan 1 Maz6nTg3n karezar abar burd * 
hem, ke aweSan az stOwTh De"n T weh ud abezag ud parastlSn T Yazdan ud 
Amahraspanda"n ud ata[x]s T suxr [ud] sflzalg] padTrift hend. 

When he (the Savior San T Wahram) comes, he will tell in India, saying: "We 1 33 who are 
the ruler, We fought the Arabs, the Turks, Byzantium, China 134 and the demons of 
Mazandaran. that they, having been overcome, accented the Pure Good Religion and the worship 
of the Yazatas and the Holy Immortals and the red blazen Fire ". 



132 To be dealt with in Chapter IV. 

133 Pluralis majestatis. 

134 Centra! Asa, cf. Blochet 1895. 211 n. 6. 



[TEXT I] Bd 1a.1Z-l3=1. 49-51: 



117 
CHAPTER ill 



APPENDIX I 



12. panjom GSw T ew.dad brShe"ne"d andar Eran.wgf pad mlysnag T gehan pad 
bar T rod T Weh DaltT, ku mlyanag T getian, sped, rBsn tid clyrjn man kS.S 
baia 3 nay t paymSrilg u.5 d3d aySrTh ab ud urwar ee.s andar gumezlsn zoT 
ud waxs'ts'n az en bawed. 

13a. SaSom GayGiklmard brehernTd rdSn clyGn x v arSed a.s 4 nay T paymanTg 
bala bad, pahnay dyon baia rast pad b3r T rfld 1 DaltT, kO mlyanag T gehan 
Sstad Gayo[k]mard pad hoy aiag, G3w pad da5n 31ag, Q.San dorm ewag az did 
durThaz 1 az 3b T DaltT cand b3l3 x v e5 bad. casmOmand ud gosomand ud 
uzwanomand ud daxsomand bud, Gayotklmard daxsdmandTh e"d ku mardom az 
awe tdhm pad ban hangds'ldag zad bend. 

13b. u.s dad ayanh x v 3b asanTti.dadSr, cS dhrmazd nan x v 3b fr3z DrehenTd 
pad mard karb T buland T lS-salag T rGsn, 0.5 Gayo"[k]mard ab3g G3w az 
zamTg brffhffnTd, u.5 az rfiSnlh ud zargrJnTh T asmSn Susr T mardoman ud 
gawSn fraz brehenTd clyCn en dfl susr 3ta[xlS.tO£mag ne ab.tdhmag, pad tan 
T Gayo"[K]mard ud G3w be d3d ta.3 purr.rawi snTh T mardoman ud gospandSn 
azaS bad. 



ne 



12. Fifth, He (Ohrmazd) created the the One-Begotten Bull in Eran.wef in the middle of the 
world on the bank of the river Weh DaltT, which is in the middle of the world, shining/white 1 , 

bright, like the rnoon^, whose height was 3 average reeds, and He created water and plants 3 to 

assist (the Bull), for in this Mixture(-state of the world), (the Bull) derives strength and 

growth from these. 

13a. Sixth He created Sayff[k]mard shining like Sun 4 , he was as high as the height of 4 

average reed, his width as his height on the bank of the river Dalt r, which is in the middle of 

the world, Gayffmard on the left side, the Bull on the right side, and their distance one from the 

other and their distance from the river DaltT was as much as their height; they had eyes, ears, 

tongues, distinguishing marks^; the distinguishing mark of GayOmard is this that men were 

bom from his seed in (his) likeness. 

13b. He created the repose-giving sleep*" to (his) assistance, for Ohrmazd created forth this 

sleep in the form of a 1 5 years old tall luminuous male, and He created GayOmard and the Bull 

from the earth, and from the light and the verdure of the sky 7 He created forth the sperm of men 
and cattle, as the sperm of both (groups) has it origin in fire, not in water, and He put it in the 
bodies of Gay a mard and the Bull in order that from it there might be the complete progress/ 
propagation of men and cattle. 



1 In some Iranian languages, and especially, In Armenian, "white" means also "shiring". 

2 On "bright like the moon". 

3 The context of "moon" (and "sun"), light, plants may suggest some comparison to certain Manichgean 
doctrines. 

4 Implicating that the second element of the woid x v ariSd was understood correctly by the Zandists' 
tradition. This. usage in the context of the First Han Gatfftklmard iney suggest that the same element, 
Set; In the name of another First Man, Yima XSaSta, Jams'e'd, could also understood as "shining". 
Note that the Bull is compared to the Moon, while the Han to the Sun. 

5 Note the similar, though problematic, sequence in Dk 9.21.19: dQsSmand [ku.SSn kalak hast] 

saiaxSmand F.k0.s"a~n sdiax hast) »d1d-x v 3n13nffmand. This additional striking parallel 
between Dk 9.Z1 and Bd 1 may suggest that both texts (dealing, r.a., with the First Man) were drawing 
upon common sources. 

6 So also AnHesaria 1956, 27; Zaehner 1955, 320: "sleep, the repose of the Creator*. Cf. Dk 9. 21.3. 

7 Compare Bailey 1974. 



119 



[TEXT II] Bd 1.53. (TD2 14.3-15.2; Zaehner 1955, 28Z, 317 [§§ 31-34])TD 2 14-15: 



... nazdlst [Ohrmazd] Wahman brehgnTd, ke.S rawagTh T dam T Ohrmazd azaS 
cad ... ; u.S Wahman az newag.rawtsmh T- getTg ros'mh nazdlst brehenTd, ke.S 
Den T wen T Mazdesnab abag bGd; en kd nan T b d3m rased ta FraSglrd a5 
danist; pas Ardwahlst, pas Sahrewar, pas Spandarmet, pas Hurdad ud pas 
Amurdad brehenTd; 7-om x v ad Ohrmazd, 8-om rasLgflwISnTh, 9-om SrOs T 
atilaw, 10-om tianeraspand, 11-om Nerydsang, IZ-om rad T buland RaewSlk] 
Berzait, 13-om Ras*n T ra"st, 14-om Mihr T frax v .goyod, 15-om Arslswang T 
weh, 16-om, parand, 17-om X^aa, 18-bm wad, 19-om DadestanomandTh. 20-om 
Paykar, pesemsnti, pasemanh ud AstTh T AbzenTgTti. 



120 



... first, [Ohrmazd] created Wahman, through whom the progress of Ohrmazd's creatioti 
occurs ... ; He first created Wahman from the goodly progress of material light, with wbom the 
Good Mazdayasnian Religion was; it means, he (Wahman) knew what will befall creation up to the 
Renovation; then Ardw aril st, then Sahrewar, then Spandarmet, then Hurdad, and then 
Amurdad; 7th, Ohrmazd Himself, 8th Truthful Speech, 9th Srffs" T ahlaw, 10th 
Maneraspand, 11th NerySsang, 12th the exalted ratuRaBwo" Berzait, 13thRasnthe 
Just, 14th Mihr of wide pastures, 15th the good ArSiswang, 16th, Parand, 17th Sleep. 18th 
wad (the Wind), 19th Lawfulness, 20th Quan-el, Prosecution, (legal) Defence and Peace of 
Bounty. 



fJEXT 111] Bd 19, TD2 123,11-129.11: 

abar clySnlhl x v ab 8 
l.pad Den gGwed kfl fradom x v 3b' pad dahlsn dad pad mard karb 15-sSlag 1 
sped deisr ud awS.z dSwan ahSgenTd ciyGn at) ud urwar ud gdspand ud 
razor, kof ud sa[n!g ud edaraz 10 cahaz 11 ...; ud fiamS ahegenTd ested ke.zaS 
gGhr andar gumext ested. 

2. han x v a"b 12 pad han asp karb 1 gusn 14- ayab 5 -sSlag az pas T 
*m3dagan^3 a w£ sawed ud awS.z az pas I mardoman rased az sanst T sar t3 
usnug, and cand drahnay pattayed kd 3ay3b4yaea aha walryfltk] az padlsar 
be gfiwed ne abag tan dad ce pad judayTh az tanTti pad Ewbar dad ce ka tan 
dad bad x v 3b 14 az pas bad. 

3. ka mardom wgg x v aoend kd 4 wecast drahnay adadlha, x v ab 15 pad hams 
mardom be rased, ka e"wag x v aoed, pad han T didTgar ested, ka hame" 
mardoman ne x v abend, pad tu[x]Say.karin kuncnd, han ested, ce *har 1 6 fcas 
pad x v es stT clysn x v 3b 17 hast. 



Bd 19a, TD2 129.11-129.14 

enoz gOwSd ku zamTg ud ab ud urwar ne tu[x]sayih ray ka bar daherid ud ne 
xuftagTh ud amardTh ray ka bar re dahend, cfi tutxlSayTh ud xurtagth ud 
amardTh pad mardam ud gdspand sardagan bawed. 



8 TD2: xwyb y. 

9 TD2:xwyh xwyb. 

TO The reading rs not sure. 

1 1 The reading in AnUesar'a 1 956, 1 64, is different. 

T2 TD2:xwyb y. 

13 KNB'n < *NKB_"n. 

14 TD2: xwyb y. 

1 5 TD2: xwyb y. 

16 ttDH. 

17 TD2: xwyb y. 



122 



On the Nature of Sleep 

1 . He says in the Avesta: "First He created Sleep in the creation, in the form of 3 1 5 years old 
male, with shining/bright eyes, and even him the demons have defiled, like water and plants and 
cattle and forests, mountains and stones and *here, too, *even the *wells, all remains defiled, 
for their/its substance became intermingled" 1 8 . 

2. This Sleep, in the equid form of a 4 or 5 years old stallion, goes after females, and he even 
reaches after males, from the top of the head to the knees, and he remains for as long as one can 
recite, from the beginning, 3 or 4 yaea ahu valrllds; he (Sleep) was not created with a 
body, for he was created at once separately from the body-aspect, for when the body was created, 
Sleep was behind it. 

3. Whenmen sleep for a period more than 4 wecast, it is unlawful; Sleep comes on all men; 
when one sleeps, (Sleep) stands In the other, when all men will not sleep, but (rather) will be 
diligent, it (Sleep) will stand, for every man has in his own being something like Sleep. 



Bd 19a 

This, too, He says: 'the earth, the water, the plants yield fruits not through deligence, and do not 
yield fruits not through sleepiness and impotence", for deligence, sleepiness and impotence exist 
in the species of humans and animals. 



IB Or: ... sa[n]g. ud edaraz ce.z hast ud ham? SWJgenTd ested ke.zaS gCTir andar 
gumSxt PstGCL "and stones. And even here, (everything) whatevere there is, all remains defiled, for 
their/its substance became intermingled". 



123 



[TEXT IV] Dk 9.32.7-10: 



7. ud enaz Kii wattar smah druwanded pad han T wen zohr pad gfJwlsn dewan 
yazed pad awSSan zGhr h3n T wattar winded padagn hanaz 1 Srang du5ax v . 

8. 5naz KQ aweSSn kSnTg dewan 19 ray a to 3g3hTh3 fradom gffwom ka mad 
hend S gSh5n ku rradom ka andar dwarlst h§nd asSn dadestan ciyOn bDd, 

9. 30satO[lOzim hSn T man gEhan bad ti§nd amarg azarman ZarduMst ka han 
T SmSh3 0-om satotklzlm be saxt badSpitaman e"g C han T man GayoTklmard 
h3n I deiwan dad x v ey fraz mad pad bes T han and zaman cand mard en 
gOwlSn fraz gffwSd T axVfjmandud radflmarid yaeaifcj aha[k] walryStk]. 
10. ud ka az han x v ey fraz bad asayag bQd kiJ tangTh andai; mad bOd u.m eg 20 
en gflwlSn Traz guft T ax v omand ud radOmand ud ka.m wastarsm guft bad Sg 
dew o torn *ortSd 21 hend. 



7. And this, too: "you are the worse wicked ones, you worship demons through this good zffhr- 
oblation, through (good) formulas, through them the zffhr-oblation obtains this worse reward" 
[and this one who is a, heretic - (his reward) is the hell], 

8. This, too, "I will tell thee first intelligibly about these envious demons, when the came to the 
world, Le., when the first rushed (daevically) in, how their affair was / how there became their 
judgement (law)". 

9. For 30 centuries those of this world of Mine were immortal, without old age, Zoroaster! 
When this 30th century of yours has passed, O Spita ma n! Then the sweat created by demons came 
onto My GayGmard, to harm him, (for) as much a time as one (needs) to recite this this yaea 
aha valrfl formula, which possesses (the qualities of) an ahuand a retu. 

1 0. And after he went forth from this sweat, he became shadowless, for the darkness came in, and 
then I uttered this formula, which possesses (the qualities of ) an ariu and a ratu, and when (the 
word) wastaram was uttered by Me, then the demons fell into the gloom. 



19 Cf. PY 3Z.3a: awfsan [dewan] kfnTg [wlnahkaran], "These [demons] envious ones 
[sinners]", similarly in PY 32.7a: awesan kenTg, "these envious ones". 

20 West 1892, 254. read here *Bwe"ri 

21 OkM: ZK PLWMyt; DkD: ZKPWNItt, 



124 
ITEXT V] PY 38.3: 

apo at yazamalde" mae"katiantT$ca habuualntTSca frauuazaryiG 
ahuranTs' ahurahlia hauuapanhJ. huparaesisca vl huufl'.yz'aeisca hOSnaerasca 
ubOibSla atlublia cagama. 

We worship the waters which are tasty and juicy, the AhuranTs which flow through the artful 
work of the Ahura. (We worship) you, (the waters) which provide good crossing, which flow 
well, and are good to swim in: a support for both existences 2 2 . 

The Pahlavi verion of Y 38.3 is as follows: 
3b edOn yazom mattafnt/ (passing T pad urwar abar ested maznThSI 
haenvuantf [garan tazlSn] hanaz rrauua~z\\ wJranTgl han T a/it/ra'flrf [armeSt 
ud cahTg ud abSnfgaz 3b anSmcistTg] atwrahlla~ [susr] nan T hauuapa^hg 
[me"5ag]. hu.wldargTh smah [aman dahSd kfl.man nam andar tan rawag bawad) 
hudaglh lars] ud huSnaysniglh [ku.mSn x v Sh az tan be 3y3d] h3n T andar har 
da ax v 3ri kamag [rdim 23 ]. 

Thus 1 worship the water maS'kaiotl [the exudation which is in plants 2 * as vapor], 
tia&buuantl [flowing from mountains], frauua~z\$[\& of rain], a/iurfnTs [still (water) 
and well-water, and also every kind of water, water indefinitely], a/tufafifia 
[semen] 2 5 /jaut/apagfialutine 2 -^], good passage (of) yours [(let you) give us, so may we have 
freshness in our bodies], *good disposition 27 [tears] 2 °, good bathing [may our sweet 2 " 
persipate from our bodies'], that which is desired in both existences [oil] 30 . 



22 Humbach&lchaporia1994, 57. 

23 ri'SH*. 

24 CF. Bd 11b (21): IS-om. han I azSr T hawan t urwarSn, "15th, (the fluid) which Is under the 
bark of plants". 

25 Cf. Bd lib (21): 5-om, Susr 1 gCspandan ud mardoman, "5th, the semen cattle and men". 

26 Cf, Bd 1 lb (21): 6-om, gffrr.Ez T gdspandan urJ marttomarv "6th, the urine of cattle and men", 

27 What I transcribe hudagTh, Dhabhar 1946, Glossar, 47, read it hvagJTkrh, "flowing fully", 
stating that the word is a mere transcription of hvSg2aea, i.e., huuOVyzael; AIW 1357 read similarly 
to my reading. The translation is fully conjectural. 

28 Cf. Bd 11b (21): 9-om, ars T gdspandan ud mardoman, "9th, the tears of cattle and men". 

29 Cf. Bd lib (21): 13-om, x v ey T gdspandan ud mardoman, "13th, the perspiration of cattle 
and men". 

30 Cf. Bd lib (21):ll-om. rojn T andar gospandan ud mardoman pad har do ax v 3n kamag. 
"11th, the oil in cattle and men, desired in both existences". 



I 25 

[TEXT Via] Y 44.5c: 

... K5 huua"p x v afnamca daL zaSmaca... 

"Which artisan (created) both sleep and waking?"^ 1 , 

the Pahlavi version of whjch as follows: 
Kg pad hu.ayabagTh x v 3b 3z dad ud zsnawandlh [tuMsagTh], 
"who, in good aquisition, created sleep/sweat and vigilance [diligence]?". 



[TEXT Vlb] DkM 852.8-1 7 33 : 

man dam dad Zardu[x]st pad Wahman andar gSh3n ka.m aweSan fraz dad 1 
purr purr.sardag 30 St5[k]z1m hSn T man da"m bad azarmari ud amarg 
Zardulxlst andar nan T 30 sta[k]z1m ne bad suy ud tiSn ud ne x v ey tan ud nB 
zenawandth ud nS zarman bQdan ne margin ud ne han 1 sard wad ud ne h3n T 
garm. amarg han T man gGhan bad hamag rain han 7 ahlawsn stl. e"g 
ahdgSnisn abar mad gehan T astomand T ahiayTh pas ai dadan x v ey ud 
zenawandTh azas" u.m dad rOz ud sab u.m pas dad us ud raplsp. 



I created creation, O Zoroaster!, through Wahman in the worid(s), when I created them, during 
3000 years this creation of Mine, full of all kinds, was excepted from old age and Immortal, O 
Zoroaster!, during 3000 years there was no hunger and thirst, and no sleep of the body and no 
vigilance, no old age and no death, and no cold wind and no hot (wind). This world of Mine was 
without death, all bright, this existence of the righteous. Then the fault came into the corporeal 
world of righteousness. After having created the sleep and the vigilance, I created then the day and 
the night, the dawn and the midday. 



31 Humbach and Ichaporia 1994, 67. 

3Z A variant (Ohabhar 1 949. 137 ilZl): x v ey, "sweat". 

33 Ok 9.37[0kM BS1. 21 -854.1 0]-s, according to the division by Mole: in West 1892 there is a lacuna; 

transcribed and translated in Mole 1967, 210-21 1 



126 



rjEXT VII] WZs 2.10 (Gignoux & Tafazzoli 1993, 36-7: 

pes' az fraz madan T 6 Gayo"[k]mard, hast clyfin 3 nay T ZarduIxlSt b313y bad 
rfisn bad ciy5n x v arggd, Ohrmazd x v e 34 bre"he"md pad mard Karb 1 15-saiag 
T rCsn 1 buland, u\s abar frestTd GayO[x]mard d.s x v s awls' burd andaz, 
drahnay cand yaea aha walryolk] Sw abar gflwThed, 

Before coming to GaySmard, whose height was as high as 3 Zoroaster's lances, and he was 
bright like Sun, Ohrmazd created Sleep in the body of a man, tali and bright, 1 5 years old, and 
He sent it upon Gayffmard and brought it upon him for as long as one can recite one yaea aha 
vairllo". 



34 Thus read by Giflnoux & Tafazzoli 1993, 36. 



127 

[TEXT VIII] Bd 4.20, 22-23 (TO2, 43.11-44.10): 

20. pes az madan T o G3w, Ohrmazd mang T be"5az ke hast banj 35 x v 3ned, 5 
S3w pad x v ardan d3d, pe"5 T casm be maUd, kCI wis az zanlSn bazag, v/lzand, 
dusramTh kam bawSd. pad ham zaman nlzar ud wemsr bddud pern be Sud, 
fraz widard. 



22. pe5 az madan T Gaydiklmard, Ohrmazd x v 3b abar 6ayC[kjmard fraz 
burd and cand drahnSy wecast Sw be gcwed, ke.s brehemd Ohrmazd nan X v ab 
pad mard tan T gu5n T 1 S-salag T r5sn T Duland. 

23. ka 6ayc[k]mard az x v at> Tr3z bad, dTd gehan tarTk clyon Sab, zamTg 
clySn sozan tTX [az dwarisn T xrarstaran] ne" pargad, spihr s gard15n, 
x v arsed ud ma"h 6 rawiSn estad pad tahamand gehan, az rarranisn'T Mazlgan 
dffwan ud koMsisn T abag axtaran. 



20. Before coming to the Bull, Ohrmazd gave to the Bull to eat the healing mang, which is what 
is called banj, rubbed it before (the Bull's) eyes, in order that the pain from the sin, hurm, 
injury occuring from the killing may diminish; (the Bull) immediately became feeble and ill, 
(his) 36 milk disappeared and he passed away. 

Z2. Before coming to Bay 5 mard, Ohrmazd brought upon 6ayffmard Sleep, for as long as one 
can recfte one wecast, for Ohrmazd created Sleep in the male body of a man, tail and blight, 
1 S years old. 

23. When 6ayd"mard awoke from his sleep, he saw the world dark as night, on the earth was not 
left free $pace even as much as the edge of a needle, owing to rushing of xrafstrss, the Sphere wa$ 
revolving, Sun and Moon were $et in motion in the world possessing a bottom, owing to roaring 
giant demons and (their) war with the Signs of the Zodiac. 



36 Supposing!;,-, the G3w/Buli was hermaphrodite. 



129 



DEXT IX] Wis 30.32 30, GignoiK & Tafazzoli 1990, 102-4: 

i 

... ka tan e"d/x v e"y 37 kuned gyan andar tan ruwSn beYGn ud bo"y mlyan T 
awesan paygambarlh kuned ... ud abdom ka tan wldered, ata[x]s\go"rTh ray ka 
az zamig be menflg sawed, fradom 3ta[x]s gumexted ud han s5 rOz T pas 
az marg pad nazdiklh I tan padag 6 kaibod T tan name nlgered, padsS grlyed 
ud ka sag ud way fraz sawend ud tan darre"n!d kamend, fraz tars§d ciySn 
owon mes az gurg ... . 

... when the body behaves thus/falls asleep^", the gyan-soul is in the body, but the ruwan- 
soul is outside (the body), and the bey-conscience acts as a messenger between them ... and 
finally, when the body passes away, because of its firely essence 39 , when it (bey) goes from 
earth to the mSnOg, first it mixes with the fire and these 3 days after the death it looks after the 
corpse of the body, guarding it in the vicinity and wailing on it, and when the dogs and the birds go 
wanting to tear (the body) out (the bo"y) is frightened like a sheep of a wolf ... . 



37 On two possibilities of reading, cf. Gignou* & TafazzoH 1990, 170, n. 32 (Tafazioli argued for 
* xwamnAwsw). 

38 Gignoux & Tafazzoli 1 993, 1 03: "quand le corps agit ainsi/s'endort". 

39 The semen of men and cattle is of firely nature, cf, Bd 1a.3. 



130 

APPENDIX II 

Sadwes ' 

Satauuaesa, an Avestan masculine deity and the opponent of AnahTta, the helper of the 
rain-producing TlsUrya (Yt 3.9, 1 3.43), became in Manichaeaism the feminine deity Sadwes, 
a counterpart of Neryffsang, identified with the Maiden of Light, qnygrwSn, cf. Boyce 1949- 
51 . In the Zoroastrian texts, she is the chieftain of the South, which is the benevolent direction 
for the Zoroastrians, but the evil direction for the Manichaaans. In Bd 5b.1 2 Sadwes is said to 
restrain tine planets Ohrmazd and Ana~nTd from doing harm, thus being an evidence to what 
extent the names of the planets became de-etymologized, and for this reason, Sadwe s is called 
beneficent. Sadw€s was closely associated withTistr, Sirius, cf. especially Bd Sb-14; in Bd. 
1 0.1 1 the star Sadwes is said to be connected by b a nd, "links", to the lake of the same name 40 . 

All the passages, except of the first and the last ones, were translated in MacKenzie 1 964; my 
translations differ on some points. 

GrBdTD2 27.1-3, Bd 2.4: 

dy<5n gBwSd kd Tlstr X v arassn spahbed Sadwes NSmrBz spahbed Wanand 
xvarefrsn spahbed Hafto[k]rlng Abaxtar spahbed... . 

As [the Avesta] says: T I St r is the chieftain of the East, sadwes is the chieftain of the South, 
Wanand is the chieftain of the West, Haftdring is the chieftain of the North... . 



40 We probably should compare these "links" to Manichsean kizne, cf. below. 



133 

TDZ S7.7-12; Bd Sb.12: 

Pad Dun ka Ebgad andar dwarlst, ewen jast ku Mihr ud Man T tamTg I* 

ham?} paymsnaojri abag rah 1 X v ar£ed ufl ttar, ray wtnah.tanu ns tuwan 
Kardan, ud Hartflrlng ud Sadwes az Ohrmazd ud AnahTd men nffragtar jast 
hend O.San Ohrmazd ud AnahTd az wtnan.kardan padTrantSnltd, ham.cim ray, 
axtar.amaran awesan ray pad kirbag.kar x v ane"nd... . 

In the beginning, when the Assault rustled inside, it happened in that manner that Mihr and ire 
Dark Moon could not make any harm, because of their [*mutual?] part with the charriot{s?) of 
Sun and Moon, and Haf taring (the Great Bear) and Sadwes (Fomalhaut?) were of greater 
power than Ohrmazd (Jupiter) and AnatiTd (Venus), and they restrained 44 Ohrmaid 
(Jupiter) and AnahTd (Venus) from doing harm, for this very reason, the astrologers call them 
beneficent.. 



TD2 58.9-12; Bd Sb.14: 

grjwed k0 AnahTd ab.cthrag ce.l hamffstar Sadwes ab.clhrag ud TTr wadTg 
gdwend, ce.*S hamSstar- Tis"tr ud wad T w3r3n kirdarSn. 

(The Avesta) says that AnahTd (Venus) is of a watery nature, for her opponent SadwSs 
(Fomalhaut?) is of a watery nature, and TTr (Mercury) they call airy, for he is the opponent of 
Tts'tr (Sirius) and Wa"d (Wind), producers of rain. 



TD2 B3.10-12, Bd 10.11: 

Band T War T SadwSs o Sadwes starag bast fst§d kS.s drayabTha T kust T 
Nemrflz andar panagTh ayOn ciyrjn HaftCrlng *rad *T kustag i AbSxtar andar 
panagTh. 

The connection of the Lk. Sadwes is attached to the star SadwSs, under whose protection 
are the seas of the .Southern side, just as *the river(s) *of the Northern side are under 
protection of Haf tfJT^ng (the Great Bear). 

44 Mackenzie 1964. 5 1 9 n. 44; Mackenzie 1971,63. 



134 
CHAPTER 111 

II 
APPENDIX ill 
[TEXT l]Y 31.5: 

tai mrjl vTddiiai vaoca hliat mfli a$a data vahllo 

vTdyue voha manarjha m5rjca daidiiai yehlia ma araSts 

tacTlmazda ahura ya noli va arjtiaL arjhaUT >j3. 

That tell me, to discsrn, what is assigned for me (as) the better (lot), in the af a-("realm of 

righteous bliss') 

to leam/know with good thought, to keep in mind, from Whom to me (shall come) the Right, 

these, Lord Wisdom, which are not to be, or are to be. 



[TEXT II] PY 31 .5: 

a. han d man wizard gSwe [ud rCs'nag grJwe k3 h3n mlzd clyBn o" x v e3 Sayed 
kardan] ke o man pad ahiayih [ka.m kar ud klrbag kard e"sted] dahlsn T weh 
(ku.m han mlzd l weh an dahlsn] 

b. ag3h.dahis*nTh T pad Wahman o man han dahe [ku.m han danagm pad 
frarCnTh be gawfl kg man [pad han T awe] han T O 1 Aris" [kil.m pad t\3n 
danagTh frarfjnlh passax v s Aris tuwan bawad dadan] 

c hanaz Ohrmazd ne" hast han T hast ray [gcwed] [k(f gaeanTgTh ray T hast 
gowrjd kO nest]. 

a. Tell me that diseemedly (and tel! me that dearly, namely, how one should appropriate this 
reward], he who should give me in good righteousness [when I have performed my duty and 
meritorious deed] [Ae, I should be given thus this good reward] 

b. the assignment of knowledge through Wahman is that which you should give 2 me 3 [i.e., 
announce to me this wisdom in virtuousnessl], which is mine [through it], this which is for 
Aris li.e„ ttiat through this virtuousness of wisdom it shall become possible to me to reply 
Aris] 

c. about these, too, OOnrmazd!, that exist and that do not exist [do sayl] [i.e.. do say, for sake of 
the G a eic knowledge, what does exist and what does not!]. 



1 For the reading, compare West 1 89Z, 246 n. 7. 

2 d aid Hai: "to see". 

3 An error mSnca means "in mind"! 



135 
fTEXT III] Dk 9.31.6-11; West 1892, 246-8; .§§7-8: . Zaehner.l 955, 31: 

6. ud abar drayfsn T Arls dew B Zardu[x]gt ud passax v T Zardu[x]st pad han 
1 ohrmazd andarz ud c§ andar ham dar clyonas Den gowSd kd.s a awe" guff. 
Arls dew KG "eg Franamam ZarduMst o han I dSwan hanjaman k§ tS ray 
MSTnend pad ham gSh3 5ab4rffz". 

7. pursTdas az awe ZardulxlSt kii; "Arlsam tirflz.tom ce.m pad han padasn 
hast hagarSmah pad gowisn yazam?". 

8. d.S B awe guft Arls T dewsn drfjz.tom ku: "tc padlxSSy baweh andar 
mardoman pad kSmag dahlSnTh andar ax v sn clyonat x v ad abayed ud ah5S 
bawe Spltaman". 

9. u.s az awe pursTd Zardu[x]st ku: "Aris T d€w3n droz.tom mardom ke.s 
smart yaSt hend padaz nan T zahag pus padaz han T pad hunsandTh x v ast jefi 
kd.s pad x v e$Th 1 smah dast clyfln kas az awesan ahoS?'. 

10. u.S han T awe ne guft was 3gahTh ArlS T dewSn droz.tom. 

H.guftaS Zardulx]5t ku: "awe horn awe dOSom kd awe x v ad horn ud cl5 1 awe 
kunom ud ha"n dad ud han afrTganTh Csmurom T hudSnSg rJhrmazd T kSmag 
ramenTdar". 



ITEXT IV] PY 31.14: 

a. han T har do az tc pursom ohrmazd ku" mad Kd rased 

b. ke aoarn dahed az dasaran az han awe T ahlaw [az hSn clycn abayed dad] 
cOhrmazd ke.z s druwandan dyen awSs'Sn h§nd hangirdTgih SdBn [e"n kd awe 
dadsstan ce awe dadestan eg 9m be gow!]. 



136 



6. And about the daevic chatter of the dew Arls to Zoroaster and the reply of Zoroaster by 
Ohrmazd's advice, and whatever on the same subject, as the Avesta tells, that the dew AriS 
said him: "Then Franamam 4 , Zoroaster, to this gathering of dews, who sit for you in the 
same place 3 nights and 4 days!". 

7. Zoroaster asked him: "0 AN5, the most deceitful to me, what reward would there be for me, if 
I worship you with sayings <ritual formulae)?". 

8. And Arls, the most deceitful of dews, said him: 'You will be powerful among men, through 
producing (your) will among the existences, just as it should be fitting you, and you would 
become immortal, 5p I tamanl" - 

9. And Zoroaster asked him: "0 Aris, the most deceitful of dSws, people who worship you, for 
the birth of a child, or for a whore sought for content, that they are in your possession, how can 
anyone of them be immortal?". 

1 0. And Aris, the most deceitful of d e ws, could not tell him, who was the most intelligent 

1 1 . Zoroaster said him: "I am His, and I love Him, i.e., I am His own and I do his affair, and I 
recite the law and the blessing of the wise Ohrmazd, the appeaser of desires!*. 



a. These two I ask you, Oh rm azd, about (things) that have come and will reach (us) 

b. who gives obligation from the gifts of this to the righteous [wherefrom it should be given], 

c. Ohrmazd, and who, too, to the wicked ones; how they are (about the time when) the 
consummation (takes place) [this judgment; J.e., tell me what is this judgment!]. 



4 Y1.23. 



136a 1 
[TEXT V] Dk 9.30, Ai.ta.vaxsiiS; DkM 828.15^831.5; DkS XVII,. 85-90;. West 1892, 241- 

245 z : 

1. hartom fragard At.ta.vaxsiia"/At.t3[k].waxse" az ffztSnffmandTh ud 
nlyaylSnGmandTh T den ud maner msnflg. ud e"naz kO mSnfig T Bzlsrv T awl 
humenTdSr^ T 3gal> T danag^ mard te"z abar gumSxted 0" nan 1 x v ar5ed rOSnth 

5 c 

S kamag hanjamTh ud urwahm D T Amahraspanda~n paywanded. 

2. abar wlzln T mardomSn k3m ud ran T mlzd pad wIzTnkarTh badan, 

3. ud abar andarz T o mardoman pad x v astan T nan gah ke" dagr pad kamag 
abar ma"n[d]lstan Sayed ud Osmurdan ud tiammo'xtan'' T D6n {T] Yazdan. 

4.^ ud az gswlfn T Zardu[xI5t abar draylstan T Aris" dffw mardomSn: 
"Ohrmazd ud Ahriman 2 brad t pad Swag aSkomlb] DGd hend, az awe"san 
Amanraspand e"w nan T wattar dOSTd pad han T ka.s Snasagan dewan.ezlSnTh 
guft ud en ku .pasMh gOspand dah§d 5 abaxtarTgan dSwan". 



1 TTie change in numeration of the following pages is the result of a serious computer problem which 
cannot be solved otherwise. The problem cccured Oft the latest stage of editing. 

2 Individual passages were edited and translated in: Schaeder 1930, 90-1F.-288-9] (1-5); Benvenlste 
1932-33, 209-11 (4-5); Wdengren 1938. 246 (7); Bailey 1943, 127 (7); Zaehner 1955, 429-31 
(829.1-5); Mole 1963. 203 (1), 204 (4-5), 334-5 (6-7); Shaked 1971, 92 (5). CF. ALSO 
Dannesteter 1 887, ZA i 221 n. 10; Blochet 1898, 28. 

3 Cf. PY 30.1c: k§ humenTdaY pad ahlayTh... 

4 PY 30.1a: edffn han T har dB gdwlSn x v Syl5n T Ohrma2d.dad [Ablstag ud Zand] k5.z 
3a3h Ikfl danaq a$ hfrbedestan Kuhlsnl "thus these are both, the (praiseful) saying and 
teaching, created by CThrmazd [Avesta and Zand], who, too, (is) intelligent [r'.e., the wise one is who 
knows to perform heTbetfs functions]", where e2lSnffmandTh ud nlyaylsnGmandfh (Dk) have 
gdwtSn xVaytsn as their equivalents in PY. Compare also PY 30.3b: kf stayisn T Ohrmazd ud 
yazisn T Wahman [kB.5 paydag h3n 1 Abistag ud Zand), "(to) whom (Is) praise of Ohrmazd 
and worship of Wahman [whom these Avesta and Zand are revealed]", where st2yl£n T Ohrmazd ud 
yailin T Wahman have d5n ud m3n9r (dCn = Ablstao, m3n6r - Zand) as their equivalents in 
Dk. 

5 Mole 1963, 203: k3mak-*huc'as T mTh. "a la beaute". 

S Taken from PY 30.1a: ke" humenTdar pad ahiavlh hanaz [k£ cli T frSriJn mene"d aS 
kirbag 7 yazlin men hawed] kS.San andar rasnTh pad wSniSn urwahmTh [ke'.s'an ka 
mfindq T vazlSn wffnffnd. eSan ramls'n hawsd], "One who Is good-thinking in righteousness, this, 
too [one who thinks virtuous things, the merit for his worship will be great), that they are in Light in 
visible delightfulness [when they see the "spirit* of worship, there will be peace/happiness for them]", 
where humenTdar stands for humazdra, pad ahlayTh stands for a^a, hanaz stands for yeca". 
Cf. Bd 1a.6. uritfa"hma"nTh, "Joy", produced for assistence of the Sky, ayarlh T asmSn. 

7 Cf. PY 30.2c: kQ pad han men k3r [pad passSxt T pad tan T pasffnl <S han T hammffxtiSn 
T am3h nlgSzSnd pSdaSn [kuVman CIS T frarCn hammdxtan ray padasn kunSm]., "(.e.. at 
this great work [at. the trial of the Final Bodyl they expose rewards for our teaching [i.e.. we give 
reward for teaching virtuous things]". 

8 Zaehner 1955, 429-430. 



136b 



■1. The seventh fragard At.ta.vaxsiia" (contains some) of the liturgical and praiseful 

character of the Religion (Avesta?) and of the menSg ("spirit") of the Man, Bra-. And this, 

too, that the me"nog of the worship (performed) by a good-thinking, intelligent and wise man is 

quickly mixed up with the light of the sun and attached to the completion of desire[s] 9 and joy[s] 
of the Bountiful Immortal Ones. 

2. About the existence of the human choice of will and the way to reward through (this) decision- 
making. 

3. And about the advice to people to seek that place in which it is possible to stay long in love and 
to study and teach the Religion of Gods. 

4. From the saying of Zoroaster concerning the daevic chatter of the demon AM £ to mankind: 
"Ohrmazd and Ahriman were two brothers in one womb. Of them an Amanraspand chose the worse 
inasmuch as his adherents preach the worship of demons and that they should offer cattle 1 ° (as 
sacrifice) to the demons of the planets"^ ^ . 



9 West 1 892, 241: "accomplishment of the wishes". 

10 The reading is by Zaehner. 8enventiste: pas3§, "henceforth" (desormais). 

11 Cf. Zaehner 1955, 429-430. 



136c 



5. ud abar drozanlh T AriS dew ud jud.bunTh T roan ud torn ud wShTh T han T 
rosn stTh pad wizen ud warst ud wadth 1 han T torn. 

6. "dranjrdan 12 T Gannag MenfJg kil han T wattar menls'n man hast, Spenag 
Mffnffgl nan T wattar gflwlSn, han r wattar kuntsn 13 , ha"n T tamlgtar hast 
wastarg T was stabr T duS-xIYtar 14 [kd and cand weS SawSnd tarTgtar] 

dusmat ud duShuxt ud duswarst roan hast x v ar1s"n; h3n awesa"n dfJsom kf 
andar han hast pad dusmat ud duShuxt ud dushuwarst. 



12 druxtan? West: "the grumbling of the Evil Spirit"; Sanjana: *dandTdan or *davyardan, 
comparing Avestan davata-; Hole 1963, 334-5: yByltan, "hurler". 

1 3 Cf, two notes later. 

14 Mole 1963, 334: duS-adartar. 



136d 

5. And on the deceit of the demon Arts, and the separate origin 1 5 of light and darkr-ess, and the 

goodness of the luminous being through choice and action, and the evil of the dark (being) 1 6 . 

6. The Stinking Spirit *yelled: "I am that of bad-thinking, Good Spirit! I am that of bad- 
speaking, that of bad-acting, what is darker and very coarse and of worse matter ' is my 
garment [J.e., so far as many go, (it becomes) darker]; bad thought, bad word and bad deed are my 
food; I love those who are inside that (bad dark matter) through (theirO bad thought, bad word 
and bad deed". 



15 Schaeder 1930, 91[-289], rendered Jud bunrn as "Dualitat". Note that Marii desiflnated his 

religion as bun .- 

IS Cf. Shaked1971, 92. 

17 West 189Z, Z42: "with lower comers"; Mo!s1963, 334-5: ["Le vetement le plus sombre, le plus 

violent,] le plus abject [est a rod"]. 



7. ud gurtan T otirmazd ..kfl .han.J. weh.meniSn man_hast,_ Gannag_menag!, han^ 

weh gflwiSn, han T well kunUn 1 " Ssman man hast wastarg 19 ke rradom fraz 

brienenTd-az han T getTgan 1 stT K€ pad han sa[n]g T abar harwisp sa(n]g 20 

be dad ested [ku-5 hamag gOhr z1 andar pesTd ested]; hffmat ud huxt <ud> 

huwars't man hast; x v arlSn awe§an daSom ke andar han hast pad htfmat ud 

huxt <ud> huwarst. 

a. ud enaz kO nff-3an rast be wizTdan dusgannag dew ne 22 haglrz rast be 

wizenend ke kamag han T AkoYnan. 

9. abar wTmSrenTdSn T dewSn han T mardoman ax v 3n pad freftanaz r 

mardoman az dewan freblSn ud madan T mardoman pad han T ax v ax u rh 

duSrawlsnTh 23 . 



18 Cf. PY 30.3b: menlSn ud gOwUn ud kunlSn han T har dS ke weh ud kC.z wad. tar (Bwag 
han T weh menTd ud guft ud kard ud ewag han wad.tar], "the way of thinking, the way of 
speaking, and the way of acting of the two, that of the better and the that of the evil [f.e., one thought 
and spoke and acted what Is good, but the other what Is worse]*. 

19 As Bailey 1943,122. las observed, this is a paraphrase of Y 30.5 with echoes of Yt 13.3. 

20 The Dk version here renders better Avestan xraof dls"ta-, "the hardest [stones]", used in Y 30.5b, 
that the PY does: a J am malnlluS spSntSto" y3 xraoidlstsng asSna vaste, ahiayTh mSnGg T 
abzffnTg [Ohrmazd ahiayTh dtrSTril Ka.2as hSn T saxt sa[n]g nlhuft [Ssmanaz pad ffd 
kar peraTnGn T gShan be kard ku tS ahiayTh rawag bawSd], The bountiful spirit of 
righteousness [Crhrma2d loved righteousness], while he, too, covered in hard stone [he also made sky in 
such a way around the world, that righteousness courd be current]*; AiW to xraofdls"ta- gives 
s a xt tum as the Pahlavi rendering, but this reading is not found in the variants of Dhabhar 1 949, 1 36. 
InBd la.6theSky issatdtobe x v an.ayen T hast gChr almast 1 nar (Zaehner 1955, 283, 307; cf. 

also Bailey 1943, 132), "of shining metal that is the substance of steel, maie" (Zzehner 1 955, 318), or 
"of shining steel, whose substance Is of male diamond", Anklesaha 1956, 23; on almfs ^AEdpoc, both 
"diamond" and "steel", cf. Bailey 1943, 133-4 [< Akkadian elmesu > Hebrew DallamrS, "flint", 
Arabic tialnahCfs, "firestone"]. Here we have three different renderings of Avestan xraoi'dls'ta-: 
salnlg T abar harwisp salnlg; saxt sa[n]g; x^an.aySn. 

21 gffhr here and In 8d la.6 go back to the same source, which cannot be PY 30.5b in its extant form. 

22 PY 30.6a: aweSan ne rast be wlzffnind .ke dewan hend cegSmsz efwl [ku dewan Ci5 T 
fraron nS kunendf gd ke.z aweJan freft [aweSanaz ke dewan freft estend rast az ne 
kunend], "those do not choose rightly, even a little, who are dews [i.e., the dews do not do virtuous 
things] and those, too, deceived by them [those, too, whom the dews deceived, do not do rightly, 
either] ". 

23 cf. PY 30.6c: eaon abag xsim fi ham dwartd hend d.san wemarenend ax v an T 
mardoman [ku ab3g xesm mardoman ahGgenend], "thus they daevically ran together with 
Wrath and they sicken men's vital force [i.e., they defile men togsther with Wrath]". 



136f 



■24, 



7- And Ohrmazd said: "I am that of good-thinking, O Stinking Spirit! I am that of good- 
speaking, that of good-acting, the sky is my garment, which (the sky) was created first of all the 
getTg things of the existence, which was made from stone superior to all stones [i.e., which is 
adorned with precious stones]; good thought, good word and good deed are my food; I love those who 
are inside that (good right matter) through good thought, good word and good deed". 

8. And this, too, that they cannot choose rightly, badry stinking dews', they never choose rightly 
whose will is that of Akdman. 

9. About dews' causing maladies tospeople's vital force, through the deceit of people by the 
dews' deception, the coming of people, through this (damaged) vital force, unto decadence of vital 
force / existence. 



24 Partly transcribed and translated in Widengnen 1 938, 246, and Bailey 1943, 1 27. 



136g 



10. ud rasenTdan T ffhrmazd. .daman.. bA?i3!^_.^-^-tyJ&.-M. d ._0_«n...dao3gTh..JJd 
abaz *pay[y]mThFstan 2s 7 padfs res" ud beS 5 dSwan ud x v ad3yTh abaz 5 
Ohrmazd ud mizd [T] Wahman 26 ud abestamT yazd3n darend; ud padlxSayTh 
pad frazarn mardom abar dew ud weh abar wattar ud ahlaw abar druwand; ud 
abar clyBrsTh T awesan T Frasglrd kirdar. 

11. ud enaz kti paydagTh: "awSs'an hend, SpitamSn Zardytxjst, ke" Frasglrd 
kunand andar ahrpan 27 girfxt 2 ** awesan h5nd ud zenSwand pad x v 3h15n T 
ahiayTh ud sabuk wang awesan hend ud abar pad menls'n ahiaylh ahlSyfnend 
els' 7 frarfJn 29 ". 

12. ke o aweSan abar h3n T stOd gdwlSn srQd Gsted kii pad Gaean guft SstSd 
kd'edfln abag kS 1 trj he"m [kii ts x v es tiem] aman en FraSglrd fcunlsn andar 
ax* an* 30 . 

13. ud abar tiamesag JianjamariShT Amahraspand abar kardan T tan T pasSn 31 . 



25 ptmyhstn; West 1892, 243 n. 5: "lakhvar petamT-hastano 1 (or petam-gastano*)", /.e., *aba"z 
payamThastan / "payamgastn, 

26 Cf. PY 30.8b: BdOn Ohrmazd ke a ts x v da"yTh as Wahman be dahed [mizd], "Thus, 
rjhrmazit it Is you to whom Watiman gives ruiership [reward]' 

Z7 Here ax v 3n /aha'Sn may mean something like "Archons", compare Mandean 'almayye", both 

"worlds, existences" and "evil aions". 

29 A mare recent form, Instead of the standard *w I rffx L 

29 Cf. the first gloss to PY 30.1 c: Ike" cis T fraYSn mened as klrbag T yaztln rtieh. hawed], 
"(one who thinks virtuous things, the merit for his worship will be great]". 

30 Actually, tn PV 30.9a it is said: edoT wz amah ke ts hern M to x v eS tiem aman] en 
Frasglrd kunlsn andar ax v an, "thus, too, we are those who you (are) [i.e.. we are yours own], 
to produce this Renovation in the existences". 

31 Cf. PY 30.9b: Ohrmaid han T hamSg hanJamanagTh barlsn 1 A5wahlSt [kiS.sian hameSag 
hanjaman abar tan T pasfn kunisn], "ChrmazrTs holding entire gathering of Aswahist [they 
always have gathering regarding the production of the Final Body]'. 



10. And the sending of ruiership and Avestan wisdom, by Chrmazd, for salvation 32 of the 
creatures, and delegating again and again", whereby wounds and harm 'were caused to the 
dews, and restoring of ruiership to Ohrmazd, and they possess the reward of Wahman and the 
support of Gods 34 ; and the sovereignty, in the end, of men over d 5ws, the good over the evil, and 
the righteous over the wicked; and afso about the. nature of those who are producing the 
Renovation. 

1 1. And this, too, that (there is) revealed: "They are those, Zoroaster Spitaman! who shall 

produce the Renovation, they have escaped among the afiu-lords^, they are vigilant^ " In seeking 
righteousness and gentle-voiced, and, as regards righteousness fn thought, they make righteous 
virtuous things". 

12. About those praised it is recited, i.e., it is said in the Gaeas: "Thus, we are with those who 
are yours [la., we are yours own], this Renovation in the existences must be produced by us". 

13. And about the perpetual gathering of the Bountiful Immortals regarding the production of the 
Final Body, 



32 Here bSza'gTh dearly means "the office", or "the function", of a *bffzag, "redeemer, one who 
preserves the creatures from the Assault". 

33 West 1 892, 243: "the recurrence of the mission", referring in n. 6 to the future Saviors. 

34 An ech of this passage could be seen perhaps in Dk 9. 35. 12: x v an£d ablstan 1 mardom az 
Yazdan aya"f t ray, "one calls far the boon of support (?) from God(s) for humans". 

35 West 1892, 243: "they have escaped among the existences". 

36 The context is so suggestive that one cannot not recall "trTn qaddTStn of Daniel 4.10,20 and the 
egregomi of the subsequent Enochic literature. 



■,/poq snomjwi e jo asoqi. UK 'Z68L W3« Zfr 



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f9£L 



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ou«auo. 'ue^im Jepue [pauap aq qiuoJBJJ ped S|3 1 wezej; pn] jseu qi6euEZEJj qoue 
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'pajjiuosjad i 6e JO EuuapuaJ pjepucis auj. BE 
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U| pue^ ||im ssauuunq siq uauw] paiE|iq(uuE aq |[!« [3P|ds 6up|uj)s aqj] jei| s^l [*P°3 l^uy am 
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[Goua^j 5euueg i] zpjp 1 a«E [uased i uej ped] uspijep ueq pea uppa :eqi - oe Ad 73 /E 



'ISEU, uioilfEd lfi/E[UE UIPEQE YL 

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" lfr P3AEzqe mEeuBZEJi s'n pauaui 
uojgjj 1 ueu 6E53UIEU P3JEP a xe 1 jemjsep ped usiuauj s-nx zeua pn -51 
■puajEP uiXepb a x ped uap pn pzeuuuo e>1 ' 0t 2eiS!U.eMesy 
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pusn uEjaME ax usjzjem uej 6bm3U j zeueu pn musoj paj 1 ueu puazoiuXed 
pn ,pyEds puauuaiHj uezpjp j UE4 1 ugziij 1 jepjuasxE** fq nx zeus >i 



!9El 



136k 



[TEXT VI] Y 31,18-19: 



Y31.1B 

ma.cfs at v3 draguuato" mgergsca gOsLa sasna'scS 
azT damanam vTsam sBieram dasiliam a dat 
dusltaca marakaeca aea TS sazdam snaieisa, 

Let no (adherent) of the deceitful one listen to your manthras and teaching. For he renders house, 
village, county, and land uninhabitable and mined. Teach them therefore with your weapon 4 ^. 

PY 31.18: 

ma kas edon az s"mah az awe" druwand mans a r n1y0[x]sa~d hammoxtisn 
[ku az ahlamffy AblstSg ud Zand ma nlyolxjsffd] 
ce andar nan dam wis susr deli dahfid 
dusrawlsnTii ud margin [han T ahlamoy) edon aweSan EahiamSySn r3y] 
saied sneh, 

Let no one thus among you listen On order) to learn the mSns a r(s) from this deceiver [i.e., 
do not listen Avesta and Zand from heretic] 

For in this creation 44 , village, semen 45 , land (he) renders 

misbehavior and death [this heretic], thus make (you) weapons (against) them [against the 
heretics]. 



43 Translation by Humbach & Ichaporia 1994, 37. 

44 dam may be a "learned ■Translation-transcription"' of the Avestan dama'nsm, and was translated 
accordingly ("maison") in Hole 1963, 216. 

45 If not a "learned "translation-transcription" of the Avestan sffteram, "county" (cf. the previous 
note), susr could be a mistranslation. Mole 1963, 216 rendered it according to the Avestan meaning 
("canton"). 



1361 
Y 31.19 

posts ys manta afam ahdrabis vTduul ahura 

arafuxdai vacagham hlzuuo" vasG 

eda 39r3 suxra mazda varjhau vldata ranliyl, 

The healer of existence, the knowing one who conceives truth, has listened (to your teaching). At 
will he is in control of his tongue for the sake of the correct uttering of the words, at the 
distribution of the balances in the good (way) with your red fire, Mazda Ahura 46 . 

PY31.19 

nlyoxstsnlh kg payman T ahiaylh padaS pad har ax v an edon agart Ohrmazd 
[kCf hSn ke payman J ahiaylh padas" ci§ T msnflg ud getTg d3n5d kardan] 

arsuxt gOwJSn awe 1 padlxSay LT abe bem] pad uzwan kamagenlsn [kd.S an 
gOwisn T rast T frarOn abaylstan be" barlSn] 

Sd T to" ata[x]s T suxr T Ohrmazd wizarlsn be dahed paykardaran [ku /k3 
bdxt ud eTaxt paydag be kunend], 

It must be listened to by one in whom there is the measure of righteousness that in both 
existences thus Ohrmazd is wise [i.e., one in whom there is the measure of righteousness, he 
will know to perform spiritual and wordly things] 

he is the master of the rightly spoken word [without fear] through controling (hrs) tongue 
[because this is how he must carry out the correct and righteous word] 

this red fire of Thine, of CThrmazd, wil! give the fighters the redemption [i.e., they will 
reveal (both) the saved and the condemned]. 



46 Translation by Humbadi 4 Ichaporfa 1 994, 37. 



136m 

[TEXT VII] Dk 9.31.22-24: 

22. ud andarz T mardoman abar pahrez T az pasTh T awf T ahlamdi riff 
nlyOxs"ldan gd nS x v astan 4 ^T azas YazdSn Abistag ud Zand, ud dusbarlSnTh 
ud spazgTh Ltd an.astln ud margTh ud bSm 1 az ahlamOYSn andar gShSn. 

23. ud andarz T denburdaran abar carag T ahlamOvan ce" snaxtan u.san sneh 
saxtan u<J daStari, kfl han T padlxSSy T abff be"m rast.gOwisnTh n1y3zagtar. 
ka.s Den T Crtirma2d ddsTd ega$ rast.gSwIsnYh ud abarTg ahiayTh kamag§nTd 
Ciawed. 

24. ud rasTdan T pad stOS pad passslxt ata[x]5 T abzSnTg B ayaTTh ud bOzagTh 
T ahlawSn ud sewan rawlsnTh awe fee mard T ahlawTrebed ud beSed ud mdan 
T druwandan xveg abaylstan kardan 6 dusaxv. 



47 Or x^astan. 



136n 



22. And the advice to men to abstain themselves from following that heretic, not to listen to him 
and not to learn 48 from him the Avesta and Zand of God(s). And (oecuring of) misconduct, 
slander, strife, death, fear in the world through heretics". 

23. And the advice to the faithful ones about knowing the ways of heretics and making and keeping 
weapons against them, for one who is authorized and fearless, is more fond of truthful speaking. 
When he loves the Religion of.ahrmazd, then he will be forced to truthful speaking and other 
righteousness. 

24. Also about the arrival to the assistance and salvation of the righteous, in the fourth morning 
after death, through preservation of the propitious fire; and the movements of the lamentation of 
him who deceives and vexes a righteous man, and leading the wicked by their own fitting deeds to 
Hell. 



4B Or. "to desire, to aquire*. 

49 Translated in West 1892, 250, and MolS 1963, 216-217. 



137 
CHAPTER III 

III 
APPENDIX I 
Biblical Quotes 

Mardan Farrax v son of atirmazddad, called by Zaehner "the only Zoroastrian 
philosopher", left after him a treatise,, one feature of which is a rationalistic (and hostile) 
exposition of other faiths. In the chapters dealing extensively with Jews {SGW 13-14) there are 
numerous quotations from the Jewish Bible and some intriguing references to Talmudic stories. 

The textual tradition is extremely poor, as SGW has reached us only in Pazand, i.e.. Middle 
Persian transcribed in Avestan letters, resulting in frequent corruptions which leave room to 
conjectures which are not necessarilly correct Because of the philosophical merits of the text, it 
was translated early into Sanskrit, which version is sometimes of use, enabling us to have a 
better understanding of the text Thus, it was perhaps through the anti-Jewish passages of SGW 
that some small portions of the Jewish Bible were first translated into Sanskrit 

The text was edited in Jamasp-Asana & West (1 887 j translated in West 1901; a valuable 
transcription and annotated translation is by de Menasce 1 947a, which still remains the standard 
source of reference; the "Jewish chapters" were translated in Darmesteter 1 B89; Neusner 
1963;,they were treated in West 1896, 106-7; Gray 1905 8.1906; Tavadia 1956,a_9Z-7; 
Shaked 1 990a; Gi k y SJtO 1 991 ; and by other scholars. 

One of the questions arising while checking the Biblical quotations provided by Mardan 

Farrax v in the ninth century CE is, what was his source? 

Was it a Jewish or a Christian Bible? Did he procure the translation's) by himself from the 
original language(s) or, did he resort to existing translation^)? 

If the answer to the second question is "yes", then was it in Middle Persian or was it, recalling 
the fact that he wrote in the ninth century, in Early New Persian? Was it derived from a copy 
used by Jews/Christians, or from a polemical treatise of his forerunner? (.Eg., we know that 
under Kawad and AntiSlrwan written treatises were presented to the King of Kings by various 
religious communities (cf. Crone 1991, 30); 



? 



138 
were the quotations provided from one of these treatises submitted by Jews/Christians to 
expose their faith for the authorities?). Arid was it in the Pahlavi script or in another system of 
writing? And, lastly, is it correct to project the situation of the ninth century CE (when we can 
be sure that there were Judaso-Persian texts of Biblical books) into the situation of the fifth- 
seventh centuries, i.e., can we state that what we find in SGW 1 3-1 4- are actually the remnants 
of a Sasanian Jewish Middle-Persian text? 1 Here ! edit anew some of the passages of SGW 13- 
1 4. which were earlier identified as Biblical quotations. The tent is given here in the "ideal" 
transcription based on that used by MacKenzie 1 967 & 1971, with some small variations; some 
of the emendations are mine, some were proposed by earlier scholars. The text begins: 



1 Some of these question were asked by Dannesteter 18B9, 5, but left unanswered. 



139 

13.1-2: did, abar hambasanTh ud "zeran.gOwlSnTri T naxusten niwfgaS Azad 

x v 3ne~nd O.s hamSgSn padas hamdadestan h§nd Ku Yazad pad x v e"s dast niblst 
5 MOse"[h] dad. ku dycn purr ffrang az har dusTh ud az was Ts andar nlhang 
Sw agahTh T smah ray e"dar paydagenCm. Gffwed pad bun T niwe"g ku fradom 
bud zamTg T *awe"r3n 2 ud *tuhTg 3 ud tarTklh *abar 4 ab T slyah ud waxs" T 
Yazad abar rGy I h3n 3b T slyati hame" *n1w32e'd. Pas Yazad guft ku: "bad 
rffSnTh!" 5 , ud bad rosmh. O.S *abe"r *newag *sariist han rOSmti. d.3 wizard 
rGSnTti rtfz ud t3rTkTh 5 Sab. u.s pas 6 rCz afrTd gSrian ud asman ud zamTg, 
ce" anflar 7-om rSz haspen ud 3s3n bGd,' pad han nam r3z nflnaz Juhodan roz T 
Sanbat *haspene"nd 6 . 



Z One of the most problematic words in the whole of the Jewslh chapters of SGW. The Pazand has aw 
xtFn, explained by Darmesteter as "le persan 6b khQn, Tie oO J'eaux crouprt - and translated as 'formant 
une lie aw eaux stagnant^'; emended by West to afim, "without form"; de Menasce: "3w-xCTn, le 
chaos"; Neusnen "darx water" (seeing here KHn(). My own solution: *[>]wyrn (*(a]wTr3n, hv), 
easily read as aw-xiJn 

3 Pazand tan, compared by de Menasce to (and read as) "np. tan, bauche", and rendered Tablme"; 
Neusner. tan, "unformed substance". I emend to *tuhrgj another possibility is to see tan as a 
corruption of *tom, "evil danVness", or of *t3r, which then must be taken as a hendiadys, tar ud 
tarTkTh. Vatican Pentateuch, cf. Paper 1 964-5, 269 has : w'yn zmyn bwd wyr'n wtwhy. 

4 AP i < *>pr. 

5 Compare SGW 1 3.86, 94: 035 Ud bOd, "be and it was". 

S Pazand: aspTmand. hasp-, "to rest, repose", cf. Henning 1933a (Verbum). 199 n.1; Boyce 1977. 
47; Tafazzoli? 1991, 199-200, compare also MacKenzie 1971, 43 (haspfn, "rest, repose" as a 
substantive, note the adjective use a few words above). It seems now that we xnow the genuine Pahlavi- 
Jewlsh word which used to render the Hebrew/Aramaic s*3ba£/sab.at (Hebrew original for haspfnuQ 
3san bad ts ££&3£ wayy1nap_e"5). Was the choice dictated by the phonetic similarity of hsgand 



140 
"Again, about the contradiction and .harmful statements of the fiiSscriptureZ,. which is.called.. 
by them A"z3d", and about which they have an unanimous opinion that God wrote it by His own 
hand and gave it to Moses. Since it is full of heresy of every (sort of) evilness, I will reveal to 
you some of the plenty of (evil) information that it contains. He says at the start of the book 9 
that in the begining the Earth was desolate and void and darkness on the Black Water 1 °, and the 
Spirit of God was blowing upon the face of the Black Water. The God said: "Let there be Light!", 
and there was Light And the fight seemed very good to Him. And He separated the Light [for the 
day] and the Darkness [for the night]. And He then created the work) and the heaven and the earth 
in six days, for on the seventh day He rested and took repose. And through this mystery 1 1 , even 
now the Jews rest on Sabbath. 



7 Most scholars are of the opinion that Genesis, the first book of the Pentateuch, Is meant here. Almost 
all the quotations found in this chapter are from Genesis. 

8 Rendered as svatantra, "free", by the Sanskrit version. Darmesteter 1 BB9, 5 and n. 2: "5aint- 
Ecriture, aJJt, persan Sztd, lltteralement libre et nobfe"; West 1901, 208: izSd, de Menasce 1947a, 
182-3: aiat, Ecriture, seeing In the extant Paiand text a false reading of "SraytSk 

(fe^iy J ?"_$*•• /e»tW fO"); Neusner 1963, 283 and n. 5, AWAT (Trying to explain it in a very 
sophisticated way as an Old Persian (1) translation of the word toTSh, as if from the Hebrew root for 
"to throw, to shoot", though the Hebrew name of the sacred Hook is formed from the the homonymous 
root "to teach"); Shaked 1930, 87-8 n. 4, tentatively: *SwS4 "generation"; J.R. Russell (oral 
comunicatlan), compared to Armenian hawatk', "faith"; GlkyG Its 1991, 37, 41 (cmp. p. 43, 
Addenda): "(Book of) Denvation"/ *AwwalTtS. I hope to publish my own study of the word in question 
in the future. The wprd occurs another time in SSW 14.80: "nakkTrSyih ud abaz dSdarr az en 
gSwifnas ray gCwis"n T Azad dastwar Sw *x v 3ha"d, "to repudiate and reject this talk of him 
(of the Jew, or of the Jewish God), let him (the cun'ous Zoroastrian) ask to talk to a dastwar (religious 
authority) of the Azad". 

9 Or, "in the original of the Writing". 

10 This notion appeal? in Handaism (using an Iranian loanword!) as mia slauia, cf. Darmesteter 1889, 
S n. 1; da Hanasce 1947a, 194; Jonas 19S3, 99; Drawer* Maeuch 1963, 265, 323. 

1 1 Or, "tor this reason", if one reads pad nan ham "ray. 



141 
Obviously, as has been noted by all students of this text, it is an abridged version of Genesis 1- 
2. Almost all the verses quoted were quoted exactly and according to the Jewish exegesis (note 
especially the case of the Sf GW. version (emended by me) of Gen 1.2, where Hebrew tflhfJ wab. 
Gha was rendered according to the traditional Jewish understanding, not according to the LXX). 
The special stress on that "He separated the Light [for the day] and the Darkness [for the night]" 
(while the Hebrew dictum is different) may indicate that it was important, from the point of view 

of the author of the Vorfageof the text before the eyes of MardSn Farrax v , to prove that the 
night, too, was supposed to be created by the Jewish God, at odds with the Zoroastrian view. This 
point makes it seem plausible that the Vorbge in question was a part of a Jewish treatise provided 
at the request of the Sasanian authorities. 

Another indication leading In the same direction is the use of ra"z (though the word can be read 
otherwise), "mystery", as the reason given why the Jews keep Sabbath. The use of this PahEavi 
word (borrowed in Hebrew and Aramaic from Iranian at a very early stage) in Zoroastrian texts 
was referred to in Shaked 1969a as reflecting some esoteric trends, so it may be plausible to 
suggest that using this word would have been seen by Jews exposing their religion to Zoroastrians 
as a sufficient explanation why they keep the Sabbath, a practice perceived by Zoroastrians as 
harmful to ge"ha"n abSdTh, "protection and promotion of the created world" 1 2. 



12 This Zoroastrian concept, in turn, probably made some impact on the Jewish idea of y)si Qbfl sel 
c 0Tdm (Sh. Shaked, orally), where ylssofeis a caique of one of the meanings of the Iranian a"o3d7h 
My friend Michael Sbneidsr called my attention to the fact that the expression ra"za" dssaboata occurs 
in Zohar and in Sabbath prayers; thagh the age of the Zohar texts is problematic, our expression jn S G w 
can be used here In the discussion, as it may reflect older usage. 



142 
The choice of the Iranian waxs to render the Hebrew ru" a r), "Spirit,- ghost,-etc; wind" was- 
drctated by the Zoroastrian terminology, in which waxs "(prophetic) speech", and its 
homonyms have important theological connotations ' , the stress is on creation by the word, and 
such a tradition should be connected to those of the Aramaic me" mr S of the TargiimTm, and of the 
Jewish Hellenistic Xojoc 1 + . Interestingly, the Jewish translator did not choose the Pahlavi wa"d, 

"wind", as the equivalent for the Hebrew ril a h (as was done in Christian Sogdian, 2prt wit). 
The reason was perhaps the fact that in the Zoroastrian tradition the notion of w Sd has a rather 
ambivalent character. 

It is significant that in the New Persian Jewish version, it is nevertheless bad, "wind", that 

translates the Hebrew ru a rj 1S , and I believe, this became possible only in an environment 
where Muslim notions, and not the Zoroastrian ones, were dominant 

There is an indication in the text of the passage from the Zoroastrian days' -counting to that 
existing in New Persian. It is not impossible that the change took place in the Late Sasanian 
epoch, earlier than the Muslim impact became possible, cf. SGW 13.101; 
cS gSwSnd kd.5 x v arsed r5z T caharom T x v ad caha'r.s'unbat dSd, "they say that 
16 Sun was created on the fourth day, i.e., in the fouth of the Sabbath (Wednesday)" [cf. Gen 



' 1.14-19]. 



Another SGW passage leads one to believe that some of the quotations derive from an inner 
Jewish text, as they would be seen offensive to Zoroastrian tenets (and are indeed ridiculed by 
Mardan farrax v ) Cf. SGW 14.5-8, which deserves a special analysis, as it entities one to 
suggest that there was a continuation from the Jewish Bible translations into Middle Persian up to 
New Persian. Here reference will be made to two important Judaic-Persian Torah MSs from the 
1 4th century, the Vatican and London Pentateuchs, both published by Paper. SGW 1 4.5-8 is as 
follows: 



1 3 On this. word, cf. de Menasce 1 947a, 7S. 

14 Cf. SGW 14.12: ud waxS dyffn rod 1 "arwand, "and His spirit like a rushing / valiant (in 
Pahlavi the name of a river) river" [Isaiah 30.28, warOhff kanahal Ssterj], compare Judaeo-Persian 

version published in de Lagarde 1884, 28: w'mr >wy cwn rwd syyr kwn=, with rn^h - *amr, 
"saying, order". 

15 Noted by Danttesteter 1889, 6 n. 2, who, however, thought that 'vakhsh est certamement une 
corruption orthographique du pehlvi pour vSt le vent". 



143 

_ .nan horn "AdCnay 1 kSn.x v ah ud ktJn.tfiz ud ken 1 haft 

*awa"dag 16 pad frazandan tozom, u.m *be"^ 7 ken nS framOsld, 

"lam Adonay who is vengeance-seeking and vengeance-repaying and I pay the vengeance of the 
seven generations through the children, and I never forgot (this) vengeance". 

Here ke"n.x v a"h ud kSn.tSz translates the Hebrew li naqa"m wasHliem (Deuteronomy 
32.35). It is not whithout interest for ths study that the verse was quoted in Romans 1 2.1 3 as "rf 
it read IT na~qSm >»wa 3a salle"m), and it is important to note that the quotation in SGW 
reflects the Massoretic text 

Vatican Pentateuch, cf. Paper 1 964-5, 1 06: 
dr pys man mwk s f*t wmn b J z twzm: 

London Pentateuch, cf . Paper 1 972, 1 84-5: 
mr J st kyn ng'h d=s"tn wkyn twxtn, 
where the second verbal root used is the same as in the SGW quotation. 

The Judaso-Persian texts here follow the Targums (qdmy pwr'nwtVdydy hy* nqmt J ); 
SGW quotation may be seen as derived from an unvocalized text: K naqqa~m was"all a~m, but a 
similarity is found in the so-called TargtJm .YarGs*almT: w J n> hw 3 d ms'lm . Compare also 
Nahuml.2:e"l qannS' wanflqemetc 

Ex. 20.5: 
ffl qannfl pfjqe"d <aw<Jn 'abflt c al banTm c al sille"s1m wa'al ribbe" c Tm 
Iss'Gns'ay, 

Vatican Pentateuch, cf. Paper 196S, 103 (not available in London Pentateuch): 
^■•■■•■■- ' 



16 Transcribed according to MacKenzLe 1971, 13. On this word cf. Shald 1988; in our SGW text the 
word was rightly conjectured by de Menasce in his edition (cf. also p. 202, contrary to I. 7); the 
objections made in Meusner 1963, 2SS, and n. 2£ (quoting de Menasce's w ffb3daa, "generation", as "de 
Menasce emends OBADAA to APATAK, descendents") cannot stand. 

17 The text has bun. i>and-^> are yety similar in the Pahlavi script. 



144 



xwd>y Kyn'wr c qwbt kwn' .gwn'h-pdr- t n- J b.r— pwsn J n "sy b n— >br — d'F'—^— shw-myn- 
w 3 Dr d s r> £h'rmyn bdwsmn d 3 r"n mn. 



Ex 34.7: 
puqefl tawfln 'SdOl <al banTm wa'al baney banTm c al sIliesTm wa'al 
ribbeTm, 

Vatican Pentateuch, cf. Paper 1965, 1ZS: 

l qwbt kwn> gwn'h pdr c n 'fcr pwsr'n w 3 br pwsr^n pwsr'n "gy'n 'br d J r° 
shwmyn w'br d'r= ch'rmyn. 

TTieendof the passage is problematic; it has been suggested that it translates wanaqqe~h 16* 
ynaqqeh from the beginning of Ex 34.7, which is itself very difficult. The TargOmTm's 
paraphrasing include notions of "I forgive those who repent and I punish those who do not", and 
the like, reflected also in Vatican Pentateuch, cF, Paper 1965, 125: 'mwrz' 'ncy b'Z 
grd"n b'wryt 1 J wy wn£y b'Z grd"n ny fcyz 3 kwn>. The Hebrew N Q Y was rendered 
here, with right, as both "to forgive" ('rawrz') and "to clear, make pure" (&yz> kwn'). I am 
moved bythis to suggest an emendation in the S'GW text, reading Q.m *be kSn ne" *fr3[zl * 
amurzld, "and I will never forgive (this) vengeance", though I do not know of any examples of 
the use off rS[z] with SmurzTdan 19 . 

L-- A genuine Judso-Pahlavi text (i'find.identifiable in SGW 1 4.33, where Gen 6.6 is quoted: 

wayylnnaiiasm YHWHkT '§sah »aet ha s ad3m ba 3 ara=s wayylL'asseb =ael HbbS): 

clySn en T gGwe"d ku *zarTge"n ta bQd u.s guft ku pas"£man horn pad kardan T 

mardoman pad zamlg, 

"As (the text) states that He became so sorrowfull until He said "I repent for making men in the 

earth"". 



IB An Aramaic word for "generation". 

19 Professor Snaked suggested, tentatively: u.m *pad kr?n ne" w 3murz5m, for **w nojn I 5 3 n*. 



145 
The London and Vatican Pentateuchs do not provide here anything interesting (as they, 
especially the London Pentateuch, contain mostly Arabic words, and follow closely the 
TargflmFm); but it is perhaps of interest that the Standard Persian Bible published by the 
British Bible Society reads ve xodavand pesTman Sod. 

SGW 14.19-20 is a quotation from Ps 95.10. Unfortunatefy, we have no old Judsrso-Persian 
translations of Psalms, but the Christian Pahlavi translation from Turfan does provide a parallel; 
West and de Menasce emended a scrabbled word asaraSara into * Israel an, but, as Neusner 
1963, 288 n. 24, notes, this is unnecessary, and his emendation to "generation" ( *3w£da$ , 
according to the Turfan version (pad h§n awa"d, "in this generation", Andreas & Barr 1 933, 
9), is better 

40 sal abar *aw3dag pad xeSm bad horn a.s guft ku *wly3ftag 20 .dtl hrjnd 

awadag, 

"40 years I was angry with (this) generation, and He says that the generation/race 21 is of 
perverted heart". 

The Hebrew text reads here: a arb3 c Tm sanati ] 3qut badcJOr wa">0mar c am trj'ey 

lenati hem. 

It is worth noting that here we have an indication that the quoted text was unrealized: u.s" 
guft ScCf renders Hebrew w'mr (MT: wa'Omar) which was understand as wS'Smar, "he 
said", or *w3>o"me"r, "(he is) saying" (or even wayyffmer, "He said"). 



20 Unfortunately, the word corresponding to *wiya"f tag was not preserved in the Turfan version, cf. 
Andreas & Barr 1933, 9, and Taf. 2 Bt. 2: ['arba'Jn SsnTn ma'ent IT bad3r3= Ha* wa'emrSi 
da=amm3 a hsw datS'e liobahsn], 40 SNT re'Skane' budam pad ZK awad >Pm gufts >YK 
ram s HWHno MNWSan ... due. 

21 Both renderings ara possible. 



146 
The "Jewish" chapters of SGW make reference to other Jewish Traditions, including those 
derived from the Talmud, Mtdrash, and other Biblical books, besides the much-read Pentateuch 
and Psahns. Only a couple of examples will be given here. Compare a clear reference to Isaiah 
37.36 in SGW 14.2ft Ku.S pad Swag sab 160,000 az gund T spSh T MSzandarTgan 
pad wad *margTh fjzad, "As He slew, with a bad death, in one night 160,000 people of the 
Ma"zandarian army"; the Sennacherib army is said to have counted 185,000 men. 

The impact of a Midrash or a glossed TargOm of the type of Pseudo-Jonathan could be seen in 
SGW 14.30 22 -31: ud nan jarfiw 600,000 mard Jud az zan ud rgdag 1 aburnay az 
*lsraeian andar wiySbSn Ozad, be do" mard f be r5st he"nd, "and on another 
occasion He s!ew 600,000 men besides women and young children of the Israelites in the desert, 
except two men who were righteous". 

ft is impossible to end without saying a few words about the quotations from the Christian texts 
found in SGW. Much more room was slotted in SGW (two "Jewish" chapters with their total of 
237 lines, as against one "Christian" chapter with Its 1 55 lines) to the anti-Jewish polemics, 
than to those directed against the Christians. Besides the quotations from the Jewish Bible 
referred to above, the text also contains numerous others. This is not the case with the quotations 
from the New Testament only a few are found (cf. de Menasce 1 947a, 223-4), and the Oid 
Testament quotations far outnumber those from the New Testament Another point of comparison 
is that while the most quoted Old Testament text is Genesis, then Exodus and Psatms, there are 1 1 
quotations from John and only 8 from the Synoptic Gospels, plus one from Romans. While the Old 
Testament quotations are, largely, exact and correct, most of the New Testamental ones are 

textually rather problematic, even the Lord's Prayer 23 (SGW 15.148-150). 



22 Cf. Bailey 1933-5,70. 

23 Cf. Casartelli 1900, 253-1. In the version of SGW it is a paraphrase of Mt 6.9,11,13: pidarsma~n 
pad asmSnbcuraat blawlad sahrlyarTh u,t e b[aw]3d kam pad iamTg clytfn pas asmsn 
lacuna man aeh n3n T rflzgaTTWacurra "ti.man ma nar gumlngarrh. Note rflzgaYTh for 
[HpTov fipxijv] tov enurfcnov, Syriac [lahroa"] dasunqSnan yawmanS, and guma~ngarTh for [eicj 
neipoopov/ nfsyffna". 



147 
CHAPTER III 

III 
APPENDIX II 
Fragan 

TD2 18.3-19.5, Bd la.6: 

nazdlst asman dad, rosn ud paydSg 1 , "1 aber d0r.*kansrag 2 , xayag.des 3 , 
x v an.anen T hast gOhr almasf*, nar^. u.s sar pad° B asar rdsn paywast; ij.s 
dam hams andarfln 7 1 asman be dad, hamban 8 humSnag *ay3b drubuSt *k<J.s' 9 
har abzar T pad ko'Ms'ts'n andar abayast, andarOn nlhSd ested, ay3b man 
[*hu]mansg, He har C15 andar maned. fragan *\ bun T asman candTh pahnSy 
Ts drahnay, candTh drahnJy *Ts 10 baiay, candTh bSlay Is zahysy, tiamOg 
handaz 11 "hu.fasar 12 ; warzwar humanag 13 menls'nomand, gowlsnomand, 
kunlsnOmand, 3g3h, abzOnTg, wizTdar, me"no"g T asman. fj.s padTrlft drang 
drubuStTh az Oannag nenffg, ltd abaz dwsristan ne hist, ctyffn gurd T 
artestar ke zreh paymoxt estffd, *ke 14 abe temThS az tarezar »bo"xt TS , 
mendg T asman asman Sdffn dared, d.s dad 5 ayarTh I asmSn UrwahmanTh, 
ce.s UrwahmanTh padaS, fraz orehenTd, ce" 16 nanaz andar gumezagTh, dam 
pad UrwahmanTh andar maned. 



1 pyt'kyh. 

2 AnWesaria 1956, 23: ayggTha,"of steel". 

3 xa~yag.d£5, "egg-shaped", etymologieally connected to *5vya-, "egg", and to v r», "bird" (Avestan 
yae a vf g ae*m. cf. Henning 1 954c), together with the reference to the shape of an d artf n, "inner part" 
of the sky, may rest on an old Avestan tradition (cf. Henning 1 954, and Bailey 1 971 , xxxviii & 1 27; 
compare Bailey 1943. 128 n. 3 fen p. 129]). 

4 On aimSs < d&ijimQ, both "diamond" and "steel", cf. Bailey 1943, 133-4 [< Akkadian elmesu > 
Hebrew iialiamTs*, "flint", Arabic halnabUs, "firestone"]. 

5 "5ky" is masculine In Iranian, and belongs to the realm of Che male yazata Sahrfwar. 

6 Bailey 1943, 140: be. 

7 Cf. the notetoxaTyag.de's. 

8 Bailey 1943, 140 and n. 1; '[like] a building"; Zaehner 1955, 318: '[like) a castle". Anklesaria 
1956. 23: "resembling] a bag", cf. MacKenzie 1971, 39: "skinbag". rf. also Draxt T AsffrTg42. 

9 MNWs". 

10 APS. 

11 Nvberg 1974. 151a: pargjn ... pahna~l 1 damTk; peraman Harburz, "H. Is a wa][ all around 
it". 

12 Zaehner 1955, 283, 307: "hupatsay. Or, is it connected to Hanichaean Middle Persian UbdaT, 
"crucified", in the sense "square" or the like? 

13 Anklesaria 1956, 22-3, read and translated the last 5 words as *hamo~g a.wiyabsn ud rasar 
ud razor humanag, "Is entirely like rhe desert, the chasm and tfie forest", which makes little sense. 

14 AYK. 

15 bwhiyt. 

16 MNW. 



148 



First, He created Die Sky, bright and manifest, with extremely remote boundaries, in the 
shape of an egg, of shining metal that is the substance of steel, mate 1 7 , whose top' " was 
connected to the Endless Light; His whole creation was created within the Sky, like a skin bag *or 
a fortress, wherein every implement/weapon needed for the battle is laid, or like a house, in 
which eveything remains/ts kept The foundation of the base of the Sky 1 9 : its width is equal to its 
length, its length is equal to its height, its height is equal to its depth 20 , wholly equal 2 1 . •well- 
constrained 22 ; like a husbandman, the m£no"g of the Sky is thinking, speaking, acting, knowing, 

bountiful, discriminating 23 . He accepted (the task of being in the function of) durable 
fortification against the Stinking Spirit, i.e., that he (the the mSnOg of the Sky) would not let 

him (the Stinking Spirit) to rush again; like a hero warrior 2 '', clad in his armor, saved without 
fear from the battle, so the the merffg of the Sky thus preserves the sky. And He created Joy/ 
Delight to assist the Sky, for He fashioned Joy/Delight for this purpose, for even now, in the 
mingled state, the creation remains in Joy/Delight 



17 Zaehner 1955, 318; Anklesaria 1956, 23: "of shining steel, whose substance is of male diamond". 
Cf. also Bailey 1943, 128, 132. Compare Sa"buhrag3n A r 17-18, MacKenzie 1979, 504-5: : ps 
xrdyShr yzd h'n ky nxwst =wy nr d'n, "then XradeSahr (the god of the world of wisdom) who 
first that male , creation...". 

18 Note how different It became In PROD 46.4. 

19 Bailey 1943, 135 (and Williams 1990, II, 206): "of the basic boundary of the sky [the width]"; 
Zaehner 19S5, 318; "the [buttom of the vault (reading parxan Ibunl of. Zaehner 19SS, 307)] of the 
sky's (width]"; Anklesaria 1956, 22-3: *park3n bun 1 Asman candal pahnay, "the prop of the 
base of the Sky, [-whose width..].". 

20 Zaehner 1955, 318: "depth"; Anklesaria 1956, 23; "capacity". The reading of this wortl, frequent 
In Bd, Is uncertain. My reading (but not the Interpretation) is closer to that of Zaehner 1955, 283, 361, 
and Nyberg 1974, 228a. in other cases in Bd, the word clearly belongs to the semantic field of "sire" 
(compare HarVwart 1938, 12; "stark"), not to that of "deep". 

21 Wiffiams 1990, II, 206. 

22 Zaehner 1955, 318: "the proportions are the same and fit exceeding well (?)". 

23 Perhaps accidently, these (she) qualities correspond (roughly) to the five Limbs of the Manictaean 
Manohmed ROsn (Reason, Hind, Intelligence, Thought, Understanding). 

24 Note that the mgno'g of the Sky was compared above with a husbandman; it seems that the third 
element of the comparison (as Is evident from the texts dealt with in the sub-chapter "Fire"), namely 
■priest", was omitted for some reason. 



149 
Bd 1 a.6 is to be compared to PRDD 46.4 2 5 , where Bailey 1 943, 1 35, saw some impact of the 
Aristotle's doctrine: 

0.3 nazdlst asman az sar be bretienTd 0.3 gGhr az *3bgfnag 26 T sped u.5 
pahnay ud balay rast il.s zahyay 27 T fragan hSn- and hast cand pahnay 1 * 
tuhTglh d.S wlnarlSn pad nar T ahlaw ud Dahman Afrln CI.s dastarTh T gStTg 
nest Ohrmazd abag dam ud dahlSn andar nlSTned. 

"And first He created the Sky from the head, and its substance is white 
♦crystal, and its width and height are equal. The depth of its foundation 2 " is as much as the 
breadth 29 of the emptiness 30 , and its management is by the righteous male and Dahman 
Ktnn, and there is no physical support for it 31 ; Ohrmazd- resides within (it) with the 
creatures and the creation". 

This passage forms a part of the so-called "Strange Account &f the World's Origin" (cf. 
Williams 1 985), whose microcosm/macrocosm speculation has some points that resemble the 
Manichsean view of the world as created from the parts of the demons' bodies. What combines both 
above-quoted Pahlavi passages is, f.a., the notion of fragan, "foundation". This word is absent 
from Manjchasan texts (as far as I know), but the De"nKard (Dk 3.200.B(7), cf. Jackson 1932, 
206-7, 214; Olsson 1991, 279, 282) uses it while discussing Manichaeaism: 



25 Edited in (also Tavadia 1931 {non vldi); partly transcribed and translated In Bailey 1943, 135; 
transcribed and translated in Zaehner 19SS, 361, 365; edited in Nyberg 1962, 92, Williams 1985; 
Williams 1 990, 1, 1 60-1 , II, 72, 206 (It is the last translation that was mainly adopted here). 

26 For the reading, cf. Bailey 1943, 133. Zaehner 1955, 361, 363, 365; xen, "aystal". 

27 Williams: zahth. 

28 Bailey 1943, 135: "boundary". 

29 Bailey, Ibid.: "width". 

30 Bailey, ibid.: "void". Zaehner 1955, 365, translated the whole phrase as: "and the depth of the 
surrounding wall is as great as the breadth of the Void". 

31 Contrary to the Hanichajan notion of Atlas. 



150 



§wag padlrag han T ahtaylh arastar Adurbad getTg bunlStag ray da§tan 
handarzenTd, druz xastag M3nT fragan pad stun T Kundag Druz ud nanaS 
bunistag drayTdan dawlst. 

Contrary to that which the restorer 0/ righteousness, Adurbad, declared, namely, to hold the 
world for the basic creation, the crippled demon nan X clamoured that the foundation was in the 
pillar of the demon Kundag; and that, he pretended, was the basic cosmic principle 3 z . 

Fragan, "foundation", could indeed have been mentioned in a tost Middle Persian Manichaean 
text, and taken from such a text by the compiler of the anti-Manichaean passage in Die; two 
suggestions could be made: 

1), the supposed Manichaean text mentioning f raga~n goes back to Mani himself or to his dose 
associates, and thus reflect a text of the 'proto-Bundahisn" type, to which the Manichaean author 
deliberately made a reference; 

2), the supposed Manichaean text mentioning rragan was of a much later date, and the notion of 
rragan was introduced into it, again, after the model of a known Zoroastnan text, in an 
secondary effort to provide a more "Zoroastnan" flavoring to the Manichaean writings. 

It is common knowledge that the descriptions of the Manichamn doctrine coming from the 
Middle Eastern West of the Earty Islamic period do not always provide the same picture of small 
details while compared with genuine Manichaean documents from Turfan 33 . [ think our Bd 
passage can explain the origin of a term in an-Nadrm's account This Arabic-writing author 
probably used a Persian (or, rather, an Arabic one derived from the Persian) version of 
Manichaean writings, extremely close to the terminology of the Zanck related to the Vorlageoi Sd 
1 a.6, for he stated that the name of the Mother of Living, who proceeded to the Border (rjad d = 
*wTmand) together with the Beloved of the Luminaries was Bahja/BahTJa (cf. FlQgel 1862, 
55.3, 88; Jackson 1932, 259; Dodge 1970, II, 780), "Joyfulness", which, no doubt, is 



32 My translation is close to thai or Jackson 1932, 207 ("to hold the world for an original creation"); 
Olsson 1991, 282; "to consider the material world as the basic cosmic principle". No doubt, under the 
■pillar" is meant "the Cohlmn of Glory/Praise", though its functions are different. 

33 On Bar-KOnay's material, cf . Sundemtann 1993b, 312. 



151 
. connected to UrwShmFh of our Bd passage, about which it is stated that even now the creatures 
(dam, r.e, the living) remain in Joy (UrwahmanTfi) to assist the Sky. 

These are the military aspects of the scene described in Bd la.6 that recall of the known 
descriptions of the Manichsan cosmogony. The menflg of the Sky, "clad in his armor like a 
warrior", defends the male sky against the Assault of the Evil, reminiscent, to a certain degree, Df 
the Manichaean First Man (Thrmlzd and his Five Resplendent Sons, whom he put on like armor 
(on armor and the Five elements, cf., e.g., Zaehner 1 955, 118); the male sky in the Zoroastrian 
version, fortified like a military camp (drubus'trh)^* recalls, at the same time, a *trap, for 
this seems tD be the meaning of ha mban, "skin bag", here 35 , lest the Stinking Spirit may rush 
again to defile the world. It could hardly be accidental that those who fight back the attack of Evil 
in both Zoroastrian and the Manichaean versions are the menflg of the starry Sky and the Beloved 
of Luminaries (on another stage); Joy (UrwahmanTh) was created, in the Zoroastrian version, 
to assist the Sky, and in the Manichaaan version of the events, Mother of Living and the First Man 
were evoked by the Father of Greatness to protect the Realm of Lights. 

I think this combined evidence is sufficient to suggest that the texts close to the Zoroastrian 
Zands referred to, especially, to the "proto-Bundahisn", were known to Mani and utilized by him 
while creating his own cosmogony. 



34 In Manichseism, too, the sun and the moon are somedmes called "the walled fortresses 11 , cf. Boyce 
1975, S. 

35 The "skin bag" was designed perhaps to catch into It the pewers of evil and to tie them up there, 
SahrlstanT (Cureton 1923, 184-16, cf. also laehner 1955, 434) speaks of .the world as of a "net" 
(Arabic sTabaka) for the Satan, which may reflect our "skin bag".- 



152 
' ■ CHAFTERJI ■_ 

h '• ' ■ »' 

APPENDIX 111 
Harat wa Marat 

The beginning of this commentary in the Wars tma"ns a r Nask version as summarized in Dk 
9.32, which is a very free paraphrase of PY 32, indicates that some possibly Manichsan 
teachings were known to the Zandrsts, who, not rejecting Monotheism outright, nevertheless 
Fiercely defended the idea that the forces of evil which punish transgressors are not Oh rmazd's 
agents. I think we cannot understand the fervor of Dk 9.32. 1 -3 unless we assume that what we 
find here is a result of the interaction of the traditional Zoroastrian exegesis with 'Western" 
traditions. The point of Dk 9.32 is polemical, and we are thus entitled to suppose that these 
polemics are aimed against some controversial teachings that the Zamfiste had in mind, while 
producing a commentary which strays far from the text which it was supposed to clarify. There 
can be little doubt that the heretical or openly antl-Zoroastrian teaching which this Pahlavi 
midrash was composed to repudiate were the texts close or belonging to the type of literature 
surviving in the form of the Jewish Books of Giants, in their different versions (Qumranic 
fragments, Enochic books, medievattegends 1 ). 

Some of Hani's compositions ultimately derived from these, as well as also, perhaps, from 
genuine non-'orthodox" Zoroastrian Zsnds or popular lore. The history of the Giants' literature 
■ in Semitic languages and its translations into the tongues of Manichasan and Christian traditions 
as a whole cannot, of course, be dealt with here. Nevertheless some remarks need to be made. 

According to the Koranic tradition (surah 2.96), the devils revealed sorcery to two angels, 
HSrQt wa Marat, in Babylon, where Harat wa MSrtrt were later suspended by the heels, as 
a punishment for their disobedience. According to another (Iranian) Islamic tradition, the couple 
was imprisoned and chained in a well in Mt D umb S w an d^ , having been thus cast in the rale of 
a double Aft Dahaka^. The Koranic text says 4 : 



1 Milik 1976, 335-9, believed that the medieval legends on Semhazay and «Az3'el represent a 
retroversion of fragments of Manichaean compositions, but cf. Greenfield & Stone 1979, 102. Cf. 
Stroumsa 1 984, 1 67, and now Reews 1 992, BB. 

2 Cf. Uttmann 1916; Jung 1926, 1 29-1 30; de Menasce 1947b. 

3 Cf. Russell 1987a, 361. 

4 It Is veiy Interesting that the Koranic stoiy about H3r8 1 wa-MSrfl t the seducers goes In the contest 
of the (255) "Satanfc Verses" (surah 2. 100). 



153 
"And they followed after that what the Satans called for, against the Kingdom of Salomon, but 
Salomon [himself) became not an unbeliever, but the Satans did; they taught men magic and all 
that was revealed to the Angels (dual) in Babylon, [those whose names are] Harat and Marat, 
and they [dual] did not teach anybody until they say [dual]: 'Behold, we are seduction and do not 
be an unbeliever!"; and they [men] learned from them [dual] that what devides between man and 
his neighbor, and they did not harm anybody but by God's permission, and they learned [from 
them] what does harm and does not benefit; and indeed they knew that this one who bought it, has 
no part in the future life; and if they only knew how much bad is that that they sold their souls 
for". 

The stand of the Koranic version here is problematic: on the one hand, this version conforms to 
the strictly Monotheistic view, in the vein of the first two chapters of Job (Harat and MarCTt 
did not harm anybody except by God's permission); on the other, the task of H3 ra t and MS ru" t is 
to be the seducers of Allah, tempting weak souls and urging them to turn to their own free choice: 
"We are seduction and do not be an unbeliever!". In Muhammad's Monotheistic view here, 
Saytan is, indeed, an agent of Allah. 

The DfnKard text lies, as a whole, within Zoroastrian lore - the Evil Powers punish those 
who deserve to be punished, but they do not do God's job, and their power to punish is not from 
Ohrmazd. In the Zoroastrian version, one has to discriminate between the functions of 
seduction and punishment Within the complicated dualistic Zoroastrian Weltanschauung, 
with its clearly monotheistic overtones, this sounds well, but in the strictly Monotheistic 
version of Koran 2. 95 one hears dissonant voices. 

As to the Koranic passage in question, it seems that it was a Semitic version, Jewish or 
Christian, or even Manictnean 5 , that influenced Muhammad. The Iranian names of the Evil 
Angels, Hirfft wa- Marat, and the Hesopotamian setting are among the most interesting 
features of the Koranic .account in this supposedly Semitic version the Evil Angels keep their 
Iranian names [which are not the names used in the Zoroastrian version], as a part of the 
demonization of the borrowed Zoroastrian angelolgy- 



5 For criticism, cf. now de Blois 1995. For a new evaluation of the possible Manichaean Impact on 
Muhammad, cf. now Simon 1998. 



154 
Ultimately, these are, of course, the names of the Zoroastrian Ama?a Spanta-s, 
Haurva tat and Amarotat 6 ; these two Yazatas are known also in Sogdian as hrwwt mrwwt, 
equated to Middle Persian '[mwrld'd hrwd'd 7 . As names of flower[s] 8 , they are weil known 

in Armenian and Kurdish 9 . : But why should two beneficent female Bountiful Immortals of the 
Zoroastrian tradition be cast in the role of Enoehic Fallen Angels? 

I believe there is no way to explain this paradox other than to assume that there was a 
Mesopotamian Syriac (ManichaeanT) version of the Enochic motif which Semitized Iranian lore in 
an antt-Zoroastrian vein. The word "seduction" (Arabic f 1 tna) used in this version has, in the 
Manichjean tradition, mostly encratic (anti-)sexual connotations, and is associated mostly with 
female seduction of males. The use of the earth-protecting Bountiful Immortals may reflect the 
Manichaean (theoretical) rejection of agriculture and serious limitations on permissible foods, 
with a special stress on some vegetables. 

The Iranian names were interpreted in a Semitic tongue (Syriac?) as *rarat a, <&ini=q 
"[evil] power" (compare Sahre"war, "Desirabale Power"), and *Ha"riJla", -cimncn, "evil 

thinking" (from HRR/HRHR) 10 (cf. Y 32.3, Akoman, "Evil Mind"). 

In Avestan, the names Haurvatat and AmaratSt are feminine, but in Western Middle 
Iranian there is no grammatical gender; in Syriac such abstract nouns are also feminine, but in 
Arabic they became masculine, normally falling within a pattern for loan words from Syriac 
feminine nouns lite ^ttn i- i N— . ^ctincoi that become masculine in Arabic. This is, in my opinion, 
how these male Fallen Angels of the Koran were conceived. 

In the later Islamic tradition, according to the 1 4th century anti-Muslim treatise of the 
Emperor John VI Kantakouzenos [monk Joasaph], the angels 'Aptfrt kol MopoYi were sent by God 
"to rule well and judge justly" (cf. Milik 1976, 110). 



6 Dum&zil 1945 reaffirmed the old view of do Ugarde about the Iranian origin of Ha"rQt wa-rtarflt, cf. 
alsoBausanl 1959, 141. 

7 Cf. Hennino 1940, 16. 

3 Each of the 33 Yazatas js supposed to have its own flower, cf. Modi 1937. 437. Cf. also Bd 16a. 1-2: 
enaz gflyffd kO har gul e Amahraspanfl e xvaS hast...ud susan Xordad, ud camba 
Amurdad [xve"s], "He also says that every Amahraspand has its awn flower... Xordjd has lily, 
and Amurdjd has camba as her own'; Anklesaria 1956, 152, left camba untranslated; New Persian 
Campa means "a kind of rice grown in Gilan". 

Q Kurdish xorud-mordud, cf. Dumezil 1926; Henning 19G5b, 251, n, 53; Russell 1987a, 375-390. 
10 An Aramaic dialect of the type of Mandaic can he an intermediary as well. In Mandaic (Drawer & 
Macuch 1963, 127a), fianits, though from Semitic HRR and unconnected to the original *HRR, means 
'"freedom" > "licence, prostitution". 



155 

It is clear that the pair was seen by Christians as if perceived by Muhammedans as angels (as 
their Zoroastrian namesakes in fact are), rather than as oemons. Alongside wfrji the form 'ApoS* 
Kon. Mnpiin;, another